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1
Willis, Michael D. "Some Notes on the Palaces of the Imperial Gurjara Pratīhāras." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 3 (November 1995): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300006611.
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The Gurjara Pratīhāras have long been recognised as the leading royal house of northern India during the ninth and tenth centuries. A considerable number of copper plate and stone inscriptions have survived from Pratīhāra times and these have provided the requisite data for a reconstruction of the dynasty's political and social history. Following conventions established in the Gupta period if not before, the copper-plates of the Pratīhāras record grants of villages or land, while stone inscriptions typically recount the building of temples and the provision of gifts to enshrined divinities. A large number of temples from the Pratīhāra age have been preserved; some of these buildings have enjoyed the recent scholarly attention of the team working on the Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture as well as the Temple Survey of the Archaeological Survey of India. In contrast, palatial architecture is virtually unknown. This is neither surprising nor unusual, there being little left of such buildings in any part of India from before the fourteenth century. This is due to the wide use of perishable building materials, notably wood, brick and stucco. In the case of the Pratīhāra rulers there is also the fact that their capital city of Kannauj (anc. Kānyakubja) has been completely destroyed. That the Pratīhāras were responsible for some building at Kannauj is indicated by the inscription, dated Harṣa year 276 (A.D. 882–3), from the shrine of Garībnāth at Pehowa. This inscription records, among many other things, that a temple of Viṣṇu Garuḍāsana was built by the Brāhmaṇa Bhūvaka on the banks of the river Gaṅgā in Bhojapura near Kānyakubja.
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Sinha, Tanusri. "REFLECTION OF MUSIC & DANCE IN ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTION." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 9, no. 4 (May 6, 2021): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v9.i4.2021.3875.
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The word ‘inscription’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Inscripto’ which means something that is inscribed or engraved. It was engraved on clay (terracotta), stone pillars, copper plates, walls of temples, caves, and on the surface of much other metal and also even palm leaves. Very often we’ve seen it on coins and seals. It consists of important texts or symbols that reveal crucial information and evidence of ancient kings and their empires. Music is the soul of Indian culture. Indian music has an affluent tradition with its root in Vedic time. It is said that Indian music owes its origin to the Sāma Veda. The Vedic hymns were chanted with a particular pitch and accent which are used in religious work. Dance in India also has a rich and vital tradition since the beginning of our civilization. Dances of Indi were to give symbolic expressions which are also enlightened to religious ideas. Ancient Inscriptions, Engraving of Inscription, Music, Dance, Epigraphical Evidence.
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Bremmer, Jan N. "Opening Address at the Symposium: Epigraphical Evidence for the Formation and Rise of Early Śaivism." Indo-Iranian Journal 56, no. 3-4 (2013): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15728536-13560302.
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In my contribution I note the influence of emergent Latin and Greek epigraphy on the birth of Indian epigraphy as well some differences in the location of inscriptions between ancient Greece and India. Subsequently, I make some observations on the usage of the terms ‘sect’ and ‘sectarian’ in the study of Indian religion.
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Verma, Anjali. "Modes of gender relationships in early medieval India: Study based on inscriptions." Studies in People's History 7, no. 2 (December 2020): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448920951516.
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One major source of information on the position of women and the male attitude towards them in early medieval India (ad 800–1200) consists of the large body of inscriptions in Sanskrit and south Indian languages. This article is concerned with the woman’s position in the family as contemporaneously conceived based on this extensive source. Male preference and dominance were expressed in particular ways; and it is with this particularity that the present study is largely concerned. Since inscriptions, especially the voluble ones, were set up to record some act of the royalty or the nobility, one is warned in advance of the limitations of the evidence. Yet, as will be seen, ordinary women too sometimes appear in our epigraphic evidence.
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Bakker, Hans. "The Ramtek inscriptions." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 3 (October 1989): 467–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00034571.
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The hill of Ramtek (21°.28´N, 79°.28´E),c. 45 km. NE of Nagpur (Maharashtra), merits special attention because it appears to be one of the very few places in India where an uninterrupted historical development from the fourth century A.D. to the present day can be investigated through a series of archaeological monuments which, although partly restored or built over in later periods, seem never to have been exposed to destructive and iconoclastic forces. From at least the fifth century onwards the hill, also known as Rāmagiri, Sindūragiri, or Tapamgiri (Tapogiri), served as a regional centre of religious activity and probably, also had a more secular function as an outstanding strategic base controlling the highway that connected, and still connects, the central and eastern part of the basin of the Ganges with the northern Deccan. This could possibly explain, at least in part, why the religious structures on top of the hill have attracted the attention and care of the rulers of the area from a very early date.
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Shylaja, B. S. "Stone Inscriptions from South Asia as Sources of Astronomical Records." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 14, A30 (August 2018): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319004010.
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AbstractStone inscriptions from all over India provide records of eclipses, solstices and planetary conjunctions. Extending the study to South Asia, to include Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Thailand, threw light on many new aspects such as evolution of calendars independently from the influence of Indian system of time measurement as early as the 3rd Century BCE. Many interesting records of planetary conjunctions are available. One record from Cambodia hints at a possible sighting of the 1054 supernova, while another from Thailand suggests a pre-planetary nebula event.
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Törzsök, Judit, and Cédric Ferrier. "Meditating on the king's feet? Some remarks on the expression pādānudhyāta." Indo-Iranian Journal 51, no. 2 (2008): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000008789916372.
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AbstractThe Sanskrit expression -pādānudhyāta, often met with in inscriptions, is commonly translated as ‘meditating on the feet of.’ Adducing copious evidence from inscriptions as well as from classical Sanskrit literature, this article argues that the traditional translation is wrong, at least in the case of inscriptions dated before the tenth century AD. From the available sources it appears that meditation on the feet—whether on a god's or on a king's—came to be common practice only from around the tenth century in India. Moreover, several parallels show that the original understanding of the phrase was ‘favoured / blessed by the respected,’ pāda being an honorific term here. In addition to this argument, the study also attempts to define the nature of the hierarchical relationship that the above expression probably implied and to show that the wrong understanding of the term was probably due to misconceptions about the divine nature of kingship in ancient India.
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Parashar-Sen, Aloka. "Names, Travellers and Inscriptions in Early Historic South India." Indian Historical Review 34, no. 1 (January 2007): 47–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360703400103.
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Ng, Su Fang. "Indian Interpreters in the Making of Colonial Historiography: New Light on Mark Wilks’s Historical Sketches of the South of India (1810–1817)*." English Historical Review 134, no. 569 (August 2019): 821–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez213.
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Abstract A forgotten archive at Oxford, the working library of Mark Wilks (1759–1831), sometime Resident of Madras who wrote the influential Historical Sketches of the South of India (1810), offers evidence of Anglo-Indian collaboration in the early colonial period following the 1799 defeat of Tipu Sultan. Examining new manuscript evidence, this article shows how Wilks, a friend of Colin Mackenzie, the surveyor of Mysore, used texts from the vast Mackenzie Collection to compose his history, abstracting selected translations for his own library. Wilks had the help of Mackenzie’s assistants, in particular Kavali Venkata Lakshmayya. Lakshmayya (and others) provided Wilks with translations of land grants and genealogical narratives, both of which were used to establish historical chronology. Because the British saw themselves as restorers of ancient Indian practices, chronology was as important for public policy as for historiography. Working with Wilks, Lakshmayya compiled a large manuscript folio that was at once a table to convert dates among western, Islamic, and Indian calendars, and a historical abstract giving a timeline of key events. This and other manuscripts show Wilks’s use of the Mackenzie Collection beyond only inscriptions. Historical chronology was established through a mix of sources: inscriptions, narrative accounts, and published works. Moreover, Wilks incorporated narratives written by native interpreters into Historical Sketches. Indian history was the result of Anglo-Indian collaboration. Native interpreters contributed significant intellectual labour, and their historiographical work laid the foundation for the writing of the early history of South India.
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Leemans, W. F., Jagat Pati Joshi, Asko Parpola, Erja Lahdenpera, and Virpi Hameen-Anttila. "Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions. 1. Collections in India." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34, no. 1/2 (1991): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3632284.
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Salomon, Richard, Jagat Pati Joshi, and Asko Parpola. "Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions, 1: Collections in India." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 2 (April 1989): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604450.
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Talbot, Cynthia, and Michael D. Willis. "Inscriptions of Gopakṣetra: Materials for the History of Central India." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (January 1998): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606361.
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Datta, Sanjukta. "Building for the Buddha: Patrons in the Pa-la Kingdom." Studies in History 35, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 162–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643019844620.
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In conventional historiography, kings of the Pa-la dynasty are celebrated for upholding the last bastion of Buddhism in early medieval eastern India. The article demonstrates, on the basis of epigraphic evidence, that along with royal patrons, there were other categories of benefactors actively involved in the building and sustenance of Buddhist establishments. In fact, compared to the brief epigraphic history of royal patronage, there is a more sustained record of support provided to Buddhist establishments by subordinate rulers and Buddhist monks in the Pa-la domain. Through a close analysis of two twelfth-century stone inscriptions, an attempt is made to track continuities and changes in the nature of patronage provided by these two categories in a milieu defined by the presence of Buddhist institutions of trans-regional renown and participation of patrons from other realms. By paying attention to the inscriptional vocabulary, the article also highlights a typology of Buddhist monastic establishments within an eastern Indian sector and a range of devotional activities open to donors to acquire religious merit at these centres.
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Henige, David. "Inscriptions are Texts Too." History in Africa 32 (2005): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0011.
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Epigraphic evidence is a virtualterra incognitafor Africanists; few of our sources have come down to us from the past quite so directly. This is in contrast to many other parts of the world, where dealing with inscriptions falls squarely within historians' purview. Where such evidence exists, it tends to exist in very large quantities. For example, for Ur III dynasty, of circumscribed length and extent (2112-2004 BCE, southern Mesopotamia) at least 50,000 texts have been published and tens of thousands more are known to exist. Even larger numbers exists for what is now India, although admittedly covering both a much larger area and a much longer period of time. One estimate is that more than 90,000 have been discovered. Nearly everything we think we know about the Maya civilization is derived from the numerous stelae that have been discovered there. The same applies to the pre-Islamic political entities in south Arabia. And so on. In contrast, the materials included in the work under review represent almost the entire corpus for sub-Saharan Africa.This embarrassment of riches outside Africa involves another embarrassment as well. Despite heroic efforts, many of these inscriptions—a majority for some areas—are attracting dust rather than scrutiny; as a result many of the interpretations built on the edited and published ones are potential prey to the evidence in those as yet unexamined.The so-called epitaphs of Gao have not wanted for study—study carried out largely by French orientalists looking for sources more congenial to their first fields of study, but harking back to Heinrich Barth, who at least had the excuse of being unaware of the inscriptions. The present work escapes thisfaute de mieuxaspect; its author has been at work on them for nearly forty years and did not come to them from a sense of misplaced desperation.
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Sahu, Bhairabi Prasad. "Aśokan edicts: The genesis of the imperial idea and culture in early India and the debt to Iran." Studies in People's History 5, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918795739.
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The Mauryan Empire was preceded by the Achaemenian Empire, which in extent, and centralisation appears to have set a model for it. There is much on the surface to justify this thesis. Most remarkably there is the use of stone inscriptions for which the Achaemenid emperors, especially Darius and Xerxes, set a precedent. Stone and stone-cut art and architecture, not traceable in post-Indus India begin with Aśoka, and this too had Achaemenid precedents on a grand scale. This essay concedes the connection but argues that the contexts and contents of Aśokan inscriptions were essentially different from their Achaemenid precedents, and Mauryan art too, in both its forms and message, owed much to indigenous tastes and genius.
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Morrison, Kathleen D., and Mark T. Lycett. "Inscriptions as artifacts: Precolonial south india and the analysis of texts." Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 4, no. 3-4 (September 1997): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02428062.
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Norman, K. R. "Studies in the Minor Rock Edicts of Aśoka." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1, no. 2 (July 1991): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300000596.
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In our article on the Aśokan inscriptions, Dr Raymond Allchin and I pointed out the need for a new edition of Hultzsch's Inscriptions of Asoka, bringing it up to date by including the Aśokan inscriptions in Prakrit found in India, and those in Greek and Aramaic found in Afghanistan, since the publication of Hultzsch's work in 1925. Our statement was particularly applicable to the MREs, since only ten versions of MRE I were known to Hultzsch, of which three had the extra portion at the end usually designated as MRE II. To some extent the need for a replacement of Hultzsch's work had been filled by D. C. Sircar's Aśokan Studies which included reprints of all Sircar's articles dealing with new Aśokan inscriptions. Sircar had published a synoptic version of the 17 versions of MRE I and the seven versions of MRE II which are known to date, and a corrected version of this appeared in his Aśokan Studies, but even the corrected version was not entirely satisfactory, in as much as it did not give new editions of the versions already known to Hultzsch.
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Stolyarov, A. A. "Forming Historical Myths in British India in the First Decades of the 20th Century (the History of Mediaeval Mystification)." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-76-81.
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Some Indian historians, as well as social and political activists believed before and believe now that democracy in India in general, and in Bengal in particular has very deep roots (according to these beliefs, in 7th–8th centuries A.D. Bengal suffered political and economic decline). Such great activists of “Bengal Renaissance” as R. P. Chanda, A. K. Maitreya, R. D. Banerji (Bandyopadhyay), and R. Ch. Majumdar were the first to express this idea and comprehend Bengal as a single entity. Meanwhile the idea in question was based on a single evidence, that was written in the genealogical part of two landgrant charters of Dharmapāla, the second king of the Pāla dynasty (ca. late 8th — the beginning of 9th centuries). However modern historians, analysing the Bengali sources of the period, note the fact that generally only Buddhist historical texts contain references to the mentioned political and economic disorder, while judging by inscriptions and excavations, there is no evidence of decline. Moreover, there is no proof that Bengal existed as a single entity in pre-Muslim period at all. Distribution of inscriptions of Pālas and their neighbours in Bengal territory shows that we can identify around six or seven cultural and political regions there. Thus we could conclude that the notion of deeply rooted Indian democracy is based on the prejudiced interpretation of available sources by the Bengali historians of the early 20th century.
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Gutiérrez, Andrea. "Jewels Set in Stone: Hindu Temple Recipes in Medieval Cōḻa Epigraphy." Religions 9, no. 9 (September 10, 2018): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090270.
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Scholarship abounds on contemporary Hindu food offerings, yet there is scant literature treating the history of food in Hinduism beyond topics of food restrictions, purity, and food as medicine. A virtually unexplored archive is Hindu temple epigraphy from the time that was perhaps the theological height of embodied temple ritual practices, i.e., the Cōḻa period (ninth-thirteenth centuries CE). The vast archive of South Indian temple inscriptions allows a surprising glimpse into lived Hinduism as it was enacted daily, monthly, and annually through food offerings cooked in temple kitchens and served to gods residing in those temples. Through analyzing thousands of Tamiḻ inscriptions from the tenth through the fourteenth centuries CE, I have gleaned information concerning two distinct material cultural facets. (1) The practice of writing these rare but remarkable recipes which themselves are culinary textual artifacts has allowed us to access (2) Hindu food offerings of the past, also complex, sensory historical artifacts. In exploring these medieval religious recipes for the first time, I aim to show: the importance that food preparation held for temple devotees, the theological reality of feeding the actual bodies of the gods held in these temples, and the originality of the Cōḻa inscriptional corpus in bringing about a novel culinary writing practice that would be adopted more extensively in the Vijayanagara period (fourteenth-seventeenth centuries CE). This study, a radical new attempt at using historical sources inscribed in stone, sheds new light on medieval Hindu devotees’ priorities of serving and feeding god. The examination of this under-explored archive can help us move our academic analysis of Hindu food offerings beyond the hitherto utilized lenses of economics, sociology, and anthropology. Further, it contributes to our understanding of medieval temple worship, early culinary studies, and the history of food in India.
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Susantio, Djulianto. "ASTROLOGI SEBAGAI ILMU BANTU EPIGRAFI: SEBUAH PEMIKIRAN." Berkala Arkeologi 34, no. 1 (May 31, 2014): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30883/jba.v34i1.18.
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Of the thousands of inscriptions, both stones and metals, there is only small number known as dated. Other parts are damaged, worn, or missing for various reasons. Generally, inscription contains elements of the date, month, and year in the Saka dates. With a particular method, Saka dates can be converted to AD dates. Even through the knowledge of astronomy, the element of hours can be interpreted. These four elements, namely the date, month, year, and hour are absolutely necessary in the analysis of astrology. Originally astrology is used to predict human life. However, with the development of science, it can also predict the non-human aspects, such as the important events in the history of the world. Through incisive analysis, knowledge of astronomy and astrology is very useful for epigraphy, although the time was far behind. There are several types of astrology it is commonly known, the West Astrology or Greek Astrology and East Astrology of India and China. Actually, almost all major civilizations in the world knew astrology. But among the many traditions, currently only popular Western Astrology, Chinese Astrology, Indian Astrology. Since a few years ago the West began to introduce Archaeology Metaphysics, one of them through the analysis of astrology.
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Stolyarov, Alexander A. "Minor Dynasties of Early Mediaeval Bengal According to Epigraphical Data: the Dynasty of Varmans (ca. 1050-1125 AD)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016043-4.
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The paper presents a description of the socio-political and economic condition of South-Eastern Bengal in a relatively short period at the cusp of the 11th and 12th centuries, when the dynasty of Varmans ruled there. It is based on the data contained in their inscriptions. Altogether the period of the dynasty's reign did not exceed ¾ century. During this time four rulers succeeded the throne, namely Jatavarman, his both sons – Harivarman and Samalavarman, and also Bhojavarman, the son of the latter. There are seven historical sources ascribed to the dynasty, among them two manuscripts and five inscriptions. These five inscriptions contain three land-grant charters, and two inscriptions on large objects. Three land-grant charters are compiled on behalf of Harivarman, Samalavarman and Bhojavarman, while two inscriptions on large objects are dated back to the reigns of Harivarman and Bhojavarman. The first two of the three charters are poorly preserved; therefore, they cannot be deciphered in full, only the charter of Bhojavarman can be read moderately well. Of the two inscriptions on large objects, one is a panegyric of Bhatta Bhavadeva, who was the minister of peace and war of Harivarman, and the other was compiled on behalf of a minor feudal lord during the reign of Bhojavarman The dynasty's charters show that Varmans were a ‘regional’ dynasty whose interests did not extend beyond Bengal. Their status allowed them to give land-grants on their own; at the same time, they may be considered as minor independent rulers who constitute the orbit of the regional hegemon – the Pāla dynasty. In turn, the inscriptions on large objects ascribed to the dynasty of Varmans speak for the existence of a system of the hierarchical administration in their principality, as well as the existence of developed commodity-money relations and intensive social and economic ties of the territories controlled by the Varman with the rest of Bengal as well as with other regions of not only India, but probably with more distant countries. It should also be emphasized that their inscriptions witness the earliest evidence of the presence of Muslims in Bengal.
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Acharya, Eka Ratna. "Evidences of Hierarchy of Brahmi Numeral System." Journal of the Institute of Engineering 14, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jie.v14i1.20077.
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The numeral system developed in South Asian Subcontinent in third century B. C. E. as the ancestor of the Hindu Arabic, Lichhavi, Kharosthi and other different numeral systems is popular by Brahmi numeral system. Ashoka prepared the pillar to preserve the Brahmi inscription with consisting numerals. The Brahmi numerical symbols are found at Lumbini of Nepal, for example a symbol used there tells the division by eight (Athabhagiya) and conversely multiplication of eight. Ashoka pillar with different inscriptions were found at Bihar, Uttarpradesh, Delhi, Madhyapradesh of India and different parts of Nepal like Niglihawa and Lumbini. In this system numerals are written from left to right. This system was very popular in South Asian Subcontinent for a long time and it impacts to the development of other numeral systems. The aim of this paper is to explore the hierchy and the existence of symbols of Brahmi numeral on the basis of document analysis and symbols found at different manuscript and monuments. Journal of the Institute of Engineering, 2018, 14(1): 136-142
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Stein, Burton, P. R. Srinivasan, Marie-Louise Reiniche, Françoise L'Hernault, Pierre Pichard, Jean Delouche, Marie-Louise Reiniche, Christophe Guilmoto, and Francoise L'Hernault. "Tiruvannamalai, a Śaiva Sacred Complex of South India, Vol. 1 (2 Parts): Inscriptions." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 1 (January 1993): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604234.
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Karashima, N., and Y. Subbarayalu. "THE EMERGENCE OF THE PERIYANADU ASSEMBLY IN SOUTH INDIA DURING THE CHOLA AND PANDYAN PERIODS." International Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2004): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591404000063.
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In ancient and medieval south India, from about the fifth century, the term nādu denoted a micro-region which was important as the basic unit of agricultural production. The agricultural community formed in the nādu was called nāttār or nāttavar, literally meaning the people of the nādu. Initially it was exclusively composed of the Vellāla peasantry, but from the eleventh century there began to appear in Tamil inscriptions the term periyanādu meaning “big nādu” to denote a supra-nādu assembly. In this paper we examine the meaning of the emergence of this and other similar supra-local and/or multi-community organizations.The Chola dynasty, which had ruled south India for about four hundred years, disappeared in the latter half of the thirteenth century. The succeeding Pandyan dynasty was put down in its turn by the invasion of the Delhi Sultan's army at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Therefore, the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in south India were a period of political turmoil, during when, nevertheless, foreign trade was carried out vigorously in the Indian Ocean. Merchants and artisans joined peasants in the activities of the periyanādu, generating a new state and social formation that became explicitly visible in the fifteenth century under Vijayanagar rule.
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Abdurrahman, Kasim. "Inskripsi Keagamaan pada Masjid Azizi Tanjungpura, Langkat, Sumatera Utara." Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 16, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/jlk.v16i1.494.
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Indonesia is a nation of a diverse civilization. The legacy of Indonesian civilization is significantly influenced by the way of life and religious teachings spread over large and wider regions ranging from Sumatra in the west and Papua in the east. History of Islam in Indonesia culturally has already inherited a number of various historical relics. One of them is the house of worship. This research article discusses one of the historic houses of worship,viz. the Azizi Mosque in Tanjung Pura, Langkat, North Sumatera. With the use of an archaelogical method, by means of techniques of observation, the research focuses on describing, analysing and understanding meaning of architectural, historical objects and religious inscriptions of the mosque as an archaelogical inheritance. The research highlights some important findings. First, the Azizi mosque shows significantly a cultural acculturative mixture of various origin from the Middle East, India, China and Malay. But, in a case of decoration of this mosque, it was affected by the Middle Eastern nuances, especially Arab with Arabic calligraphic inscriptions containing religious messages. Second, philo¬sophically the mosque Azizi represents and symbolizes the Malay’s way of life, characterized by any system of norms and values applied in the Malay community at large, namely the norms of high respects to the power of leaders (umara), clerics (ulama), intellectuals (zumara), the rich (agniya), and the power of the prayers of the poor (fuqara).Keywords: Azizi Mosque, architecture, inscription, Langkat, calligraphyIndonesia adalah satu bangsa yang mempunyai peradaban yang beraneka ragam. Peninggalannya dipengaruhi oleh tradisi kebudayaan maupun keagamaan masyarakat yang tersebar di berbagai wilayah. Sejarah Islam di Indonesia juga termasuk yang memiliki berbagai peninggalan bersejarah. Salah satunya adalah rumah ibadah. Tulisan ini membahas salah satu rumah ibadah bersejarah, yaitu Masjid Azizi di Tanjungpura, Langkat, Sumateran Utara. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode arkeologi, mulai observasi, deskripsi, dan pemaknaannya. Aspek-aspek yang dibahas meliputi arsitektur, benda-benda bersejarah dan inskripsi keagamaan di dalamnya. Arsitektur Mesjid Azizi memperlihatkan perpaduan Timur Tengah, India, Cina, dan Melayu. Secara filosofis mengandung falsafah Melayu, yaitu kekuatan pemimpin (umara), ulama, cerdik pandai (zumara), orang kaya (agniya), dan kekuatan doa orang miskin (fuqara). Hiasan masjid ini bernuansa Timur Tengah, khususnya Arab dengan inskripsi kaligrafi Arab yang mengandung pesan-pesan agamis.Kata kunci: Masjid Azizi, arsitektur, inskripsi, Langkat, kaligrafi
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Harriyadi, Nfn. "MELACAK JEJAK KEBERAGAMAN ETNIS MASYARAKAT JAWA KUNO BERDASARKAN DATA PRASASTI PADA ABAD KE-7 HINGGA ABAD KE-11 MASEHI." Forum Arkeologi 34, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/fa.v34i1.686.
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The Ancient Mataram Kingdom has various inscriptions contain information about society’s social life. Java Island was mentioned several times in foreign literature and in several sites were found artifacts from outside Java. This condition indicates the possibility foreign ethnic have a direct relationship with the Javanese community. This study’s objective is to obtain several inscriptions that mention foreign ethnic in the Ancient Mataram period in the 7th to 11th centuries. Data are collected from various secondary sources that contain information about the existence of foreign ethnic. The results of this study show that Java Island was visited by foreign ethnic from North India, South India, East Asia (China), and Southeast Asia. The emergence of foreign communities in Java was caused by the improvement of the trade and economy sector which was supported by local authorities. The presence of traders that provide economic benefits for the authorities and local communities can create a diverse society and live in harmony. Kerajaan Mataram Kuno memiliki bergaram tinggalan prasasti yang memuat informasi kehidupan sosial masyarakat. Pulau Jawa beberapa kali disebutkan dalam literatur asing dan beberapa situs ditemukan artefak dari luar Jawa. Kondisi demikian memberikan indikasi adanya kemungkinan etnis asing yang menjalin hubungan langsung dengan masyarakat Jawa. Tujuan kajian ini adalah mendapatkan berbagai prasasti yang menyebutkan keberagaman etnis masyarakat Mataram Kuno pada abad ke-7 hingga ke-11. Data dikumpulkan dari berbagai sumber sekunder yang memuat informasi mengenai adanya etnis asing yang tinggal di jawa. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa Pulau Jawa pada masa Matram Kuno telah disinggahi oleh komunitas asing yang berasal dari India Utara, India Selatan, Asia Timur (Cina), dan Asia Tenggara. Latar belakang munculnya komunitas asing di Jawa adalah berkembangnya sektor ekonomi perdagangan yang mendapat dukungan dari penguasa lokal. Kehadiran para pedagang yang memberikan keuntungan ekonomi bagi penguasa dan masyarakat lokal mampu menciptakan masyarakat yang beragam dan hidup harmonis.
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Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Reflections on State-Making and History-Making in South India, 1500-1800." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 41, no. 3 (1998): 382–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852098323213147.
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AbstractThis paper is concerned with early modern southern India, and in particular, the areas ruled over by Vijayanagara, the Nayakas of Senji and the Nawwabs of Arcot. Its primary intention is to point out that states as diverse as these produced important narratives that served as points of self-definition. Positivist historians have often struggled to understand what to do with these texts, asking in effect whether they are “truths” or “lies,” and often rejecting them wholsesale for the ostensibly more “reliable” stone and copper-plate based inscriptions.The paper argues against the divide in south Indian history between “textualists,” who read narrative texts, and “epigraphers,” who prefer the “hard” evidence of inscriptions, and contends that any general historical analysis must of necessity be based on a reading of both forms of materials. In this context, the paper develops the argument for the emergence of a certain historical self-consciousness in early modern south India, both in the Perso-Islamic and the vernacular traditions, and in their interface. It would naturally be tempting to see matters in terms of a succession of expressive forms, each one successfully and finally displacing its predecessors, but it is proposed that the realities one encounters are rather more complex than this model would suggest.
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AMAR, ABHISHEK S. "Buddhist Responses to Brāhmaṇa Challenges in Medieval India: Bodhgayā and Gayā." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 22, no. 1 (January 2012): 155–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000769.
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The sixth to twelfth centuries of the common era were marked by intense religious activity in all parts of India. In the Paramāra kingdom – the main focus of the articles in this special issue – the dominant religious forces were Jainism and the Śaiva traditions of Hinduism. While Buddhism was certainly present in central India, archaeological remains, inscriptions and post-medieval narratives suggest its role was much diminished compared to the early historic period. In substantial contrast, Buddhism remained a vibrant force in eastern India. Bodhgayā, as the site of the Buddha's enlightenment, had emerged as a sacred place by the time of Aśoka in the third century BCE and it evolved subsequently into one of the key centres of the Buddhist world. This importance is attested by existing remains at the site, including the Mahābodhi temple, monastic ruins and innumerable sculptures from medieval times.
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Higham, Charles F. W. "At the dawn of history: From Iron Age aggrandisers to Zhenla kings." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 47, no. 3 (September 26, 2016): 418–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463416000266.
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The transition from Late Iron Age to early state societies in the riverine lowlands of the Mun Valley and northern Cambodia took place rapidly in the fifth and sixth centuries CE. Defining the former involves archaeological excavation, whereas the latter is best known from surviving temple structures and inscriptions in addition to the results of archaeological fieldwork. Several common threads link the two phases of cultural development. From the late fifth century BCE, Iron Age communities participated in the growing maritime exchange network linking Southeast Asia with China and India, bringing exotic ideas and goods into the hinterland. Iron itself had a major impact on agriculture and warfare. Salt, a vital commodity that is abundantly available in the Mun Valley, was exploited on an industrial scale. By the fifth century CE, an agricultural revolution involving permanent, probably irrigated, rice fields and ploughing underwrote a rapid rise of social elites. These leaders in society, named in the early historic inscriptions, maintained and elaborated prehistoric innovations.
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Willis, Michael. "Buddhist Saints in Ancient Vedisa." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 11, no. 2 (July 2001): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301000244.
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AbstractThe Buddhist saints, that are the subject of this article, are known from a series of inscribed reliquaries collected by Alexander Cunningham and F. C. Maisey at Sanchi and neighbouring sites in central India. The inscriptions, dating to the circa early first century BC, have been known since readings of them were first published the mid-nineteenth century. The detailed re-examination of the records presented in this article shows that the reliquary inscriptions give special prominence to five Buddhist saints. The names given correspond to the five missionaries who, according to Pali sources, were sent to the Himalayan region at the time of the Third Council in the mid-third century BC. This indicates that (a) the Hemavata school was responsible for the re-vitalization of Sanchi in the post-Mauryan period and (b) that there was a well-established tradition about the nature of the Third Council in the first century BC.
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Lubin, Timothy. "The Theory and Practice of Property in Premodern South Asia: Disparities and Convergences." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 5-6 (September 5, 2018): 803–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341471.
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AbstractThis article reviews the main scholastic norms relevant to property and land rights in ancient and medieval India, and then surveys a range of inscriptions that illustrate the contours of land law in practice. The evidence suggests that India developed a sophisticated concept of landed property from earliest history, with conceptual tools and legal instruments to define the rights of owners vis-à-vis rulers, rival claimants, and holders of subordinate interests (such as tenants, cultivators, mortgagees, etc.). It further shows that although earlier inscriptions deployed those tools and instruments in a narrow range of transfers between rulers and Brahmins or other religious groups, subsequent periods provide evidence of an increasingly wider application, including gifts by non-elite donors, ordinary contractual land transfers, and resolution of property disputes. In some cases, the implication seems to be that the legal framework was more widespread in practice but generated durable records (in metal or stone) only for elite actors; in many cases, it seems likely that elite legal resources became more widely available over time. This survey also notes how documents bring to the fore aspects of property law—the role of councils and arbitrators in administering the law (rather than the king or his officers), or the use of documents to carve out special rights—that are less prominent in scholastic treatments such as Dharmaśāstra.
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Shokoohy, Mehrdad. "Architecture of the Sultanate of Ma'bar in Madura, and other Muslim Monuments in South India." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1, no. 1 (April 1991): 31–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300000055.
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During the fourteenth century on the Travancore coast of South India an independent Muslim sultanate was established which lasted for less than half a century, and was eventually terminated by the newly established neighbouring kingdom of Vijayanagar. The short, brutal and enigmatic period of this sultanate has attracted the attention of a number of modern scholars who have tried to put together its history through study of the coins, a few inscriptions, and the brief, often dismissive remarks found in the North Indian histories, as well as, most informative of all, the travel account of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, who visited the region when the power of the sultanate was at its peak. However, none of these studies agrees even in the number and chronology of the sultans, let alone the details of the events: a confusion which is a direct result of the lack of adequate information at the present time. Under the circumstances it may appear presumptuous to embark on a description of the architectural monuments of this sultanate.
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Sen, Indrani. "Devoted Wife/Sensuous Bibi: Colonial Constructions of the Indian Woman, 1860-1900." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 8, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152150100800101.
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Current research has rather tended to neglect the print culture of 19th-century British India and its contribution towards the formation of gender ideologies. This article attempts to scrutinise the clamorous voices of the print culture: the newspapers, popular periodicals as well as copious published works, and to unravel the complex and sometimes contradictory web of constructions that ihese built around the gendered colonised. The second half of the century witnessed a definite cultural focus on the Indian woman. Among other things, this interest took the form of a constant engagement with the subject of the 'native' female in the print culture of the British community resident in India. The article explores the multifaceted and pluralistic representation of the Indian woman, ranging from prurient accounts of native female sensuality and discussion of social reform issues to laudatory inscriptions of wifely devotion and the sati. In other words, the image of the Indian woman was constantly being reconstituted and proscriptions of her sensuousness were interwoven with prescriptions of passive feminine behaviour. Admired models of perceived Eastern female docility were often selectively drawn upon, in a process constituting an 'Indianisation' of the Anglo-Indian female paradigm. While it is well recognised that representations of Indian women were strategically linked to the agenda of empire, what this article also tries to show is that, due to the complex interconnections between the ideologies of gender and empire, these gender representations also served to contain disturb ing issues raised by the contemporary women's movement in England.
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Sarma, Sreeramula Rajeswara. "A Monumental Astrolabe Made for Shāh Jahān and Later Reworked with Sanskrit Legends." Medieval Encounters 23, no. 1-5 (September 22, 2017): 198–262. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342247.
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Abstract When the astrolabe was introduced in India around the eleventh century, it was received with great enthusiasm. While the Muslims continued the Middle Eastern tradition of the study and manufacture of the astrolabe, the Hindus and Jains, who did not read Arabic, composed manuals on the astrolabe in Sanskrit, produced astrolabes with Sanskrit inscriptions, and also occasionally added Sanskrit legends to the Arabic/Persian astrolabes. A very large astrolabe, which is thoroughly reworked in this manner with Sanskrit legends, is the subject of this paper. During the process of reworking the name of the original maker of the astrolabe, the date of its manufacture, and other such details got effaced. But on the basis of the internal evidence, it will be argued that the astrolabe was originally produced between 1648 and 1658 by Ḍiyāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad of Lahore for the Mughal Emperor Shāh Jahān. The study continues with a technical description of the components of the astrolabe, in which an attempt will be made to record all the original Arabic inscriptions and the subsequent engravings in Sanskrit.
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Munandar, Agus Aris. "Majapahit and the Contemporary Kingdoms: Interactions and Views." Berkala Arkeologi 40, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30883/jba.v40i1.522.
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This study discusses the interactions between Majapahit and other kingdoms from a contemporary time in Nusantara, Southeast Asia, India, and China and vice versa. The aim is to formulate the interaction between Majapahit and contemporary kingdoms and vice versa based on existing data. This is an ancient historical study that was conducted in three stages, namely: collecting data contained in written sources such as inscriptions, literary works, and Chinese Chronicles, and archaeological data. The second stage was a data analysis by linking data from written sources with other data, to look for elements that support each other, and always refer to the phenomenon of the study framework. The third stage included an interpretation to gain conclusions. According to the data analysis by examining Majapahit's contemporary regions and kingdoms, it turned out that the kingdom applied the basic concept of Tri Angga which refers to the macrocosm concept of Tri Loka. Majapahit's relationship with India is not as dynamic as that of China, instead, there is a view that India is religiously no longer a reference to Hinduism and Buddhism.
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Fleetwood, Lachlan. "“No former travellers having attained such a height on the Earth’s surface”: Instruments, inscriptions, and bodies in the Himalaya, 1800–1830." History of Science 56, no. 1 (October 5, 2017): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275317732254.
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East India Company surveyors began gaining access to the high Himalaya in the 1810s, at a time when the mountains were taking on increasing political significance as the northern borderlands of British India. Though never as idiosyncratic as surveyors insisted, these were spaces in which instruments, fieldbook inscriptions, and bodies were all highly prone to failure. The ways surveyors managed these failures (both rhetorically and in practice) demonstrate the social performances required to establish credible knowledge in a world in which the senses were scrambled. The resulting tensions reveal an ongoing disconnect in understanding between those displaced not only from London, but also from Calcutta, something insufficiently emphasized in previous histories of colonial science. By focusing on the early nineteenth century, often overlooked in favor of the later period, this article shows the extent to which the scientific, imaginative, and political constitution of the Himalaya was haphazard and contested.
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Mannepalli, Gundala. "Banking and business of interest in Early times of India (Special reference with inscriptions & dharmasastras)." IOSR Journal of Business and Management 16, no. 10 (2014): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/487x-161027078.
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Alizadeh, Abbas. "Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions. Vol. 1. Collections in India. Jagat Pati Joshi , Asko Parpola." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51, no. 4 (October 1992): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373580.
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Redlinger, Daniel. "Die frühe Sultanatsarchitektur in Nordindien im 12.–14. Jahrhundert als herrschaftspolitisches, identitätsstiftendes Ausdrucksmittel im Spannungsfeld wechselnder Legitimierungsstrategien." Das Mittelalter 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2015-0002.
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Abstract The following paper discusses how the experience and perception of contingency and strategies to cope with it are evident in the architecture of the Muslim ruling class during the early Delhi Sultanate (1190–1320). The discussed building is the most important Friday Mosque in this context, a quasi-visualized symbol of the thematic concept of rulership for the new Muslim political elite. This ruling class established itself in Northern India in the late 12th century within a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and socially heterogeneous society, in which extremely different forms of communication, social hierarchies, worldviews, religious concepts, social norms and perceptions of historical images and experiences met. From the 13th century onwards, the countless immigrants and refugees from Persian-speaking areas had a remarkable influence on the local culture which was already multifaceted due to the various indigenous Northern Indian conceptions of life, faith and perception. Examining the architecture of the mosque as well as its decoration and systems of inscriptions, it will be shown how these almost text-like visual systems where adapted and used by different rulers as part of their diverging strategies of legitimization of their rule and how they created visualized reference systems to promote a coherent, specific historical narrative and a visual experience and language of a meaningful collective past to which all social and religious groups in Northern India could relate.
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Patra, Dipankar. "VERIES CITIES OF ANCIENT INDIA : AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 02 (February 28, 2021): 367–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12457.
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Despite finding the scholars being divided in their opinions, the glorious antiquities of ancient India still continue to grow in stature since time immemorial. The rudimentary remnants of hoary tradition and a journey from the ancient, original and enriched nature of Indian culture to Gupta Dynasty with a passage through the epic age amply vouchsafes the very purpose of the article. With the subdivisions of historical ages, the cities in the Indus Valley Civilization with particular emphasis on the twin cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro along with some cardinal Archaeological credentials as well as discoveries have also been amply highlighted. In addition to that, archeologists, anthologists and ancient historians to the calibre of Sir John Marshall, Hieun Tsang, Daya Ram Sahni,Rakhal Das Bandyopadhya, Nani Gopal Mazumdar, E.J.H. Macky together with excavation samples, carbon analysis, pictograph,inscriptions,numismatic testimonies, different chronological references documented the erstwhile town planning, metropolitan civilization, societal pattern, rituals till the approach of the Aryans. The age of Rgveda and Mahabharata with the historical evidences of Epic cities like (1) Hastinapur, (2) Indraparastha, (3)Girivraja,(4)Mathura, (5) Dwarka, (6) Mahismati (7) Pragjyotishpur, (8) Prabhas, (9) Ayodhya, (10) Mithila have been cited alongside. Henceforth the article aims to allude the noteworthy references from Cities in the Period of Sungas&Guptas in reference of the populaces like Puruspur, Sakala, and historically famous provinces like Uttarapatha (including kandharpart) - Taxila ,(2) Avantrirattha (westrn part)- Ujjayini, (3) Dakhahinapatha - Suvarnagiri ,(4) Kalinga - Tosali (orisya) (5) Prachya, Prachina, Pras- Pataliputra. Thus with a renewed mission of rediscovering ancient India in light of the scientific skill and neatly organised enterprise of the erstwhile civilization, the article tends to delineate contemporary town plans, granaries, ports, tradings and prosperous populaces.
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Buckee, Fiona. "The Curious Case of the Octagonal Temple." Archives of Asian Art 70, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00666637-8620366.
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Abstract The Muṇḍeśvarī temple near Bhabuā in southwest Bihar is an octagonal, sandstone monument without a spire. Scholars have dated the temple to the first half of the seventh century, primarily on account of early inscriptions from the site and the style of the door frames. Few monuments survive from this nascent stage of structural North Indian temple architecture, and the Muṇḍeśvarī temple is intriguing because it is an anomaly in terms of its size, composition, and the shape of its plan. This study argues that the Muṇḍeśvarī temple has been misdated, and presents a systematic architectural analysis that highlights multiple features and irregularities that are incompatible with early North Indian design. The paper proposes that, rather than being seventh century, the octagonal shrine was built about a millennia later, in the sixteenth–seventeenth century, incorporating doorways and moldings salvaged from the ruins of the seventh century temples that once graced the hilltop. The latter part of the article considers how the Muṇḍeśvarī temple came to be buried by the end of the eighteenth century, and questions whether the Archaeological Survey of India might have altered the temple's appearance during the reconstructive work they undertook at the start of the twentieth century.
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Niewöhner, Elke. "Ein astronomisch-astrologisches Gedicht des persischen Dichters Ḥusain Ḥakīm Ṯanāʾī Mašhadī auf der Berliner Indischen Weltkarte." Der Islam 96, no. 1 (April 9, 2019): 121–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0004.
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Abstract One does not encounter short astronomical-astrological poems in Persian very frequently. One such poem, by the Persian-Indian poet Ṯanāʾī (d. 1587/8) is inscribed on the Indian world map in the Museum of Islamic Art in Berlin. This map probably originated in the sphere of the court of the ruler of Rajastan, Sawai Jai Singh II. (1700‒1743). The poem does not bear a relationship to the other inscriptions and paintings found on the map, and is known only from this map. It presupposes a significant degree of knowledge of astronomy and astrology on the reader’s part, especially since Ṯanāʾī had developed a style in India by means of which he was able to “pack longwinded ideas and multiple meanings into a succinct expression”. The poem reflects a world view that is based on the cosmology of Aristotle and the planetary theories of Ptolemy. In particular, it addresses the heavenly spheres, with the earth at their center, the system of astronomical coordinates, the course and the characteristics of the planets, including Sun and Moon, and a short characterization of the four elements and the twelve signs of the zodiac. This article provides a philological reading, translation, and line-by-line commentary of the poem.
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Parihar, Subhash. "Some Interesting Visitors' Records: Five Examples of Graffiti Found in a Tomb at Nurdi (Amritsar District, East Punjab)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 7, no. 3 (November 1997): 399–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300009433.
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The Persian inscriptions of India, which constitute an important source, particularly for the local history of a region, a district, a tehsil, a town and a village, have received inadequate if not scant attention from our historians. Worse and far more regrettable is the neglect of visitors' or travellers' records on the walls of sarais, tombs or mosques, and similar buildings which they passed and where they made a halt, overnight and otherwise. Against the commemorative stone tablets set in a monument to perpetuate the name of the builder, visitors' or travellers' records or graffiti, as they are also called, were written usually in ink and hence were of comparatively much less durable nature. Many of these graffiti have disappeared in the natural course with the passage of time.
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De, Amrita. "Situating Right-Wing Populisms and Revisiting The Men and the Boys under the Neoliberal Turn." Boyhood Studies 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/bhs.2020.130208.
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This exploratory article draws critical insights from Raewyn Connell’s The Men and the Boys (2000) to unpack the gendered nature of neoliberal rightwing populist governance in India and America. Connell’s prescient work targeted towards forging new theoretical inroads in masculinity studies research, on its conception, continues to provide a vital heuristic model to make better sense of the present condition. This article first situates right-wing populist governance in India and America within the rubric of global neoliberal capitalism. It then unpacks Narendra Modi and Donald Trump’s carefully calibrated populist imaging, drawing attention to the surrounding gendered discourses rooted in local and culturally idealized perceptions of hegemonic masculinity. Narendra Modi and Donald Trump’s public figuration falls in the “cult of strongman leader stereotype”, characterized by risk-taking translated into perceived virility. Social media and its affordances further prop up their perceived masculine public personas, while affectively inscribing traditional inscriptions of heteronormative masculinity, such as ideas of dominance, as aspirational. Through preliminary research, this article then considers the effects of political masculinities on adolescent masculinities. In conclusion, this article stresses the theoretical relevance of Connell’s important work twenty years later.
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Lahiri, Nayanjot. "Landholding and Peasantry in the Brahmaputra Valley C . 5Th-13Th Centuries a. D." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 33, no. 2 (1990): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852090x00103.
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AbstractIn the world of the Brahmaputra valley inscriptions between the 5th and the 12th/13th centuries A.D. the Brahmins, traditionally at the apex of the caste hiearchy, had their position as the dominant landholding class buttressed by certain fiscal and administrative-judicial privileges that went along with the donations of land they received from the contemporary kings. However, in contrast to certain other areas of India, such as Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra where the donated plots of land were supposedly in waste areas, giving the donee Brahmins absolute land tenure rights, the rights of the already existing peasantry in the donated plots of land in the Brahmaputra valley were unlikely to have been impaired because these plots of land were in already settled regions and not in areas to be reclaimed. The reclamation of land went on in the hilly fringe of the Brahmaputra valley as late as the 19th century, and the peasants, originally tribals, cnjoyed a permanency of tenure in the land they reclaimed. The Brahmaputra valley was reclaimed before the period of our inscriptions, and this means that the Brahmins got only the rent which the resident peasantry used to give earlier to the king. The ranks of the peasantry also included such occupational groups as boatsmen, potters and weavers, suggesting on the whole a picture of occupational mobility which could be found even the early 20th century Assam, mainly because of the general availability of cultivable waste land and the insignificance of trade conducive to the growth of occupational groups. The peasant production was geared to wet rice cultivation which had an irrigational system, perhaps honed by the Kachari element of the population of our period, to fall back upon. The Kachari participation in this irrigation system can be surmised both from the occurrence of the related language words in the inscriptions and the general ethnographic literature on pre-modern irrigation in the Brahmaputra valley. The interaction between the Brahmins and the general range of peasantry which undoubtedly had a significant tribal element ushered in what would be called the process of Sanskritization of the grassroots village level in the Brahmaputra valley. The data on the systems of landholding and the general character of the peasantry are not much in the inscriptions of our period, constituting, in fact, its basic historical source, but viewed in the light of the relevant ethnographic evidence in the context of pre-modern Assam, even this limited amount of data can offer a coherent picture, howsoever brief.
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Acharya, Subrata Kumar. "Kings, Brāhmaṇas and Collective Land Grants in Early Medieval Odisha." Indian Historical Review 45, no. 1 (June 2018): 24–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617747997.
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Collective land grants to the brāhmaṇas by the ruling authorities were a common feature in early medieval India. It was the usual practice to specify the number of brāhmaṇas receiving land, along with their personal names, gotras, Vedic affiliations and respective shares. But there are examples where these details are not furnished. Besides, there are quite a large number of instances where the brāhmaṇas of a single family received land grants collectively. The number of recipients varied and sometimes several thousands were given land grants in the same locality. There are a number of reasons why the brāhmaṇas were granted land collectively. Scholars like R.S. Sharma and B.P. Mazumdar, who have worked on this aspect and mostly examined the North Indian inscriptions, marshaled their own arguments. While the former situated them in the context of agrarian expansion and tribal acculturation, the latter viewed them largely as strategic moves of the kings for defending the frontiers of their kingdoms. In the present article an attempt has been made to review all the collective land grants of early medieval Odisha and explore the possible reasons for land donations to the brāhmaṇas collectively. The period roughly covers from the fourth to fifth century CE to the twelfth to thirteenth century CE.
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Finkel, I. L., and J. E. Reade. "On Some Inscribed Babylonian Alabastra." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2002): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186302000123.
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AbstractDemand for scents, spices and comparable products from India and further east was a major incentive for the naval expeditions which led, after 1497 AD, to the creation of European empires in the Orient. There was the same demand in the ancient Mediterranean and Middle East, to which these goods travelled through the Red Sea or the Persian Gulf. People in Egypt and Babylonia in the classical period were both middlemen and consumers, and this paper draws attention to the existence of a few alabaster jars that reflect the trade. They are mainly in the Department of the Ancient Near East at the British Museum (previously called the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities), and are inscribed in Babylonian or Greek with the names of scents or spices. While these inscriptions are unusual, perhaps many more jars were once inscribed in ink which is no longer visible.
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Flores, Jorge, and Giuseppe Marcocci. "Killing Images: Iconoclasm and the Art of Political Insult in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Portuguese India." Itinerario 42, no. 3 (December 2018): 461–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115318000621.
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The article builds on a succession of visually disturbing events that occurred in Goa—the capital city of Portuguese India—during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. From the early years of the Portuguese conquest (1510), Goa went through a redefinition of its urban space, which implied the appropriation and re-semantization of buildings and other key sites of the old Muslim city. This process included the spread of images and symbols related to several Portuguese viceroys, soon-to-be targets of acts of political insult and even political iconoclasm performed by their Portuguese opponents in a context of growing factionalism. We speak namely of episodes of protest against places of memory associated to different clans, encompassing statues (both official and bogus), textual inscriptions, and viceroys’ portraits. These were European phenomena to a large extent, but coloured by significant local and native elements. The article engages with a grid of questions that places real statues, satirical effigies, and erased faces (and the diverse reactions they have aroused) in dialogue with current debates on popular politics; high and low vis-à-vis the colonial social fabric; the uses of public space; verbal, written, and visual insult; political languages; and disputed authority in an imperial setting.
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Milligan, Matthew D. "Corporate Bodies in Early South Asian Buddhism: Some Relics and Their Sponsors According to Epigraphy." Religions 10, no. 1 (December 22, 2018): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10010004.
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Some of the earliest South Asian Buddhist historical records pertain to the enshrinement of relics, some of which were linked to the Buddha and others associated with prominent monastic teachers and their pupils. Who were the people primarily responsible for these enshrinements? How did the social status of these people represent Buddhism as a burgeoning institution? This paper utilizes early Prakrit inscriptions from India and Sri Lanka to reconsider who was interested in enshrining these relics and what, if any, connection they made have had with each other. Traditional accounts of reliquary enshrinement suggest that king Aśoka began the enterprise of setting up the Buddha’s corporeal body for worship but his own inscriptions cast doubt as to the importance he may have placed in the construction of stūpa-s and the widespread distribution of relics. Instead, as evidenced in epigraphy, inclusive corporations of individuals may have instigated, or, at the very least, became the torchbearers for, reliquary enshrinement as a salvific enterprise. Such corporations comprised of monastics as well as non-monastics and seemed to increasingly become more managerial over time. Eventually, culminating at places like Sanchi, the enshrinement of the corporeal remains of regionally famous monks partially supplanted the corporeal remains of the Buddha. Those interested in funding this new endeavor were corporations of relatives, monastic brethren, and others who were likely friends and immediate acquaintances. In the end, the social and corporate collectivity of early Buddhism may have outshined some textual monastic ideals of social isolation as it pertained to the planning, carrying out, and physical enshrinement of corporeal remains for worship, thus evoking an inclusive sentiment with the monastic institution rather than disassociation.
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Losensky, Paul E. "“Square Like a Bubble”." Journal of Persianate Studies 8, no. 1 (August 24, 2015): 42–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341278.
Full textAbstract:
The career of the poet Kalim Kāshāni (d. 1061/1651) exemplifies two significant developments in the social and cultural life of the Persianate world of the seventeenth century. First is the oft-noted mobility of poets, scholars, and administrators between Safavid Iran and Mughal India. Second is the revival of the verbal description of architecture (ekphrasis) as a major mode of panegyric poetry. As the ruling elite invested heavily in constructing palaces and cities as a projection of their imperial power, poets increasingly integrated these projects into their celebrations of their patrons. Taking advantage of both of these trends, Kalim rose from being a minor regional poet to the highest rank in the cultural establishment of the court of Shāh Jahān. Close readings of two of Kalim’s architectural inscriptions, from the beginning and end of his career, reveal two different approaches to the verbal representation of architecture and to the expression of political power.