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Journal articles on the topic 'Inscription, Latin'
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1
Andreeva, Sofia, Artem Fedorchuk, and Michael Nosonovsky. "Revisiting Epigraphic Evidence of the Oldest Synagogue in Morocco in Volubilis." Arts 8, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040127.
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Volubilis was a Roman city located at the southwest extremity of the Roman Empire in modern-day Morocco. Several Jewish gravestone inscriptions in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, likely from the 3rd century CE, have been found there. One of them belongs to “Protopolites Kaikilianos, the head of a Jewish congregation (synagogue)”, and it indicates the presence of a relatively big Jewish community in the city. The Hebrew inscription of “Matrona, daughter of Rabbi Yehuda” is unique occurrence of using the Hebrew language in such a remote region. The Latin inscription belongs to “Antonii Sabbatrai”, likely a Jew. In addition, two lamps decorated with menorahs, one from bronze and one from clay, were found in Volubilis. In nearby Chellah, a Jewish inscription in Greek was also discovered. We revisit these inscriptions including their language, spelling mistakes, and their interpretations. We relate epigraphic sources to archaeological evidence and discuss a possible location of the synagogue in this remote city, which was the first synagogue in Morocco.
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Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin. "From Capital to Colony: Five New Inscriptions from Roman Crete." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 385–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021365.
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This article present and contextualises five new inscriptions from central Crete: one from the hinterland of Gortyn, two from Knossos, and two more in all likelihood from Knossos. Internal geographical mobility from Gortyn to Knossos is illustrated by a Greek inscription from the hinterland of Gortyn. The Knossian inscriptions add new evidence for the local affairs of the Roman colony. A funerary or honorary inscription and two religious dedications – all three in Latin – give rise to new points concerning the well-attested link between Knossos and Campania. The colony's population included people, many of Campanian origin, who were already established in Crete, as well as families displaced from southern Italy in the great post-Actium settlement. The two religious dedications shed light on the city's religious practice, including a newly revealed cult of Castor, and further evidence for worship of the Egyptian gods. Oddest of all, a Greek inscription on a Doric epistyle names Trajan or Hadrian. These four inscriptions are then set into the context of linguistic choice at the colony. Epigraphic and numismatic evidence for the use of Latin and Greek in the life of the colony is analyzed on the basis of the available inscriptions, listed by category and date in an appendix.
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Sinha, Tanusri. "REFLECTION OF MUSIC & DANCE IN ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTION." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 9, no. 4 (May 6, 2021): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v9.i4.2021.3875.
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The word ‘inscription’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Inscripto’ which means something that is inscribed or engraved. It was engraved on clay (terracotta), stone pillars, copper plates, walls of temples, caves, and on the surface of much other metal and also even palm leaves. Very often we’ve seen it on coins and seals. It consists of important texts or symbols that reveal crucial information and evidence of ancient kings and their empires. Music is the soul of Indian culture. Indian music has an affluent tradition with its root in Vedic time. It is said that Indian music owes its origin to the Sāma Veda. The Vedic hymns were chanted with a particular pitch and accent which are used in religious work. Dance in India also has a rich and vital tradition since the beginning of our civilization. Dances of Indi were to give symbolic expressions which are also enlightened to religious ideas. Ancient Inscriptions, Engraving of Inscription, Music, Dance, Epigraphical Evidence.
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Papanikolaou, Dimitrios. "Notes on a Gladiatorial Inscription from Plotinopolis." Tekmeria 14 (May 13, 2019): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.20419.
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The paper is concerned with a new gladiatorial tombstone from Plotinopolis. The paper raises serious doubts on the text of the inscription offered by itsinitial editor (Tsoka 2015); it also pinpoints towards Sharankov’s proposal(Année Épigraphique 2014 [2017] no. 1165, 493) as the only viable solution forthe text of the inscription, citing also unnoticed parallel passages from ancientGreek inscriptions and texts as evidence substantiating the new reading of the stone (see nn. 7-9). The paper expresses also disagreement over Tsoka’s assertion that thewords λοῦδοι and Μάτερνος of the inscription are mere transcriptions into Greek letters of the Latin words ludi, Maternus – and that the name Μάτερνοςimplies Romanisation. It is argued that the Latin-derived name of a gladiator ghting in the Eastern (Greek-speaking) side of the Roman Empire is not a safe marker of Romanisation. This is demonstrated by the epigraphical evidenceattesting to the habit of Greek-speaking gladiators to adopt professionalpseudonyms, many of them (25% of all recorded cases) Latin-derived ones; thepaper argues that the name Μάτερνος is simply a Latin-derived gladiatorialpseudonym. Plutarch’s testimony further substantiates that gladiators could be ethnic Greeks or culture-Greeks (see n. 20). As far as the word λοῦδοι is concerned, the poetic declination of the word in the stone attests to the laststages in the adaptation of a Latin-derived word into a fundamentally Greek linguistic environment. The paper argues that the Latin-derived vocabulary ofthe stone (Μάτερνος, λοῦδοι) should be viewed as a further piece of evidenceattesting to the recognition on the part of the Greek-speakers of the time, that gladiation was a fundamentally Roman cultural institution, a cultural import whose onomastics and terminology could rather remain untranslated.
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Ritter, Carolin. "Das Gymnasium Francofurtanum – Kein Ort für Kunstbanausen." Daphnis 44, no. 4 (October 5, 2016): 501–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-10000003.
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In 1542, Frankfurt schoolmaster Jacobus Micyllus (1503–1558) composed an epigram in four elegiac couplets, entitled Inscriptio scholae Francofortensis. It pretends to be an inscription on the recently restored Barfüßerkloster, which was to house the school for the next three centuries. In the epigram, the school is depicted as a tranquil place of reflection and learning, in contrast to the wars raging outside the cloister walls. In this paper, the author will show how Micyllus places the Gymnasium Francofurtanum in the tradition of Plato’s Academy by alluding to the legendary inscription excluding all those ignorant of geometry from that institution. Micyllus modifies this idea by welcoming only those who worship the Greek and Latin muses. The Latin school thus becomes a retreat for those who wish to dedicate themselves fully to humanist education in Latin and Greek, sheltered from the turbulence and hostilities of the time.
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Binns, J. W., E. C. Norton, and D. M. Palliser. "The Latin inscription on the Coppergate helmet." Antiquity 64, no. 242 (March 1990): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00077383.
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The Coppergate helmet, found in central York in 1982 and of Anglo-Saxon date, bears a Latin inscription. A new reading of the inscription is offered, and a different view consequently taken of its significance.
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Kunčer, Dragana. "CIL III 9527 as Evidence of Spoken Latin in the Sixth-century Dalmatia." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/6.
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The epitaph of Priest Iohannes (CIL III 9527, Salona, August 13, 599 or AD 603) is one of the few inscriptions from the sixth-century Salona, which can be dated with precision. It is also one of the rare inscriptions from Dalmatia of this period, which mention a person (proconsul Marcellinus) known from other sources (Registrum epistularum of Pope Gregory the Great). However, its linguistic importance seems to be summarized in the remark of its most recent editor Nancy Gauthier (2010) that the language of the epitaph reflects the features of Latin spoken in Dalmatia at the time (“la langue vivante”). The aim of this paper was to check the plausibility of this statement by comparing the Vulgar Latin features in the inscription with the results of research on Latin in late Dalmatia. Also, a new interpretation of the word obsis l. 13 is proposed.
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Elmayer, Abdulhafid F. "Three funerary inscriptions from Roman Tripolitania and observations on tombs in the Jefara plain." Libyan Studies 51 (April 23, 2020): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2020.2.
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AbstractThis article provides the edition and commentary of two Punic and one Latin funerary inscription of Roman imperial date from inland areas of Tripolitania. The first two texts were discovered at Al-Brahama village in the vicinity of Al-Rujban in the Western Jebel district of Libya. The first is neo-Punic, the second is Latin. The neo-Punic inscription consists of seven lines, of which the first four lines are legible and their translation is unproblematic. However, the rest are illegible as a result of damage to the stone. The Latin inscription consists of four lines that are easy to read and translate. Finally a reinterpretation of an already published text (HNPI Tarhuna N1) from the area between Tarhuna and Garyan is presented, and some observations on tombs in the Jefara plain.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "A Hellenistic Funerary Epigram in Burdur Museum, Turkey." Antichthon 32 (November 1998): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001088.
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Of the c. 270 inscribed Greek and Latin inscriptions held at Burdur Archaeological Museum in Turkey, only three definitely are metrical, all of which are in Greek. A fourth, fragmentary item reused as a Moslem gravestone has not been located during research at the Museum in the last decade. The one presented here is unpublished, and will be included more briefly in an edition of all the Greek and Latin inscriptions at Burdur which is currently being prepared for publication by R. A. Kearsley and the present writer. As with the other unpublished verse text (inv. 23.43.88, also funerary), there is no specific provenance known, but both can be attributed generally to the region of Pisidia. The other inscription, first published last century, was brought into the Museum from Akören in 1994 (inv. no. 499.141.94); it has been presented in an improved edition with commentary and photographs elsewhere.
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Perea Yébenes, Sabino. "La urna de Luscinia Philumena. Consideraciones sobre su atribución romana y su carmen epigraphicum = The Urn of Luscinia Philumena. Considerations about its Roman Attribution and its Carmen Epigraphicum." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 31 (November 27, 2018): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.31.2018.23035.
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Estudiamos una urna romana que se exhibe en el Museo Lázaro Galdiano de Madrid. Tiene una inscripción poética realizada en los primeros años del siglo XVII, inspirada en los poetas latinos de Re Rustica y de Historia Natural, texto latino considerado espurio por CIL 06, *3461. Hacemos un análisis iconográfico del monumento y un análisis filológico del poema, ofreciendo una nueva traducción del mismo. Se ofrecen imágenes inéditas de la urna.We studied a Roman urn that is exhibited at the Museo Lázaro Galdiano in Madrid. It has a poetic inscription made in the early years of the seventeenth century, inspired by the Latin poets of Re Rustica and Naturalis Historia. The Latin text of the inscription was rightly considered spurious by the CIL editors. We make an iconographic analysis of the monument and a philological analysis of the poem, offering a new translation of it. Unpublished images of the urn are offered, especially the epigraphic text.
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Yazidi, Akhmad. "PEMAKAIAN AKSARA DALAM PENULISAN BAHASA MELAYU HINGGA BAHASA INDONESIA (THE USAGE OF LETTERS ON MALAY TO INDONESIAN LANGUAGE WRITING)." JURNAL BAHASA, SASTRA DAN PEMBELAJARANNYA 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/jbsp.v3i1.4484.
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AbstractThe Usage of Letters on Malay to Indonesian Language Writing. This paper discussesthe history of the Indonesian language, literacy in the writing of a variety of languages, Malay letter in writing to the Indonesian language, and spelling in Indonesian. Ofthis section may conclude that in writing the history of written language or alphabetletters contained Paku, the letter Babylonian, Assyrian letters, letters of Ancient Persia;Pallawa, Kawi Letter used in Sanskrit; Arabic, Kanjiin Japanese and Chinese, letters,Jawi Premodern, Modern Java, Bali Modern: literacy Hanacaraka from Lampung,Rencong, Karo Batak, Bugis-Makassar as well;and Latin script. Indonesian languagethat comes from the Malay language has a long history, There are some developmentspase formation of the Indonesian language, namely Old Malay, Malay Market, HigherMalay, and Bahasa Indonesian. Since the 5th century inscription has been found to beYupa in Kutai in East Kalimantan with a script and inscription Pallawa Tarumanegara,and inscriptions in Old Malay inscriptions in a script that is Pallawa Towu Gutters,Cape Inscription Land, and the inscription Limestone City. In a later development afterthe Arabs came to trade missions and preaching, use Malay Arabic script known asJawi letters, and beginning of the 20th century the concept put forward by the Ch. A.Dutch van Ophuysen applied linguists Latin letters into the Malay language. Ever seenon the spelling of force, then in the Indonesian language contained van OphuysenSpelling, Spelling Republic, and Spelling Enhanced.Keywords: letter of the alphabet, spelling, languageAbstrakPemakaian Aksara dalam Penulisan Bahasa Melayu hingga Bahasa Indonesia. Tulisanini membahas tentang sejarah bahasa Indonesia, aksara dalam penulisan berbagaibahasa, aksara dalam penulisan bahasa Melayu hingga bahasa Indonesia, dan ejaandalam bahasa Indonesia. Dari pembahasan ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa dalam sejarahtulisan atau aksara bahasa tulis terdapat huruf Paku, yaitu huruf Babylonia, hurufAssyiria, Huruf Persia Kuno; Pallawa, Huruf Kawi yang digunakan dalam bahasaSanskerta; huruf Arab, huruf Kanji dalam bahasa Jepang dan Cina, huruf, JawiPramodern, Jawa Modern, Bali Modern; Aksara Hanacaraka dari Lampung, Rencong,Batak Karo, serta Bugis-Makassar; serta aksara Latin. Bahasa Indonesia yang berasaldari bahasa Melayu mempunyai sejarah yang cukup lama, Terdapat beberapa faseperkembangan terbentuknya bahasa Indonesia, yaitu bahasa Melayu Kuno, MelayuPasar, Melayu Tinggi, dan Bahasa Indonesia. Sejak abad ke-5 sudah ditemukan prasastiberupa Yupa di Kutai Kalimantan Timur dengan aksara Pallawa dan PrasastiTarumanegara, kemudian prasasti dalam bahasa Melayu Kuno dalam aksara Pallawa,yaitu Prasasti Talang Towu, Prasasti Tanjung Tanah, dan Prasasti Kota Kapur. Dalamperkembangan kemudian setelah bangsa Arab datang dengan misi dagang dan dakwah,48digunakan aksara Arab Melayu yang dikenal sebagai huruf Jawi, dan awal abad ke-20atas konsep yang di kemukakan oleh Ch. A. van Ophuysen ahli bahasa Belandaditerapkan huruf Latin kedalam bahasa Melayu. Dilihat dari ejaan yang pernah berlaku,dalam bahasa Indonesia terdapat Ejaan van Ophuysen, Ejaan Republik atau EjaanSuwandi, dan Ejaan Yang Disempurnakan.Kata-kata kunci: aksara, ejaan, bahasa
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Howlett, David. "An Inscribed Lead Pendant from Norfolk." Antiquaries Journal 86 (September 2006): 320–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500000160.
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This note describes the scene on Side A and offers a reading of the inscription on Side B of a recently discovered lead pendant from Norfolk. The inscription is read as two symmetrical lines of Anglo-Latin verse that contain transcriptions of one word of Greek and two words of Hebrew, both divine names. All the phenomena on Side B are illustrated by close parallels in Insular Latin literature from the seventh century to the tenth and related to the scene on Side A.
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Dixon, Michael D. "A New Latin and Greek Inscription from Corinth." Hesperia 69, no. 3 (July 2000): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148400.
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Joukovsky, N. A. "A Latin Inscription Reworded by Thomas Love Peacock." Notes and Queries 49, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 469–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/49.4.469.
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Joukovsky, Nicholas A. "A Latin Inscription Reworded by Thomas Love Peacock." Notes and Queries 49, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 469–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/490469.
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Mairs, Rachel. "‘PROCLAIMING IT TO GREEKS AND NATIVES, ALONG THE ROWS OF THE CHEQUER-BOARD’: READERS AND VIEWERS OF ACROSTICH INSCRIPTIONS IN GREEK, DEMOTIC AND LATIN." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000179.
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Hellenistic and Roman acrostich inscriptions are usually full of verbal and visual clues, which point the reader in the direction of the ‘hidden message’ contained in the vertical lines of the text. The authors of such inscriptions want their audiences to appreciate the skill that has gone into their composition. There are several complementary ways in which the presence of an acrostich might be signalled to the reader or viewer and their attention directed towards it. These include direct verbal statements, or more subtle allusions, within the text of the inscription. But, even without having read its text, the viewer of an inscription containing a ‘hidden message’ is often immediately aware that some kind of wordplay is at work. Acrostichs, palindromes and various kinds of word square are all graphically striking, or their appearance may be enhanced to make them more so. Regular spacing, the repetition of the acrostich in a separate column and the use of painted or incised grids are all ways in which the layout of the text on the stone can invite the viewer to play a word game. In some cases, as I will argue in this paper, acrostich makers envisaged—even intended—the participants in this game to include the illiterate as well as the literate.
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Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.
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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.
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Vágási, Tünde. "Minitrae Et Numini Eius. A Celtic Deity and the Vulgar Latin in Aquincum." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/11.
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The subject of this paper is a curious and somewhat problematic inscription on an altar from Aquincum. Among the many features of this inscription that are interesting for our study, the most striking one is the beginning of the text: the name of the god or goddess is controversial. Who exactly was Minitra? A Celtic goddess, or someone much better known from Roman religious life? According to Géza Alföldy, the native gods of Pannonia were venerated still in the 3rd century A.D., including Teutates, Sedatus, Ciniaemus and Minitra, etc. Since the inscription in question contains many vulgar Latin phenomena, it becomes questionable whether the name of the deity is written correctly, especially because, while the names of classical gods rarely appear misspelled, the names of the gods of so-called ‘eastern’ cults and mystery religions appear in a number of faulty variations. I will try to identify the deity through the analysis of Vulgar Latin phenomena.
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Cook, John Granger. "Envisioning Crucifixion: Light from Several Inscriptions and the Palatine Graffito." Novum Testamentum 50, no. 3 (2008): 262–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x262918.
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AbstractThe Palatine graffito of a crucified man with an ass's head, a graffito that uses crucifixion as an obscenity, and the remnant of a crucified man's foot transfixed by a nail provide visual imagery of ancient Roman practice. Less well known to NT scholars are two Latin inscriptions that mention crucifixion. One describes a contract for a public undertaker that includes a number of references to crucifixion and the torture that accompanied it. Private individuals, for example, could have their slaves crucified for a modest sum. Another inscription includes a reference to an alleged crucifixion of a Roman centurion by Piso. It helps indicate how rare crucifixion was in the case of citizens. The inscriptions and graffiti illuminate crucifixion—a central focus of NT texts and NT theology.
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Smyshlyev, Alexandr. "Latin Inscription from Azerbaijan: Problems and History of Interpretation." Вестник древней истории 78, no. 3 (2018): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910001595-7.
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Lourié, Basil. "Inscription on the Chalice of Solomon." Scrinium 13, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 170–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00131p15.
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A new analysis of the so-called Inscription on the Chalice of Solomon (known mostly from literary documents in Slavonic) is based on the totality of the available sources, including a recently published (2000) Greek recension and recently found (2013) but unpublished two Latin ones. It is argued that the text was written in Hebrew in the late Second Temple period, being therefore roughly contemporaneous to the Damascus Document and some other Dead Sea Scrolls and representing a similar but different liturgy and theology. The original liturgical setting of the chalice as a liturgical utensil is some kind of new wine festival.
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Dondin-Payre, Monique, and Yves De Kisch. "La première inscription latine trouvée à Pithiviers-le-Vieil (Loiret) / The first latin inscription to be found at Pithiviers-le-Vieil (Loiret)." Revue archéologique du Centre de la France 35, no. 1 (1996): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/racf.1996.2746.
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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.
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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.
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Djahida, Mehentel. "Bavares tribes in ancient Maghreb through sources and Latin inscription." Conference Book of the General Union of Arab Archeologists 19, no. 19 (December 1, 2016): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/cguaa.2016.29547.
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Opreanu, Coriolan Horațiu. "Commodus restitutor commerciorum. The role of Palmyrene Trading Community at Porolissum." Ephemeris Napocensis 30 (February 10, 2021): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2020.30.79.
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The author revisits an inscription found in 1986 in the shrine of the customs station at Porolissum (Jac village, Sălaj County, Romania). His new approach offers a new meaning to the epithet restitutor commerciorum addresed to emperor Commodus in the text of the inscription: commercium has in Latin written sources and in inscriptions also the sense of the place where barbarians were trading with the Romans in the vicinity of the Roman frontiers’ forts. The new interpretation is linked with the archaeological discovery at Porolissum, near the customs building of a marketplace identified by 129 coins and 43 barbarian brooches. Author’s conclusion in an earlier published book is that the brooches attest, very probable, a slave market. Another valuable merchandise recovered in the excavation is raw amber of Baltic Sea coast origin, proving the existence of a branch of the Amber Road, entering in the Empire at Porolissum. The next question approached by the author concerns the merchants able to support the distribution of these valuable goods across the Empire. He proposed as main candidate the Palmyrene civilian community recorded in the inscriptions at Porolissum. Then he explains the topographical position of the Palmyrene cult complex at Porolissum. The temple of Bel, the open=air altar and the banqueting hall were situated in the near neighbourhood of the customs building just because of the Palmyrene community’s economic interest. He argued his hypothesis with the example of the Palmyrene temple in Rome.
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Solomon, Jon. "The new musical fragment from Epidaurus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631533.
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On July 17, 1977 what appears to be the most recently found ancient Greek musical fragment was unearthed some twenty-five meters northeast of the palaestra at Epidaurus. Carved on red limestone in the third century ad, the inscription consists of eleven fragmentary hexameters from a hymn to Apollo and other divine offspring, only the first line of which seems to contain suprascript musical notation. M. Mitsos published the inscription three years later without musicological analysis, and S. Sepheriades then attempted a preliminary analysis at the 1982 Eighth International Greek and Latin Epigraphical Congress. The present paper explores in greater detail the purported music of this brief, enigmatic inscription in the hope of furthering (but certainly not completing) our understanding of this, a possible fourth ancient Greek musical fragment on stone.
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Wander, Steven H. "Illuminations of the Tabernacle of Moses and of Ezra in the Codex Amiatinus (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Amiatino 1): Bede, Cassiodorus and the Antiquitates Judaicae of Flavius Josephus." Anglo-Saxon England 46 (December 2017): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675118000017.
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AbstractFeatures of the two illuminations from the first quire of the Codex Amiatinus, the bifolium of the tabernacle of Moses (6v and 7r, formerly 2v/II and 7r/III) and the miniature of the Jewish priest Ezra, who is identified by inscription (2r, formerly 4r/V), correspond more closely with text from the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus than with the parallel accounts in Scripture. Cassiodorus had the Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus rendered from Greek into Latin, referring to the seventh chapter (that is, chapter 6) of book 3 as the source for his illustration of the tabernacle of Moses; and this illumination, according to Bede, was available as a model at Wearmouth–Jarrow. It appears that Bede also took part in fashioning the miniature of Ezra, both the verse inscription and the image itself, which also reflects more closely passages from Cassiodorus’ so-called Latin Josephus than the corresponding sections of the Bible.
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Martínez-Cordero, Humberto, Camila Peña, Natalia Paola Schutz, Virginia Bove, Fiorella Villano, Rocío Osorio, Mauricio Chandia, et al. "Real World Outcomes in Latin-American Patients with Multiple Myeloma Under 40 Years Old." Blood 134, Supplement_1 (November 13, 2019): 5508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2019-130987.
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Background Multiple myeloma (MM) is a heterogeneous disease that is most frequently diagnosed in the elderly. Therefore, data on clinical characteristics and outcomes in the young population are scarce and it is recognized that it remains incurable even in this group of patients. We present here the outcomes of patients under 40 years old cohort in Latin-American countries. On behalf of GELAMM (Grupo de Estudio Latino-Americano de Mieloma Múltiple). Methods Retrospective international multicenter cohort study. We analyzed MM patients under 40 years old who received treatment in 6 Latin-American countries, between 2010 and 2018. Demographics and disease features were analyzed using descriptive statics. We examined treatment characteristics and response rates. The overall survival (OS) of the entire cohort was analyzed using Kaplan-Meier curves. Results Eighty-six patients of 6 countries were analyzed (Table1). The mean age was 35.4 years old, and 60% were male. The most frequent monoclonal component type was IgG followed by light chain MM. Risk determined by ISS was distributed in almost equal percentages. The most frequent cytogenetic alteration was the t (4;14) that was found in four patients out of 25 evaluated. The missing data were greater than 70%. Skeleton-related events were the most frequent clinical feature, followed by anemia and renal failure. Plasmacytomas and fractures were present in more than 20 percent of cases. With regard to treatment, VCD / CyBorD was the most used regimen, followed by VTD. The overall response rate (ORR) was 63%. Fifty-three patients received high dose therapy and autologous stem cell transplantation (62%). Only 8% received post-transplant consolidation, and 45% received maintenance therapy. The median OS of the entire cohort was 45 months, and a plateau in the survival curve was not observed, suggesting that patients continue relapsing over the time. Conclusion In this Latin American multicenter study, we found that the young population with MM has similar presentation characteristics to those of elderly patients. A significant amount of information is lost regarding the risk characterization, especially in regard with cytogenetics. With respect to treatment, less than half of the patients achieve very good partial response or better. It is striking that more than a third of this young patients did not access to high doses of chemotherapy and bone marrow transplantation. Maintenance therapy is offered to less than half patients. The median OS is lower than in other series of patients younger than 40 years, even than in the elderly cohorts. Prospective multicentric studies are required to elucidate the behavior of the disease in this group of patients. Disclosures Peña: Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Other: Congress inscription and flights; Biotoscana: Other: Congress inscription and flights; Novartis: Other: Congress inscription and flights; Tecnofarma: Other: Congress inscription and flights; Roche: Other: Congress inscription and flights. Rojas:Novartis: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Pfeizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Abbvie: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Roche: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Abello:Takeda: Other: Participation in advisory board meeting. Gomez-Almaguer:Takeda: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Celgene: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Janssen: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau; Teva: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau.
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Mitchell, Stephen. "Maximinus and the Christians in A.D. 312: a New Latin Inscription." Journal of Roman Studies 78 (November 1988): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301453.
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Two historical events occupy central positions in the conversion of the Roman empire to Christianity. To study them makes for a radical and intriguing contrast in historical method. One, the conversion of Constantine, can surely only be approached by examining private and personally held beliefs as they were made public by a single individual, Constantine himself. A biographical approach will be the only way to approach the truth about an individual conversion. The other, the persecution of Christians at the beginning of the fourth century, initiated by an edict of Diocletian of 24 February 303, and concluded by the so-called ‘edict of Milan’, issued by Licinius on 13 June 313, cannot be understood except by examining the public documents which made known the various imperial decisions which implemented persecution, or toleration, of the Christian community at large.
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González Salinero, Raúl. "The Latin Inscription of Rabbi Jacob of Mérida: Dating and Contextualization." Jewish History 34, no. 4 (June 18, 2021): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-021-09385-4.
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Schrickx, Josine. "Bricht Der Thesaurus Linguae Latinae mit dem Jahr 600 n. Chr. ab? Der ThLL als spätlateinisches Wörterbuch." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 413–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.36.
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SummaryIn introductions to the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae it is always stated that the ThLL considers all texts up to about 600 AD. But what does this mean in concrete terms: ‘all’ and ‘up to approx. 600’? Is an inscription from the year 610 still cited? And how did the ThLL define this limit? I will deal with these questions here. In addition, I will briefly explain to what extent the ThLL is not only the most comprehensive Latin dictionary, but also the only modern Late Latin dictionary.
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Tenschert, R. "CATHEDRAL NORTE DAME IN PARIS – THE INSCRIPTION OF THE SOUTH TRANSEPTS FAÇADE: MEDIEVAL RELICT OR 19<sup>th</sup> CENTURY RECREATION?" ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W15 (August 26, 2019): 1141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w15-1141-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> While non-destructive 3D technologies offer outstanding possibilities for analysing shape and similarities in architectural details, and for the monitoring of weathering effects, it has so far been used only rarely for these purposes. This paper shows the application and analysis of high resolution, handheld, optical tracked laser scanning on an inscription at the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris. The transept’s south façade carries a latin inscription dating from 1258, and the common research opinion is that the inscription was copied and renewed during the mid-19th century restoration. In the course of an on-site research campaign, some doubt as to the veracity of this theory arose. Essential questions regarding the inscription concern the workflows of both medieval craftsmen and those from the 19th century. The project’s aim was to analyse the inscription for its shape and for any traces left by the craftsmen. Another key question focussed on the originality and authenticity of the inscription. The analysis of the high-resolution 3D data set has confirmed the initial visual impression of differences between the stones and shown that most of the inscription is the 13th century original with only a few parts replaced. The analysis also revealed that the ribbon and the letters must have been carved before the stones were placed. An investigation using historical transcripts, comparative examples and contextual reflections with a detailed analysis of the individual letters also revealed possible changes in the wording of the inscription made during the restoration. A discussion of the possible variants supported by virtual visualisations is also presented.</p>
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Béla Zsolt, Szakács. "Falra hányt betűk: késő gótikus falikrónikák a középkori Magyarországon." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00003.
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During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.
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Béla Zsolt, Szakács. "Falra hányt betűk: késő gótikus falikrónikák a középkori Magyarországon." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00003.
Full textAbstract:
During the 15th and 16th centuries, a number of long inscriptions were painted on the walls of parish churches in the territory of the medieval Hungarian Kingdom. The first known example is in the St Elisabeth’s of Kassa (Kaschau, Košice, Slovakia). The earlier inscription in the north-east chapel describes the events between 1387 and 1439 while it is continued in the south transept with a political manifestation on the side of the new-born King Ladislas V, opposed by Wladislas I. Another wall-chronicle is readable in the entrance hall of the St James’ in Lőcse (Leutschau, Levoča, Slovakia). Here the inscription, dated to ca 1500, commemorates events between 1431 and 1494, including local fires and diseases, the coronation of Ladisla V and Wladislas II and the royal meeting of John Albert of Poland and Wladislas II of Hungary held at the city in 1494. On the other side of the entrance hall, a detailed Last Judgement was painted, as the final act of world history. The inscriptions of Lőcse are usually interpreted as a manifestation of the local identity of the Saxons in the Szepes (Zips, Spiš, Slovakia) region, enjoying special privileges. This is probably also true for the second group of wall-chronicles, to be found in Transylvania in the important Saxon towns. The only surviving example is in Szeben (Hermannstadt, Sibiu, Romania), in the gallery of the western hall (Ferula). Beside some national events (coronation of King Matthias, death of Louis II) it is dealing with Transylvanian affairs between 1409 and 1566. A similar chronicle has been documented in Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov, Romania), which started the narrative with the immigration of the Saxons and ended with 1571, with a special attention to the Ottoman wars. Unfortunately the inscriptions have been covered after the fire of 1689. Other wall-chronicles are documented by secondary sources in Segesvár (Säsßburg, Sighișoara), Medgyes (Mediasch, Mediaș), Beszterce (Bistritz, Bistrița), Muzsna (Meschen, Moșna), Baráthely (Pretai, Brateiu) and Ecel (Hetzeldorf, Ațel, all in Romania). While all these were written in Latin, a Hungarian inscription has been preserved in the Calvinist church of Berekeresztúr (Bâra, Romania) in the Szeklerland from the early 17th century. Although a misunderstanding of the sources led some scholars to suppose an inscription or an images cycle with secular content in Buda, these passages refer in reality to the Franciscan friary at Chambery. In international comparison, the Gothic wall-chronicles seem to be a rarity; the best example is known from the cathedral of Genoa, where the rebuilding of the cathedral in the early 14th century is connected to the legendary origin of the city, counterbalancing the civil war between the citizens.Decorating the walls of churches with letters instead of images is certainly aniconic, but not necessarily un-pretentious. Letters always play a decorative function whenever written on the walls. The letters, especially for the illiterate people, was a special type of ornament. Nevertheless, inscriptions, as far as their letters are readable and languages are understandable, tend to be informative. Interpreting their content depends on different levels of literacy. But they work for all as visual symbols. The longish Latin wall chronicles of Late Gothic parish churches were probably understood by the rich patricians; but the large surfaces close to the entrances might have been meaningful for all others who recognized their significance in local identity-building. The illiterate local people of the Protestant villages were unable to decipher the exact meaning of the inscriptions, even if they were in their native Hungarian language. However, these letters were necessarily eloquent for the entire community: the fact itself that there are letters decorating the walls instead of images was meaningful, reflecting the transformation of Christian culture. The letters themselves, legible or not, had a symbolic value which can be decoded taking into consideration their location, forms and context.
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Mykhailova, Оlena. "LATIN IN INTERNET MEMES: NEW COMMUNICATIVE FUNCTION." Studia Linguistica, no. 15 (2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2019.15.181-194.
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The article is devoted to the research of Internet memes as universally precedential cultural phenomena, to determining Latin special role in the construction and functioning of virtual memes. Latin Internet memes are considered as emotionally colored units of cultural information the first source of which are different elements of the knowledge of Latin that are copied and disseminated among Internet users during communication as a text (inscription, reference) or as a text and an icon part (drawing, photo, table). On the base of new virtual units of communication the functions of memes in Internet communication were determined, in particular: game, representative, communicative, phatic, integrative, affective. Local Latin Internet memes served as the material for the research placed on English sites “Classic Latin Memes”, “Dank Latin Memes”, as well as on Russian site “Latine masculino”. Dead Latin within Internet memes renews its communicative function and gains more popularity in the Internet space thanks to its perception as “prestigious” language of communication. By style the majority of Latin Internet memes are ironically marked and motivating, though demotivating memes are also possible. The goal of motivating memes is “to revive”, modernize archaic Latin and make it more accessible and attractive in order to encourage the focus audience to study it. Internet communication via memes’ mediation represents complex mental processes, when the user has not only to perceive a background picture and decode (translate) Latin text, but also to comprehend cultural connotations and associative links which result in comic effect during memes’ perception. The research of Latin Internet memes in pragmatic, communicative and cognitive aspects is of positive perspective both from synchronic and diachronic points of view, since it presents new opportunities for the study of modern evolutionary processes in the history of ancient language, reveals a mechanism of decoding cultural information, contributes to the development of Internet linguistics.
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Lloris, Francisco Beltrán. "An Irrigation Decree from Roman Spain: The Lex Rivi Hiberiensis." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 147–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016242.
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The article presents an edition of and commentary on a Latin bronze inscription (152 lines long) from the time of Hadrian, found at Agón, near Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza), in ancient Hispania Citerior. The inscription contains a set of regulations (lex riui Hiberiensis) governing an irrigation community consisting of rural districts (pagi) from two different cities (Caesaraugusta and Cascantum) which shared a canal, the riuus Hiberiensis. The lex was produced in accordance with an agreement of the pagani after the intervention of the provincial governor [—Fun]ndanus Augustanus Alpinus. It provides information about the pagus institutions (magistri pagi, concilium, curatores, publicani?) as well as procedural aspects such as iusiurandum, uadimonium, and judicial formulae.
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Yakin, Ayang Utriza. "Dialetic Between Islamic Law and Adat Law in the Nusantara: A Reinterpretation of the Terengganu Inscription in the 14th Century." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 3, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v3i2.14.
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This article discusses the inscription found in Terengganu, which originated in the early XIV Century. The inscription documents the laws implemented by the rulers of the time. These texts reveal that the laws of this time came from two sources: Islamic law and customary (adat) law. In other words, the inscription indicates that legal pluralism was already in existence by the 14th Century. Adat law was the principle legal system in place, playing an important role in the archipelagic society at the time. However, there was an alternative system of Islamic law (e.g. stoning as a punishment for adultery) in place for lower social classes. This finding suggests that Islamic law was already in existence in the early 14th century—much earlier than the prevailing understanding of the history of Islamic law suggests. The article contributes by providing the new transliteration from Jawi into Latin characters and the new translation from old-Malay into modern English, which are arguably more accurate than the previous work.
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Naddari, Lotfi, and Mohamed Riadh Hamrouni. "Recherches sur la résurgence du vocabulaire sémitique dans le langage religieux des provinces romaines d'Afrique : le cas du terme moctor." Libyan Studies 49 (October 16, 2018): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2018.9.
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AbstractAmong the members of a religious college revealed by a monumental Latin inscription recently discovered in the medina of Sousse (Hadrumetum, Proconsular Africa), there is a member in charge of moctor. This is in fact an unprecedented function among the clergy of the temples of the Roman-African cities. It seems to have been formed from the Semitic consonantal skeleton KTR or QTR, which we find in KTRT (incense) and QTRT (perfume) words. Thus, it is quite possible that moctor is a nominal Semitic form of the root KTR / QTR prefixed with M to designate in the Phoenicio-Punic etymology the ‘offering to incense’. This evidence of a function of Semitic origin in a Latin inscription is not unusual when one understands the privileged place occupied by incense in rituals of Punic and Oriental cults. Similarly, the presence of this function is not surprising in a city with a significant Phoenician-Punic foundation and heritage. If this comparison is plausible, we will have here additional evidence of the resurgence of the religious vocabulary of Semitic origin among the religious language of the Roman provinces of Africa.
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Kazansky, Nikolai N. "Two Latin Epigrams by Daniel Gotlieb Messerschmidt Dedicated to Iohannes Philipp Breyn (1680–1764)." Philologia Classica 15, no. 2 (2020): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2020.204.
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The article presents a publication of two epigrams written by D. G. Messeschmidt and dedicated to I. Ph. Breyn; both are preserved in the latter’s archive. The first epigram is an inscription in verse to Breyn’s portrait and was probably sent to him from Saint Petersburg following Messerschmidt’s return from Siberia, i.e. between 1727 and 1735 (and not 1701–1800 as indicated on the site of Dresden Fotothek). It is very likely that the inscription was meant to accompany the engraving a copy of which is preserved at Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden (SKD, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Signatur/Inventar-Nr.: Anon 1, Singer 3769/9920) and may be seen on the website of Deutsche Fotothek Dresden (Archiv-Nr 169051). I. Ph. Breyn might have sent two portraits to Saint Petersburg, one of himself and one of his father, and Messerschmidt would have composed an inscription in verse for each. In 1739 an elegiac distich by Messerschmidt was published that was also incorporated in the frame of the portrait of Jakob Breyn, painted by the famous engraver P. G. Busch. S. S. Orekhov has suggested that P. G. Busch’s engraving might render the portrait drawn by the same unknown master (Deutsche Fotothek Dresden, Archiv-Nr 169050). Iohannes Philipp Breyn’s own portrait remained unpublished. The second poem is a dedication in an album that is preserved in I. Ph. Breyn’s museum in Gdansk (Forschungsbibliothek Gotha Chart. B 1002) and is dated November 1716. The poem is untitled (the fact that is also emphasized in the text), but introduced by an epigraph in Old Hebrew that has been extensively commented upon by Cyrill von Buettner (Bitner). The Latin poem that abounds in assonances and complex word play leaves the feeling of a certain emotional strain. Both poems, however, reflect Messerschmidt’s general erudition and character, as well as his enthusiastic admiration for I. Ph. Breyn as a senior colleague in scientific and medical studies.
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Bustelo, Natalia. "Reform universities, revolutionize societies. The Expansion of a Latin American Student Movement." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-183-199.
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The article reconstructs the student intervention during the first decades of the 20th century to link the University Reform, movement started in the middle of 1918 in Córdoba, Argentina. By highlighting the students’ revolutionary enthusiasm and the continental spread, the article seeks to show that the newness of 1918 was the inscription in the left of the student demands, until then in agreement with the oligarchic republics. So it proposes that the well-known Latin American and anti-imperialist identity of the Reform, as characterized by the historiography on the subject, only takes shape in the middle of twenty decade.
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Kearsley, R. A. "The Milyas and the Attalids: a Decree of the City of Olbasa and a New Royal Letter of the Second Century B.C." Anatolian Studies 44 (December 1994): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642981.
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The site of Olbasa was first identified by the discovery of two Latin imperial inscriptions near the modern village of Belenli in 1842 and even today the surviving evidence from Olbasa (including as it does both texts and coins) still belongs chiefly to the imperial period. Olbasa's prominence then stemmed from the fact that it was “refounded” by Augustus as a military colony. Very little has been pieced together of the history and development of the city prior to the arrival of the Romans and the present inscription, therefore, represents a large advance on our knowledge of Olbasa in the Hellenistic period as well as contributing to our understanding of developments in the region at large.Modern research on the area of south-western Asia Minor now known as Lycia and Pisidia has been greatly assisted by the work of George Bean and Alan Hall both of whom published major articles containing topographical discussions and many previously unknown inscriptions. The Pisidian Survey Project led by Stephen Mitchell has also contributed greatly to our historical understanding of the region in both the Hellenistic and Roman periods by the archaeological studies conducted at the cities of Antioch by Pisidia, Sagalassos, Cremna and Ariassos.
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Nedeljkovic, Vojin. "Features of Vulgar Latin in the inscriptions of Naissus." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-1 (2013): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350045n.
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The epigraphic material from the region of Naissus, in spite of its relative scarcity and poor state of preservation, offers valuable examples of Vulgar Latin usage. Interesting phenomena include an instance of the imperial name Pertinax in the form Pertenax, which may be due to a vulgar reinterpretation of the name (?Very Tough?, cf. Constans, Valens, sim.) and may imply rhizotony (Pert?nax); the adjective superstantes ?survivors?, apparently the issue of two consequent vulgar developments, superstes > superstens (hypercorrect spelling) > superstans (false analogy); an isosyllabic 3rd declension nominative singular, Melioris (from the name Melior), as well as a 3rd decl. dative singular generi from the 2nd decl. noun gener ?son-in-law?; an early borrowing from Germanic, brutes ?daughter-in-law?; a ?weak? future participle, sequiture, for secuturae; the bastard noun volumptas, cf. voluntas and voluptas; a correlative construction with sic...sic for quemadmodum...sic; and the verb adjuvare followed by a dative, which illustrates a vulgarism known from the Glossaries. Another kind of vulgarity, which is rather a matter of simplicity than purely linguistic incompetence, is found in cases such as an epitaph whose dedicator calls herself bene merita; or a semi-metric inscription-a commaticum-whose actual text may be the outcome of tampering with a regular epigraphic poem
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Solin, Heikki. "Was there a Medical School at Salerno in Roman Times?" European Review 20, no. 4 (September 4, 2012): 526–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000099.
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It is sometimes assumed in the Italian historiography that the medieval school of medicine at Salerno continued the medical tradition of ancient Salerno; the ancient Salernitan school, in its turn, would represent a continuation of that of Velia. The existence of such a school has been assumed on the grounds of rather sparse evidence consisting of a passage in the first book of Horace's Epistles and a Latin inscription from the first century AD mentioning a medicus clinicus.
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Cifani, Gabriele. "Un nuovo monumento funerario dal suburbio occidentale di Leptis Magna." Libyan Studies 37 (2006): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003988.
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AbstractA funerary monument dating from the second half of the second century ad was discovered in 1997 in the western suburbs of Leptis Magna. The Latin inscription engraved on the monument states that it was dedicated to two brothers, Pompeius Nabor and Pompeius Ba[rea], by their father. The monument is an interesting example of small-scale funerary buildings which imitated the large mausolea of the Tripolitanian interior and which are associated with the middle class citizenry of Leptis.
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Sidebotham, Steven E. "Newly Discovered Sites in the Eastern Desert." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 82, no. 1 (December 1996): 181–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339608200118.
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Preliminary report of a survey of the Eastern Desert between the ancient Abu Sha'ar–Nile road in the north and the modern Quseir–Nile highway in the south. A number of hitherto unknown ancient sites have been recorded including road segments, road stations on the Abu Sha'ar–Nile road, gold mines, and hard stone quarries. A Latin inscription at one of these, associated with quarrying activities in the region and naming Flavius Diadumenus and Flavius Fortunatus, is here published.
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Adamo, Mario. "THE LAPIS POLLAE: DATE AND CONTEXTS." Papers of the British School at Rome 84 (September 20, 2016): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246216000027.
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The article discusses the date, content and historical context of the lapis Pollae, a Latin inscription set alongside the road from Capua to Regium, recording the distance to various places and listing the achievements of an unknown Roman magistrate. Comparison with a milestone associated with the same road prompts a dating earlier than 131 bc, and internal evidence suggests a date prior to the Servile Wars, which broke out around 138 bc. It is further argued that by listing his achievements the magistrate was attempting to secure the political support of the colonial elites of Lucania. The article also uses the inscription as evidence for three historical themes: (1) the role of local communities and Italian entrepreneurs in the exploitation of public land in Sicily; (2) the role of local and Roman elites in southern Italian agricultural intensification; (3) Rome's use of road building to support colonization.
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Grbic, Dragana. "The Thracian hero on the Danube new interpretation of an inscription from Diana." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344007g.
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The paper looks at some aspects of the Thracian Hero cult on the Danube frontier of Upper Moesia inspired by a reinterpretation of a Latin votive inscription from Diana, which, as the paper proposes, was dedicated to Deo Totovitioni. Based on epigraphic analogies, the paper puts forth the view that it was a dedication to the Thracian Hero, since it is in the context of this particular cult that the epithet Totovitio has been attested in various variants (Toto-viti- / Toto-bisi- / Toto-ithi-).
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Barrett, T. H. "The Chinese for ‘Confucius’ confirmed." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 3 (January 2000): 421–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0000848x.
Full textAbstract:
In February 1999 I published a review article in the Bulletin (62/1) pointing to the difficulties encountered in trying to confirm the derivation of the Latin term ‘ Confucius’ from its supposed Chinese original, ‘ Kong Fuzi’. Briefly, the only general lexicographer to cite the Chinese term from premodern materials, Morohashi Tetsuji, does no more than quote a memorial inscription from the early nineteenth century, long after the Jesuit coinage of the Latin term, for a Mongol period figure from amongst the descendants of Confucius. Other earlier sources on this figure do not confirm the usage ‘ Kong Fuzi’ in his memorial materials, but only the more usual‘ Kong Zi’. Consequently, my own speculation was that ‘ Kong Fuzi’ could have represented a deliberate barbarism on the part of the nineteenth-century author, Cai Jinquan. The expression ‘Kong Fuzi’, therefore, remained unattested before the Jesuits, raising the suspicion that it might even be a back-formation from Latin rather than genuinely Chinese.
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Melero Bellido, Antonio, and Ricardo Hernández Pérez. ""Nueva lectura de una inscripción votiva bilingüe de las termas de Germísara (Dacia superior)." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.28.
Full textAbstract:
New edition and philological commentary of a long and complex votive inscription from the time of Commodus consisting of a poem in Latin (written in dactylic hexameters) followed, as a complement and amplification, by a Greek text in prose with a certain poetic color. The inscription is dedicated to the Nymph of a thermal sanctuary, mentioned by what appears to be a name or local epithet, and consists both of the commemoration of the fulfillment of a vow and in the narration of the annual festivals that the military unit (numerus) commanded by the dedicator celebrated, through votive offerings and sacrifices, both in honor of the Nymph of the place and of Asclepius, Panacea, Artemis and Hypnos. It is also narrated, in the Greek text, a sanatio and the corresponding offerings of thanksgiving. The use of Greek in this epigraph seems to have to be explained for a reason of cultural prestige
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Tachau, Katherine H. "The King in the Manuscript: The Presentation Inscription of the Vienna Latin Bible moralisée." Gesta 60, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/712635.
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