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Academic literature on the topic 'Inherent telicity'
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Journal articles on the topic "Inherent telicity"
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DEPRAETERE, ILSE, and SUSAN REED. "The present perfect progressive: constraints on its use with numerical object NPs." English Language and Linguistics 4, no. 1 (May 2000): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674300000150.
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This paper tries to reveal the constraints on the use of the present perfect progressive (PPP) in combination with numerical object NPs. Existing accounts tend to take situation type classes as a basis for the description of the PPP. It is shown that such an approach does not yield adequate results. (Un)boundedness (Declerck, 1991; Depraetere, 1995) plays an equally important role as (a)telicity in determining whether the progressive can be used or not. (Un)boundedness, as opposed to (a)telicity, is concerned with actual terminal points (of situations referred to) rather than potential (inherent) endpoints. It will be shown in this paper that, in some cases, the conflict between the unboundedness inherent in the progressive form and the boundedness often brought about by numerical object NPs that are used in nonstative sentences results in unacceptability. Considerable attention is first paid to the constraints on the use of the past progressive with numerical object NPs. The second part of the paper focuses on the PPP: apart from (un)boundedness and (a)telicity, the type of perfect and our knowledge of the world also play their part in determining whether or not the PPP is acceptable in sentences with a numerical object NP.
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Gavruseva, Elena. "Root infinitives in child second language English: an aspectual features account." Second Language Research 20, no. 4 (October 2004): 335–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0267658304sr244oa.
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This article examines the emergence of finiteness in early second language (L2) English of five consecutive bilinguals (ages 6 to 9). The departure point is Gavruseva’s (2002; 2003) proposal that nonfinite root predicates result from the underspecification of syntactic aspectual heads at the initial state S0. Gavruseva’s ‘underspecification of AspP’ account is developed further by examining the feature contents of aspectual projections in English from a crosslinguistic perspective. It is argued that English, in contrast to Russian and French, lacks the genuine imperfective and perfective morphemes and so makes use of a greater variety of aspectual features (e.g., intrinsic and compositional telicity features, inter alia). It is also proposed that an English verb’s telicity semantics defines its aspectual class and predicts its finiteness status in children’s early grammar. An advantage of the ‘aspectual features account’ is that it explains why statives (inherent atelics) and punctual eventives (inherent telics) show much higher finiteness rates than nonpunctual eventives (an aspectual class defined by a compositional telicity feature) in the child L2 data. Other approaches to the root infinitive phenomenon such as the Truncation Hypothesis (Rizzi 1993=94) and the Morphological Deficit Hypothesis (Haznedar and Schwartz, 1997; Lardiere, 1998; Prévost and White, 2000) cannot explain these finiteness patterns.
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Cahyani, Ida. "SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS INTERFACE ANALYSIS ON VERB TELICITY IN ENGLISH SENTENCE." CLLiENT (Culture, Literature, Linguistics, and English Teaching) 1, no. 02 (November 30, 2019): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.32699/cllient.v1i02.951.
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As the core of a sentence, a verb can be analysed using syntax and semantic interface based on the verb situation type. One aspect in the verb situation is telicity which shows the process shown by the verb whether involve a bounded activity or unbounded activity with inherent endpoint. This paper analyzes the verbs telicity based on the verb classes proposed by Vendler (1967) namely achievement, accomplishment, activites and states. The aim of the analysis is to find the semantic feature of a verb using syntax and semantics interface. The data in form of sentences were taken from Hemingway’ short story The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber. The analysis employs descriptive qualitative method using observation technique. The data was presented in both formal and informal method. The results show that ity can be analysed both syntactically and semantically. Accomplishment and achievement verbs are while activities and state verbs are a.
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Gavruseva, Elena. "L2 root infinitives uprooted and revisited." EUROSLA Yearbook 3 (August 28, 2003): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.3.06gav.
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Recent work on child L2 acquisition of English demonstrates that root infinitives (RIs) abound in early language (Gavruseva and Lardière 1996, Haznedar and Schwarz 1997). This paper aims to show that current approaches to RIs (Rizzi 1993/94, Prévost and White 2000) fail to account for the correlations between a predicate’s Aktionsart and its finiteness status. For example, it is shown that statives and punctual eventives are quite consistently finite, whereas non-punctual eventives are ‘optionally’ finite in the L2 data from five children (mean age 7;5). An alternative account of the RI effect is developed, suggesting that verbs in the English lexicon are specified either for an inherent telicity feature or a compositional telicity feature and that the respective features are checked in the aspectual projections with different properties. The central assumption is that syntactic aspectual features are underspecified in early child L2 syntax. The child L2 data are shown to be consistent with this hypothesis.
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Rastelli, Stefano, and Mirta Vernice. "Developing actional competence and the building blocks of telicity in L2 Italian." iral 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iral-2013-0003.
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Abstract The Aspect Hypothesis assumes that – in early interlanguages – the perfective past spreads from telic to atelic verbs because events occuring in the past are easier to be associated with predicates having an inherent endpoint in their lexico-conceptual representation. In this study it is questioned whether for initial L2ers knowing the general meaning of a verb entails knowing also its actional template and that learners have innate principles that drive them to distinguish telic and atelic verbs from scratch. Data from our experiment of prompted narrative suggest that L1 English, L2 Italian tutored learners – although having knowledge of some telic verbs of motion – prefer to use the underspecified <italic>andare</italic> `go' and to build telicity compositionally. The overuse of most frequent and “basic verbs” and the promotion of adjuncts to the rank of real arguments is a challenge for both the Aspect Hypothesis and the parametric view to the acquisition of the tense-aspect system in a second language.
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Haznedar, Belma. "The acquisition of tense—aspect in child second language English." Second Language Research 23, no. 4 (October 2007): 383–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658307080330.
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The aim of this article is two-fold: to test the Aspect Hypothesis, according to which the early use of tense—aspect morphology patterns by semantic/aspectual features of verbs, and Tense is initially defective (e.g. Antinucci and Miller, 1976; Bloom et al., 1980; Andersen and Shirai, 1994; 1996; Robison, 1995; Shirai and Andersen, 1995; Bardovi-Harlig, 1998; Shirai, 1998); and to test Gavruseva's aspectual features account, according to which inherent aspectual properties of the verbs such as telicity and punctuality determine which verbs will be non-finite and which verbs will not (Gavruseva, 2002; 2003; 2004) in child L2 acquisition. Based on longitudinal data from a Turkish child second language (L2) learner of English, we present counter evidence for both hypotheses. First, it is shown that despite the fact that the early production of past tense morphology occurs exclusively with punctual predicates, data from copula be, auxiliary do and pronominal subjects do not show any evidence for defective tense. Second, contrary to what is predicted in Gavruseva's hypothesis, the rate of uninflected punctual verbs is much higher than that of uninflected non-punctual verbs in the child L2 grammar.
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Walková, Milada. "Vzťah Prefixácie, Vidu a Valencie." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 65, no. 2 (March 1, 2015): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jazcas-2015-0002.
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Abstract Literature has pointed out to the existence of two kinds of aspectual prefixes in Slavic languages - external or superlexical and internal or lexical - which differ in the ability to mark telicity and alter argument structure. The study discusses the two kinds of prefixes in Slovak on the basis of scalarity underlying telicity. External prefixes are nonscalar, they express an event is bounded in time but not inherently delimited. They are ±telic and they do not alter argument structure. In contrast, internal prefixes are scalar, because they refer to a scale that measures the event. They are +telic because they denote a boundary on the scale. They can alter argument structure because the event participant measured by a scale must be obligatorily realized as subject or direct object. There are three cases of argument structure alternation: 1. an optionally transitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb, 2. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily transitive prefixed verb with unselected direct object, 3. an intransitive verb becomes an obligatorily reflexive prefixed verb with unselected reflexive marker sa, which I consider a kind of direct object.
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Henderson, Robert. "Quantizing scalar change." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2674.
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This paper provides a new analysis of N-BY-N adverbials that captures their previously unrecognized close connection to verbs of scalar change. After providing a series of arguments that N-BY-N modification requires the VP to provide a scalar interval it can measure, we use this as novel evidence that incremental theme verbs, as well as inherently directed motion and change of state verbs, must make reference to scales. The analysis thus supports a unified scalar account of verbs of variable telicity (e.g., Hay, Kennedy & Levin 1999; Kennedy & Levin 2008; Kennedy 2012). Finally, we show that our analysis avoids empirical problems for previous approaches to these adverbials in both English (Beck & von Stechow 2007; Brasoveanu & Henderson 2009) and Russian (Braginsky & Rothstein 2008).
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Leal, António, Fátima Oliveira, and Purificação Silvano. "Verbos de movimento e preposições direcionais." Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, no. 3 (September 29, 2017): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln3ano2017a8.
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The main objective of this paper is to study the semantics of verbs of inherently directed motion (Levin, 1993) ir (‘go’) and vir (‘come’) combined with prepositional phrases with the thematic role of Goal, headed by the prepositions para (‘to) and até (‘to’) in European Portuguese. The data from our news-based-corpus reveals that both prepositions can occur with motion verbs without any apparent restrictions and introduce complements of the verbs ir and vir, although they carry slightly different interpretations: with para, there is a reading that the entity that undergoes movement remains longer in destination than with até. When these prepositions occur within predications that describe non-physical movement, the restrictions increase. The contribution of these prepositions to the determination of the aspectual profile of predications that represent events of movement, namely telicity, poses some theoretical problems, which will also be addressed. This paper puts forward some hypotheses of explanation of the data to be developed in future work.
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Henderson, Robert. "Quantizing scalar change." Semantics and Linguistic Theory, April 3, 2015, 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v0i0.2674.
Full textAbstract:
This paper provides a new analysis of N-BY-N adverbials that captures their previously unrecognized close connection to verbs of scalar change. After providing a series of arguments that N-BY-N modification requires the VP to provide a scalar interval it can measure, we use this as novel evidence that incremental theme verbs, as well as inherently directed motion and change of state verbs, must make reference to scales. The analysis thus supports a unified scalar account of verbs of variable telicity (e.g., Hay, Kennedy & Levin 1999; Kennedy & Levin 2008; Kennedy 2012). Finally, we show that our analysis avoids empirical problems for previous approaches to these adverbials in both English (Beck & von Stechow 2007; Brasoveanu & Henderson 2009) and Russian (Braginsky & Rothstein 2008).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Inherent telicity"
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Vaníková, Martina. "Prefix ex- u latinských sloves a jeho aspektová funkce." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-409111.
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Prefix ex- u latinských sloves a jeho aspektová funkce Latin Verbal Prefix ex- in Regard of Aspect - disertační práce - Mgr. Martina Vaníková Summary The proposed thesis titled Latin Verbal Prefix ex- in Regard of Aspect is a pilot study that deals with the ways of expressing aspect in Latin, which is based on the detailed analysis of the functions of the verbal prefix ex- as one of the important components of this category. It also tries to find the method for the future research on the matter. In the theoretical part of the thesis the author gives summary of existing theories on aspect in general, with special attention given to the theories on aspect in the Czech and Latin language. The author defines the terms "aspect", "Aktionsart" and "situation type" at great length, and she particularly sets light to the term "telicity", distinguishing the "inherent telicity" from "maximizing". The practical part consist of: 1. a detailed analysis of all the occurrences of the indicative imperfect of the verbs with the prefix ex- from the corpus, which comprises of all well-preserved Latin texts from Plautus to Cicero; 2. an analysis of the indicative future and present tense forms of the selected verbs with the prefix ex-. Based on the analysis of the imperfect, the author verifies her hypothesis that the prefix...