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Journal articles on the topic 'Inscriptions, Ethiopian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Black, Stephanie L. "“In the Power of God Christ”: Greek inscriptional evidence for the anti-Arian theology of Ethiopia's first Christian king." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 1 (2008): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000062.

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AbstractFour fourth-century ad inscriptions of Ezana, first Christian king of Aksum (Ethiopia), are surveyed, with special attention to Ezana's only known post-conversion inscription, written in Greek. Greek syntax and terminology in Ezana's inscription point to an anti-Arian Christology which may be associated with Frumentius, first bishop of Aksum, and his connection with Athanasius of Alexandria. The inscription's trinitarian formula “the power of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit” is structured in such a way as to assert the identity of the three members of the Trinity. The phrase “in the

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2

Müller, Walter W. "Äthiopische Inschriftenfragmente aus der himjarischen Hauptstadt Ẓafār". Aethiopica 15 (4 грудня 2013): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.15.1.657.

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Up to now eight fragmentary Ethiopic inscriptions have been discovered in South Arabia, dating from the time immediately after the year 525 A.D. when the Yemen was conquered by the Abyssinians. Three of these fragments, among them a hitherto unpublished text, were found in the Himyarite capital Ẓafār and are parts of reports of the deeds of the Ethiopian King Kāleb. The scanty informations which can be gained from these fragmentary Ethiopic inscriptions share common features with events which are known from other contemporary epigraphic documents and from hagiographic sources in various langua

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3

Frantsouzoff, Serge A. "The Acts of Lalibäla: a Collection of Fables or an Underestimated Historical Source?" Scrinium 15, no. 1 (2019): 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p22.

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Abstract The deeds and exploits of St. Lalibäla who was the most famous king of the Ethiopian Zagwe dynasty are still awaiting to be published in full. To the modern researchers this important medieval text is available only in excerpts published by J. Perruchon in the 19th century. The author argues that Lalibäla’s Deeds is far from being an Ethiopian folklore. They comprise valuable authentic data, e.g. the persecution of Lalibäla at the royal court, his escape into the desert, his marriage, his subsequent becoming a king, the organization of his army, taxation policies and history of constr

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4

Lenoble, Patrice, and Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sharif. "Barbarians at the gates? the royal mounds of El Hobagi and the end of Meroë." Antiquity 66, no. 252 (1992): 626–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0003934x.

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Meroë, capital of Ethiopian kings up to the first centuries AD, is an extraordinary culture. Its inscriptions are in its own Meroitic script or in Egyptian or sometimes in Greek – a reminder of its links through Egypt to the larger Mediterranean world nearly 2000 kilometres to the north. And what about the end of Meroeë Did it collapse to barbarians? Or did it take its own course?

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Tamrat, Taddesse. "Processes of Ethnic Interaction and Integration in Ethiopian History: the Case of the Agaw." Journal of African History 29, no. 1 (1988): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035957.

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The earliest documents available on the Ethiopian region, in the form of Greek and Ge'ez inscriptions, give a general picture of considerable ethnic and linguistic diversity in a relatively small area of northern Ethiopia. One of the ethnic groups referred to then and subsequently, with remarkable continuity from pre-Aksumite times until the present day, is the Agaw. Different sections of the Agaw seem to have constituted an important part of the population occupying the highland interior of northern Ethiopia from ancient times. In the early days of the gradual formation and consolidation of t

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6

Ambelu, Ayele Addis. "African Form of Indigenous Mass Communication in the Case of Ethiopia." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MASS MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS 7, no. 3 (2021): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.7-3-3.

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The purpose of this article is to explore African form of indigenous mass communication with emphasis on Ethiopian indigenous form mass communication institutions, tools, manuscripts, and regulatory bodies. The method employed for this study is qualitative. First hand documents, tools and observation were considered as sources of primary data. Furthermore, pertinent literature was reviewed. The data was analyzed qualitatively where description of the responses on the bases of themes was given emphasis. The finding of this study argued that drum beating, horn blowing and town crying are a form

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7

Hendrickx, B. "The Image of Ethiopian-Axumite Kingship as Reflected in the Greek Axumite Royal Inscriptions (2nd—6th Centuries)." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 10, no. 1 (1999): 128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1999.11745676.

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8

Mulugetta, Meley. "A Gǝʿǝz Inscription from Ashkelon". Aethiopica 7 (22 жовтня 2012): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.7.1.287.

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An apotropaic Ethiopic inscription was found in the National Park of Ashkelon in 1998, near an absorbtion center for Ethiopian Jewish immigrants (also known as Betä Israʾel). Although the piece is clearly of Betä Israʾel origin, it incorporates symbolisms from Christian or pre-Christian sources, thus demonstrating the syncretic elements in Betä Israʾel religion. The reproduction of Ethiopic prayers of this sort is undoubtedly the last of its kind with the fastly changing religious practices of Betä Israʾel in Israel.

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9

Ullendorff, Edward. "An Ethiopic Text in a Volume to Celebrate the Congress of Vienna, 1814–15." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.446.

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The interest of this short inscription in Geʿez lies in the curious (and unexplained) reason why such a version on the Congress of Vienna should have been composed in Ethiopic. The name of the alleged writer, Dr. Middeldorpf, is otherwise unknown in Ethiopian studies. ATTENTION: Due to copy-right no online publication is provided.

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10

Muehlbauer, Mikael. "From Stone to Dust: The Life of the Kufic-Inscribed Frieze of Wuqro Cherqos in Tigray, Ethiopia." Muqarnas Online 38, no. 1 (2021): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00381p02.

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Abstract Until 2010 (when it was broken by a tourist), a curious Kufic-inscribed sandstone block greeted those who entered the narthex of the eleventh-century church of Wuqro Cherqos in East Tigray, Ethiopia. My paper identifies the origin of this misunderstood fragment and presents it in the longue durée, from its architectural placement as part of an inscribed arch in the great mosque of a Fatimid trading colony to its medieval spoliation and use as a chancel arch in the church of Wuqro Cherqos, after northern Ethiopia emerged as a centralized power under the Zagwe dynasty. As the chancel in

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11

Bulakh, Maria. "Recent Progress in Ethiopian Epigraphic Studies: The Final Volume of Recueil des inscriptions de l’Éthiopie des périodes pré-axoumite et axoumite ." Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 116, no. 4-5 (2021): 323–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2021-0097.

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12

Weninger, Stefan. "Aethiosabaeica minora." Aethiopica 10 (June 18, 2012): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.10.1.191.

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13

Jones, C. P. "Stigma: Tattooing and Branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 77 (November 1987): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300578.

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One of the best episodes in Petronius' Satyrica involves the presence of the narrator, Encolpius, his lover Giton, and the rogue-poet Eumolpus, on board a ship owned by Lichas, of which another passenger is the flighty matron, Tryphaena. In an earlier episode of the novel, Lichas seems to have been the lover of Encolpius and Tryphaena of Giton, though both affairs had ended in enmity. There ensues a comic deliberation between Encolpius and Giton about ways of escape. One of them involves the ink which Eumolpus has brought aboard as a man of literature. Encolpius suggests that he and Giton dye

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14

TSUGE, Yoichi. "On the South Arabian Inscriptions of Ethiopia." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 36, no. 1 (1993): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.36.71.

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15

Gebre Selassie, Yohannes, Iwona Gajda, and Berhe Hiluf. "Pre-Aksumite Inscriptions from Mäqabǝr Ga‘ǝwa (Tigrai, Ethiopia)." Annales d'Ethiopie 24, no. 1 (2009): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2009.1386.

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16

Ullendorff, Edward. "An Ethiopic Inscription in Westminster Abbey." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, no. 2 (1992): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300002352.

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Early in the spring of 1990, Professor Josef van Ess of Tübingen University came to visit me at my home at Oxford. In the course of conversation he asked me about an Ethiopic memorial tablet he had seen in Westminster Abbey. To my chagrin I had to own that the existence of such an inscription was quite unknown to me. In the hope of removing (or at least of mitigating) this stain of inexcusable ignorance, I hastened to the Abbey the following week – only to find it closed to visitors on account of a broadcast recording performance. I then wrote to the Assistant Librarian of Westminster Abbey (M

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17

Bausi, Alessandro. "Ancient features of Ancient Ethiopic." Aethiopica 8 (November 19, 2012): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.8.1.331.

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‘Ancient features’ of Ethiopic in Aksumite inscriptions and ancient MSS must be discussed with consideration of the philological aspects implied, and their distribution may hint at the coexistence of parallel scribal traditions during Aksumite and early Post-Aksumite periods; from the 14th cent. onwards ‘ancient features’ tend to become much more sporadic and one traditional standard prevails; ancient MSS which did not observe the prevalent standard may have been systematically substituted; ‘lost traditions’ may survive in few scanty relics.

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18

Gaudiello, Michela, and Maksym Mackiewicz. "The Debre Gergis archaeological site: Polish research in the Tigray region of Ethiopia (preliminary conclusions)." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, no. 30/2 (December 31, 2021): 477–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam30.2.22.

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A new Polish project, the first to be carried out in Ethiopia by the PCMA University of Warsaw, focused on the excavation of the ruins of a church tentatively dated to the Late Aksumite period (6th–8th centuries AD). The site, which is located in the northern region of Tigray in Ethiopia, was chosen for multiple reasons, not the least because of its location on ancient trade routes and because the surviving ruins offered the advantage of immediate visual impact. The work was unexpectedly interrupted by the global Covid-19 pandemic and recent political turbulences in the Tigray region. The pape

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19

Nosnitsin, Denis. "The Antiquities of Däbrä Zäyt Qǝddǝst Maryam (East Tǝgray, Ethiopia)." Aethiopica 14 (April 18, 2013): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.14.1.413.

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The article summarizes the results of the research at Däbrä Zäyt, one of the historical sites discovered by the team of the project Ethio-SPARE (Hamburg University, Hiob Ludolf Centre for Ethiopian Studies) in Gulo Mäḵäda, East Təgray. It presents different types of historical evidence (old church building of the site, an inscription, the church library) and focuses on the analysis of the fragments of the so-called “old Golden Gospel” of Däbrä Zäyt, written presumably by the same scribe as the one of the well-known ms. Vat. Aeth. 25.

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20

Schneider, Madeleine. "Sur la route de Šayḫ Ḥusayn du Bale (Ethiopie méridionale): une inscription en arabe". Aethiopica 9 (24 вересня 2012): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.9.1.243.

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In 1970 Maurice Taïeb, a prehistorian, a member of the French Mission (CNRS) in Ethiopia sent me the photos of an inscription in Arabic. Ibrāhīm’s cupola mentioned in the text is a heap of stones. If my reading is not erroneous Ibrāhīm wanted to go on a pilgrimage to sheikh Husayn of Bale. Walking from Addis Ababa he died in Addi Hiwot. According to the date of the foundation of Addis Ababa, 1887, and that of Mr. Taïeb’s letter, the text could be dated between 1888 and 1969–1970.

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21

Uhlig, Siegbert. "Eine trilinguale ʿEzana-Inschrift". Aethiopica 4 (30 червня 2013): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.4.1.488.

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Ever since the ʿEzana inscriptions were published by the Deutsche Aksum Expedition in the beginning of the 20th century they have been looked upon as the most important document from Ethiopia of the 4th century A.D.Today, however, another stele has been discovered, which, having similar content — repeated in three languages: Pseudosabaic, Greek and Gǝʿǝz — is in a much better state. The text in its turn, though in many aspects identical, shows a row of distinct deviations from the DAE stele, which makes it necessary to critically compare the two texts.The fact, that the stone was originally pl

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22

Hussien, Endris, Meftuh S. Abubaker, and Habir Mohammed. "First Archaeological Insight from Fedis." Journal of Islamic Archaeology 11, no. 2 (2025): 215–36. https://doi.org/10.1558/jia.27070.

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Islamic archaeology in Ethiopia has until recently been understudied, despite the religion’s enduring influence in shaping the country’s cultural and historical landscapes over centuries. The present paper presents the preliminary results of surveys conducted by the authors in and around the site of Melka in the Fedis district located south of Harar. This was one of several Islamic polities in the southeastern region of the Rift, and the discussion is complemented with a historiographical overview of medieval sources and 19th- and early 20th-century accounts. Despite appearing regularly in the

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23

Piovanelli, Pierluigi. "The Apocryphal Legitimation of a “Solomonic” Dynasty in the Kǝbrä nägäśt – A Reappraisal." Aethiopica 16 (March 9, 2014): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.16.1.698.

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The present study constitutes an attempt to reevaluate the ideological function of the Kǝbrä nägäśt as an apocryphal production extolling the nobility and orthodoxy of early 14th-century “Solomonic” élites. In this regard, the Kǝbrä nägäśt can be considered as the Ethiopian response to the religious and political propaganda of the Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius and related literature. The arguments recently made in favour of a 6th-century date for an hypothetical original kernel of the Kǝbrä nägäśt are also reexamined and reinterpreted. The mention of the “glory of David” in the inscrip

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24

Butts, Aaron Michael, Simcha Gross та Michael Hensley. "Once Again on ʾbk wdm in Ethiopian Sabaic". Aethiopica 25 (3 березня 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.25.0.1849.

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In an article published in this journal in 2010, Norbert Nebes argued that ʾbk wdm is an apotropaic formula, which can be translated, for instance in the case of RIÉ 9, as ‘und Waddum ist dein (göttlicher) Vater als Schutz vor einem Widersacher’ (wʾbk wdm [b]n ʿtkm). In contrast, it is proposed here that ʾbk wdm continues the previous list of deity names, as already suggested in 1976 by Roger Schneider. Key to this argument is the distribution of the concluding prepositional phrases bn kl mrʿm, ‘from everyone who is malicious’, and bn ʿtkm, ‘from an adversary’, which only occur in inscriptions

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25

Jason, Weimar. "Monotheistic Pre-Islamic South Arabia." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573162.

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This entry treats the state religion of Pre-Islamic South Arabia from the second half of the fourth century CE until the region was absorbed by the Sassanians in the seventh century CE. During this time, the ruling Himyarites not only expanded South Arabia to its largest territorial extent ever, spanning from modern Yemen to lower Iraq and perhaps even to Palestine (Robin, 2012), but they also adopted a new form of monotheism, which was heavily influenced by but distinct from Judaism. This Judaizing Himyarite Monotheism worshipped a monotheistic deity called either Raḥmānān "The Merciful" or ʾ

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26

Marcov, Zoran. "Piese de armament african din colecția Muzeului Național al Banatului (sec. XIX-XX) / African weaponry in the collection of the National Museum of Banat (19th–20th centuries)." Analele Banatului XXVII 2019, January 1, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.55201/jgvr2487.

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e collection of weapons of the National Museum of Banat in Timişoara currently includes ten pieces attributed with certainty to the African space, all ten objects falling into the category of cold weapons. Even though it is numerically small, the Timişoara collection includes five different types of cold weapons: 1. A Kaskara-type Sudanese broadsword; 2. A Shotel-type Ethiopian sword and a Mandingo-type West African sword; 3. Two Gabonese Fang daggers, one Congolese Konda dagger and one Sudanese Khanjar dagger; 4. Two Marutse-Mambunda battle axes; 5. A Zande-type Central African arrow quiver.

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27

Gidey Gebreegziabher. "A Hitherto Unattested Ethio-Sabaean King in a Woman's Altar Dedication from Ṣ́ǝrḥan (Tǝgray/Ethiopia)—Discovery and Context". Aethiopica 26 (7 травня 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.26.2237.

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An inscription stone was found by peasants in a site at Ṣ́ǝrḥan in the Aḥfärom wäräda of the Tǝgray region. The author examined the site and carried out an archaeological outline of it for the Tǝgray Culture and Tourism Bureau. The original condition of the inscription, however, had been affected by the peasants’ handling of the stone, which in the same time offers an instructive insight into local traditions. Furthermore, the high resolution photography taken of the inscription has been lost due to looting during the recent war. However, lower resolution photography has survived.

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28

Bausi, Alessandro. "Ancient features of Ancient Ethiopic." July 15, 2020. https://doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.8.1.331.

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'Ancient features' of Ethiopic in Aksumite inscriptions and ancient MSS must be discussed with consideration of the philological aspects implied, and their distribution may hint at the coexistence of parallel scribal traditions during Aksumite and early Post-Aksumite periods; from the 14th cent. onwards 'ancient features' tend to become much more sporadic and one traditional standard prevails; ancient MSS which did not observe the prevalent standard may have been systematically substituted; 'lost traditions' may survive in few scanty relics.

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29

Nebes, Norbert. "A Hitherto Unattested Ethio-Sabaean King in a Woman's Altar Dedication from Ṣ́ǝrḥan (Tǝgray/Ethiopia)—Edition, Translation and Commentary". Aethiopica 26 (7 травня 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.26.2126.

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An altar block found not far from Ǝntǝč̣č̣o bears an Ethio-Sabaean inscription which documents the dedication of the altar to the goddess ḏāt Ḥamēn by a female. This new find is of particular historical significance as it gives the name of a previously unattested king, who can be assigned genealogically to one of the known lines of rulers.

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30

"THE YEHA TEMPLE (ETHIOPIA) AT THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM BC: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL-ARCHITECTURAL STUDY SOUTHERN ARABIAN INFLUENCE." Jordan Journal for History and Archaeology 15, no. 2 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.54134/jjha.15.2.3.

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In the first half of the first millennium BC (800-700 BC), a kingdom known as “Damat” flourished in Abyssinia (Northern Ethiopia, Southern Eritrea), recorded in inscriptions. The archaeological evidence from this kingdom reveals the great influence of a number of developed contemporary polities in Southern Arabia, known as the “Southern Arabian Kingdoms” or the “ancient Yemenite Kingdoms”. The dominance of these Kingdoms was due to their strategic location and the availability of natural resources, which played an important role in their international trade. As a result, the southern Arabians

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31

Gebreyes Beyene, Solomon. "Pagan Religious Practices in Medieval Ethiopia: Development and Resistance of the Christian Kingdom (1434–1468)." Entangled Religions 11, no. 5 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.11.2022.9864.

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In the long religious history of Ethiopia, paganism has been widely practised since ancient times, as evidenced by the inscriptions of ʿEzānā and other archaeological objects. It continued to dominate for centuries even after the introduction of Christianity in the fourth century, which hindered its expansion south of the Aksumite empire until the thirteenth century. However, later in the fourteenth century, Christianity was widely expanded with the military and political support of the Christian emperors, especially King ʾAmda Ṣǝyon (1314–1344), who suppressed pagan practices in the northern

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32

Valentina, A. Grasso. "Najran." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573434.

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South Arabia was unified under the kingdom of Ḥimyar around 275 CE, after subjugating the nearby kingdoms of Saba' and Ḥaḍramawt. The king of Ḥimyar Malkīkarib Yuha'min (reigned from about 375 to 400) converted to monotheism around 380. Two religious communities are in South Arabia during the fourth and fifth centuries. A local Jewish community influenced the ruling elites, which adopted a cautious form of monotheism which could be defined as "Jewish sympathizing". In addition to the presence of several Hebrew and Aramiac loanwords in Ḥimyarite inscriptions, two Hebrew inscriptions have been f

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33

Adams, Craig. "The Taste of Terroir in “The Gastronomic Meal of the French”: France’s Submission to UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage List." M/C Journal 17, no. 1 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.762.

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Introduction What French food is would seem to be an unproblematic idea. Depending on one’s taste and familiarity, a croissant, or snails, might spring to mind. Those who are a little more intimate with French cuisine might suggest the taste of a coq au vin or ratatouille, and fewer still might suggest tarte flambée or cancoillotte. Whatever the relative popularity of the dish or food, the French culinary tradition is arguably so familiar and, indeed, loved around the world that almost everyone could name one or two French culinary objects. Moreover, as the (self-proclaimed) leader of Western

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