Academic literature on the topic 'Institutional domination'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Institutional domination.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Institutional domination"
1
Munir, Kamal A. "Challenging Institutional Theory’s Critical Credentials." Organization Theory 1, no. 1 (2019): 263178771988797. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631787719887975.
Full textAbstract:
Institutional theory’s claim to be critical rings hollow. Not only does the theory lack an emancipatory agenda but most institutional studies privilege agentic power over hegemonic. Even when engaging with ‘grand challenges’ institutional theorists are inclined to overlook larger structures of domination in favour of focusing on smaller, more manageable issues. As a result, institutional theorists run the risk of becoming complicit in the reification and legitimation of structures of domination. A process of self-critique must be initiated in order to recognize the role institutional theory is playing in this process.
2
Drugge, Daniel. "‘I’m Outta Here’: Theorizing the Role of Exit in the Ideal of Non-Domination." Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24, no. 3 (2021): 789–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10677-021-10198-0.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAccounts of non-domination have tended to emphasise the role resources and other capacity and voice building mechanisms can play in giving people the power and the institutional means of living lives that are free of domination. Yet the role of exit - of institutionally protected means of withdrawing from relationships - has remained undertheorized in accounts of non-domination. Drawing on a range of public policy examples, this paper seeks to shed light on the ways in which, and under what conditions, institutionalised means of exit can contribute to realising the ideal of non-domination. It shows that while rights of exit and low exit-costs can play an essential role in protecting people from dependence on the arbitrary wills of others, it is only under certain conditions these can be said to contribute to the realisation of the ideal of non-domination in a broader sense. Understanding the relationship between exit and non-domination, it further argues, gives us a clearer (if more complicated) picture of the relationship between non-domination and sources of power such as monetary resources and voice.
3
Rosino, Michael L. "Dramaturgical Domination." Humanity & Society 41, no. 2 (2015): 158–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597615623042.
Full textAbstract:
The history of racial domination in the United States is multifaceted and therefore cannot be explained through simple reference to ideologies or institutional structures. At the microlevel, racial domination is reproduced through social interactions. In this article, I draw on Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical approach to social interaction to illuminate the development of the racialized interaction order whereby actors racialized as white impose a set of implicit rules and underlying assumptions onto interracial interactions. I examine archetypal instances of racialized social interactions in America’s history and present-day to reveal the role of social interactions in racially structuring social institutions and everyday lives. First, I discuss the development and racialization of chattel slavery and its routinization as an interaction order. Next, I explore the dramaturgical and symbolic significance of the postbellum emergence and spread of racial terrorism such as white lynch mobs. I then analyze the contemporary discursive and performative strategies of white racial dominance and aspects of the contemporary racialized interaction order such as the de facto racialization of spatial boundaries, mass media and the digital sphere, and police violence. I conclude by discussing the significance of interactional analysis for understanding the present racialized social system.
4
Skorobogatov, A. "Stock Market, the Institutional Structure and Stability Problem in the Capitalist Economy." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 20, 2006): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2006-12-80-97.
Full textAbstract:
The paper addresses the problem of interaction of the stock market and real investment in the contemporary economy. The stock market and the real economy are considered as autonomous economic worlds with growing domination of the stock market. From the Post Keynesian perspective the author shows the implications of the stock market domination for economic stability and welfare. In particular, narrowing of the planning horizons and regular shocks due to volatility of finance availability are considered, which may facilitate the crisis because the economy is financially fragile. The institutional prerequisites for the stock market isolation and domination over the real sector are analyzed.
5
McIntyre, Katharine M. "Recognizing freedom." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 8 (2018): 885–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718803419.
Full textAbstract:
Domination as opposed to what? Michel Foucault’s works on power and subject formation uncover the subtle ways in which disciplinary power structures create opportunities for domination. Yet Foucault says little about the forms of freedom that we should prefer. I argue that the proper opposite of Foucauldian domination is a version of the concept of social freedom found in contemporary recognition theory. I establish that Foucault implicitly commits himself to an ontological concept of recognition in which the subject is constituted by acts that affirm particular qualities. On the basis of this ontological commitment, there is room for Foucault to endorse an ethical concept of recognition as well, in which the subject’s freedom is bound to a variety of forms of institutional and interpersonal recognition. Finally, Foucauldian insights regarding the potentially dominating tendencies of genuine acts of recognition lead to helpful modifications of the concept of social freedom.
6
O’Shea, Tom. "Socialist Republicanism." Political Theory 48, no. 5 (2019): 548–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719876889.
Full textAbstract:
Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the workplace and wider society. I defend this socialist republicanism from both the Marxist objection that it overlooks the impersonal nature of domination under capitalism and the left-liberal objections that property-owning democracy or worker codetermination are sufficient to suppress dominating relationships. The resulting position identifies the need for more ambitious institutional grounds for republican liberty than is often supposed, while offering us a distinctive emancipatory justification for socialism.
7
Crummett, Dustin. "Prosecutorial Discretion and Republican Non-Domination." Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 23, no. 5 (2020): 965–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10677-020-10122-y.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractProsecutors in the US legal system have great power to interfere at their discretion in the lives of citizens, and face relatively few checks on the exercise of this discretion. The vast scope of the criminal law provides a pretext for prosecuting nearly anyone. Meanwhile, other features of the legal system, such as the way plea bargains are structured and the doctrine of prosecutorial immunity, further increase prosecutorial power. And existing institutional restraints on prosecutorial abuses, such as democratic accountability, the grand jury system, and the possibility of a selective prosecution defense, are mostly ineffectual. I draw on republican political theory, including insights from Philip Pettit and Elizabeth Anderson, to argue that this state of affairs gives prosecutors dominating, and therefore unjust, power over vast swathes of the public. I then survey some potential institutional changes which might help ameliorate the problem.
8
Jones, Jocelyn. "Institutional abuse: Understanding domination from the inside looking out." Early Child Development and Care 113, no. 1 (1995): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300443951130108.
Full text
9
Heller, Monica. "Language choice, social institutions, and symbolic domination." Language in Society 24, no. 3 (1995): 373–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018807.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe study of language choice and code-switching can illuminate the ways in which, through language, social institutions with ethnolinguistically diverse staff and clients exercise symbolic domination. Using the example of French-language minority education in Ontario (Canada), this article examines the ways in which ethnic and institutional relations of power overlap or crosscut, forming constraints which have paradoxical effects. In an analysis of two classrooms, it is shown how an ideology of institutional monolingualism is supported or undermined by program structure, curriculum content, and the social organization of turn-taking, and how individuals use language choices and code-switching to collaborate with or resist these arrangements. The effect of these processes is to contain paradoxes and to produce new relations of power within the school. (Symbolic domination, choice of language, code-switching, French/English language contact, social institutions, Canada)
10
Yuratich, David. "Article 13(2) TEU: Institutional Balance, Sincere Co-Operation, and Non-Domination During Lawmaking?" German Law Journal 18, no. 1 (2017): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002188x.
Full textAbstract:
This Article assesses the extent to which Article 13(2) TEU supports a republican reading of the EU's institutional structure. This question has arisen in light of the move towards more intergovernmental forms of economic governance following the Eurozone Crisis. Dawson and de Witte and Bellamy have critiqued this mutation through theory-driven readings the institutional balance clause of Article 13(2) TEU, arguing that it establishes a norm of non-domination between EU institutions that has been undermined by increased intergovernmentalism. This Article considers whether the institutional balance case law supports their reading. It finds that institutional balance's dominant role is not normative: It protects pre-existing institutional competences. It does carry a normative side when used as a general principle of EU law to support arguments about increasing the European Parliament's legislative contributions, but this is not an independent head of claim. A better legal support for the presence of a non-domination in Article 13(2) lies within its second clause, the principle of sincere cooperation. Ultimately, the case law around both clauses of Article 13(2) TEU means that the provision is best understood as having a tripartite structure providing a constitutional basis for non-domination during lawmaking.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Institutional domination"
1
Series, Lucy Victoria. "The Mental Capacity Act 2005 and the institutional domination of people with learning disabilities." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9941.
Full textAbstract:
People with learning disabilities are subject to a wide range of potential interferences with their choices and freedoms when they are 'placed' in institutional care services. The cumulative and pervasive impact of these regimes can be monumentally detrimental to self and wellbeing. Some have suggested that a new law, the Mental Capacity Act 2005, may limit the interferences that people with disabilities are subject to in care services. In this thesis, I subject the Mental Capacity Act to a critique drawn from new republican political theory. I argue that far from limiting the interferences that people with disabilities are subject to, the Act creates a mechanism which permits a proliferation of arbitrary interferences in people's everyday lives, with little recourse for people to 'invigilate' such interferences. I base this argument on a critical analysis of case law connected to the Mental Capacity Act, and by critically examining four key mechanisms of enforcement: Independent Mental Capacity Advocates, the Court of Protection, complaints procedures and regulation by the Care Quality Commission. I argue that, paradoxically, a framework for detention introduced by the Act - the deprivation of liberty safeguards - in fact contains more ingredients for ameliorating states of domination in these services than the Mental Capacity Act itself. However, the safeguards also suffer from serious defects. I conclude by discussing what lessons may be drawn from the problems with the Mental Capacity Act and the safeguards for wider reform efforts connected with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
2
Janin, Floriane. "La comptabilité exposée : le cas du football français. : une comptabilité entre domination et émancipation." Thesis, Jouy-en Josas, HEC, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHEC0008.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse explore dans quelle mesure la comptabilité peut jouer un rôle dans le dévoilement et la remise en cause publics d’une situation de domination, et ainsi contribuer à une certaine forme d’émancipation. Au plus près des interprétations des acteurs, cette thèse suit les voix libérales dévoilant et remettant en cause la domination des discours et des principes de rationalisation et de régulation financières à l’œuvre dans le football professionnel français. La comptabilité du football français est particulièrement exposée, du fait de la médiatisation et de la financiarisation intenses de ce secteur. Cette thèse s’appuie sur la sociologie pragmatique de la critique (à travers les travaux de Luc Boltanski) et considère les acteurs comme capables de critiques et de dévoilements. Au sein de trois essais, nous montrons 1/ comment des chiffres comptables préalablement divulgués par les clubs peuvent être mis en scène, par des acteurs débattant au sein d’une émission de radio, pour promouvoir une vision libérale ou une vision régulée du football français, 2/ comment les contrôleurs de gestion d’un club se saisissent de la critique pour dévoiler et remettre en cause la domination institutionnelle du régulateur financier du football français, et 3/ comment les pratiques d’accountability de managers d’un club, en réponse à la critique publique, leur permettent de légitimer leur organisation en justifiant sa non-conformité. Si la comptabilité, dans le sillage de la sociologie critique, a souvent été décrite comme un outil au service de dominations à l’œuvre, nous montrons dans cette thèse qu’elle peut également favoriser dévoilement et émancipation<br>This dissertation explores to what extent accounting can play a role in how actors publicly unveil and denounce a situation of domination, thereby contributing to a form of emancipation. Listening to the actors’ interpretations, this dissertation follows the liberal voices which unveil and denounce the domination of the discourses and principles on financial regulation and rationalization for French professional football. French football accounting is particularly exposed, due to the high media coverage and financialization of the sector. This dissertation builds on the “pragmatic sociology of critique” (through the work of Luc Boltanski), and sees actors as having critical and unveiling competences. In three essays, we show 1/ how clubs’ disclosed accounting numbers can be staged by actors debating in a radio talk-show, to promote a liberal or regulated vision of French football, 2/ how management accountants in a club use their critical competences to unveil and denounce the institutional domination of the French football financial regulatory body, and 3/ how accountability practices of club’s managers undertaken to respond to public criticism, enable them to legitimize their organization by justifying its non-conformity. While accounting has often been described as serving dominant interests following the “critical sociology” tradition, our dissertation shows that accounting can also favor unveiling and emancipation
3
Gautier, Gérard. "Domination, institution, et identité : le mouvement Taiping et la Chine du XIXème siècle." Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 1992. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00676281.
Full textAbstract:
La révolte Taiping, qui éclate en Chine en 1851, y fonde un Etat se réclamant du christianisme, écrasé en 1863. L'hypothèse de base de l'étude est l'existence d'un cadre d'interprétation souple des faits sociaux ("paradigme") au moyen duquel lettrés et couronne chinois exercent et légitiment une domination se reproduisant par l'intermédiaire de la culture et de la définition d'une conscience paysanne dominée. La première partie décrit la société chinoise avant la révolte, puis examine la mise en oeuvre de cette domination culturelle. La seconde décrit la révolte, insistant sur les interprétations successives de la Révélation Divine au moyen desquelles, au travers de luttes internes pour le pouvoir, se construit progressivement un paradigme hétérodoxe. Dans la troisième partie, psychologie du rituel, ambiguïté des symboles dominants, possibilités objectives et subjectives de résistance et de révolte et importance et limites de la religion dans une dynamique d'émancipation sont abordées. Le messianisme apparaît comme le paradigme typique des mouvements d'opposition dans les sociétés "précapitalistes" complexes. Puis une matrice d'analyse de tels mouvements en trois moments dialectiques inspirés de Laplantine: transe, messianisme et utopie, est proposée, et mise en rapport avec les moments de l'institution proposés par Lourau. Un schéma d'évolution est dessiné, impliquant une normation progressive du sens et une "dogmatisation " du paradigme. L'étude globalement concerne les conditions culturelles de la dréativité sociale (instituant) et de son institutionnalisation dans le cadre de la Chine impériale tardive, avec l'idée que certains éléments dégagés dans l'étude pourraient se retrouver dans d'autres cultures.
4
Harchi, Kaoutar. "La formation de la croyance en la valeur littéraire en situation coloniale et postcoloniale : étude des trajectoires de consécration des écrivains algériens francophones Assia Djebar et Kateb Yacine, en France, entre 1950 et 2009." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030077.
Full textAbstract:
La présente thèse de doctorat s’intéresse à la formation de la croyance en la valeur littéraire en la situation coloniale et postcoloniale, entre 1950 et 2009, en France. Pour cela, nous avons fait le choix de porter notre attention sur les trajectoires de consécration de deux auteurs algériens de langue française ayant fait l’objet d’une consécration littéraire sociologiquement objectivable, à savoir Assia Djebar (1936-) et Kateb Yacine (1929-1989). La problématique littéraire algérienne de langue française ne pouvant pertinemment être abordée au prisme de la théorie des champs de Pierre Bourdieu, nous avons fait le choix de recourir, à travers notre étude, à la notion d’institution littéraire telle que l’a notamment définie Jacques Dubois. Selon ce que nous avons alors pu observer à travers un corpus constitué d’entretiens, d’articles de presse, de discours officiels, de correspondances privées, le phénomène de consécration littéraire des deux auteurs algériens de langue française serait modélisable sous la forme de cinq étapes : la découverte, la publication, la réception critique, l’entrée dans l’univers académique, l’entrée dans l’univers de l’enseignement scolaire et universitaire. L’intérêt de cette modélisation repose principalement sur sa capacité à révéler, au-delà de la doxa littéraire, les modalités sociales ayant concouru à la formation d’une croyance en la qualité des productions textuelles données. Et, à chaque étape de la trajectoire de consécration d’Assia Djebar et de Kateb Yacine, se donnent à voir des relations fortes entre, d’une part, le littéraire et, d’autre part, l’extra-littéraire. En ce sens, l’idée couramment répandue selon laquelle la consécration d’un auteur n’aurait pour seule cause que son talent se trouve fortement remise en cause. La littérature francophone ou, plus précisément, la francophonie littéraire – dénomination sous laquelle Assia Djebar et Kateb Yacine sont régulièrement catégorisés – apparaît donc être un système réglé selon des intérêts qui, loin d’être prétendûment « purs », relèvent de logiques politique et idéologique. Engagés dans des rapports de domination symbolique et matériel dont la consécration littéraire est l’une des formes paradoxales, Assia Djebar et Kateb Yacine ont tous deux, au cours de leur trajectoire respective, mis en place des stratégies spécifiques afin de limiter la valeur instrumentale dont leurs productions textuelles ont été investies et imposer leur définition de ce que serait la littérature algérienne de langue française<br>The present doctoral thesis is intersestd in the formation of the belief in literary value in colonial and postcolonial situation, between 1950 and 2009, in France. For that, we made the choice to pay our attention to the paths of recognition of two Algerian authors of French language who have been the object of an objectivable literary achievment, namely Assia Djebar (1936-) and Kateb Yacine (1929-1989). Since the Algerian literary of French language core statement can’t pertinently be approached via the prism of the fields theory by Pierre Bourdieu, we made the choice to resort, through our study, to the concept of literary insitution defined by the likes of Jacques Dubois. According to what we then could have observed through a corpus made up of talks, press articles, official discourses, private correspondences, the literary phenomenon of recognition of the two Algerian authors would be modeled in the form of five stages: the discovery, the publication, the critical reception, the entry in the academic field and the entry in the universe of secondary education. The interest of this modeling is mainly based on its capacity to reveal, beyond the literary doxa, the social methods that have contributed to the formation of a belief in the quality of the given textual productions. And, at each stage of the paths of recognition of Assia Djebar and Kateb Yacine, we can observe strong relations between, on the one hand, the literary and, on the other hand, the extra-literary. In this direction, the commonly widespread idea according to which the recognition of an author would only be based on talent is strongly questionned. The French-speaking literature or, more precisely, the literary francophonie – denomination under which Assia Djebar and Kateb Yacine are regularly categorized – thus appears to be a regulated system depending on interests far from being allegedly “pure”, but driven by ideological and political logics. Engaged in relations of symbolic domination, Assia Djebar and Kateb Yacine have both, during their respective paths, set up of specific strategies in order to limit the instrumental value of their textual productions and impose their own definition of what Algerian literature of French language truly should be
5
Michel, Anaïs. "Chypre à l'épreuve de la domination lagide : recherches épigraphiques sur la société et les institutions chypriotes à l'époque hellénistique." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0366.
Full textAbstract:
L’objectif de cette étude régionale est de mobiliser la documentation épigraphique locale pour tenter d’appréhender la société chypriote de l’époque hellénistique et les enjeux internes de l’administration lagide. Elle s’inscrit en cela dans la continuité des travaux récents dans le domaine des études chypriotes. L’intégration profonde de Chypre dans la koinè politique et culturelle hellénistique est l’une des principales conséquences de la domination lagide sur Chypre. Parmi les marqueurs importants de l’intégration de l’île dans ce milieu culturel commun, l’adoption de la rhétorique honorifique propre aux cités grecques est particulièrement significative. La mise en évidence d’une notabilité locale constitue un des enjeux principaux de cette étude. L’importance des traditions religieuses dans la société chypriote, l’implantation manifeste des Ptolémées et de leurs représentants dans les grands sanctuaires, invitent également à analyser en détail les relations d’emprise mutuelle décelées entre les cultes locaux et les souverains lagides. L’étude de la représentation honorifique des Ptolémées se révèle, sur ce point, capitale. La longue période hellénistique de Chypre semble in fine s’insérer de façon cohérente dans le système politique et administratif local, fondé de façon traditionnelle sur la coexistence d’un roi et de cités. Les modalités de la négociation entamée par les cités chypriotes avec le pouvoir lagide, si elles ne sont pas entièrement élucidées par la lecture du corpus épigraphique, relèvent d’une interprétation locale, ouverte et affirmée de la relation entre les poleis et les souverains à l’époque hellénistique<br>This regional study focuses on Cypriot epigraphic evidence in order to understand the Hellenistic Cypriot society and the local issues of the Ptolemaic administration. The in-depth integration of Cyprus into the Hellenistic political and cultural koine is one of the major consequences of the Ptolemaic conquest. The adoption of common Greek honorific practices is one of the most evident indicators of this process. This study first highlights the presence and the activity of a local elite. The importance of religious traditions in Cyprus, the explicit presence of the Ptolemies and of their officials in the great sanctuaries of the island, encourage to study in detail the relations of reciprocal influence between Cypriot cult and the Ptolemaic kings. The numerous documents regarding the honorary representation of the Ptolemies in Cyprus is crucial. The epigraphical documentation shows the dialogue between local elites and the Ptolemaic administration. The long Hellenistic period of Cyprus seems in fine to fit into the local political and administrative system, traditionally based on the joint existence of king and cities. The subtleties of the negotiation initiated by the Cypriot cities with the Ptolemaic power, though they are not fully elucidated by the epigraphic evidence, prove to be the results of a local, open and self-aware interpretation of the relationship between the poleis and the Ptolemaic kings
6
Rosales, Sierra Patricia. "Le processus de révision constitutionnelle au Mexique pendant la période de domination du parti révolutionnaire institutionnel (1929-2000) : Le cas des droits sociaux, articles 27 et 123." Paris 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA020043.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude vise à approfondir la compréhension du régime du Parti de la Révolution au Mexique (1929-2000) à travers l’examen des processus de révision des articles 27 et 123 de la Constitution réalisés au sein du pouvoir réviseur (le Sénat et la Chambre des députés). Au cours de ces processus, les Présidents et les membres du pouvoir de révision ont exposé leurs idées sur la Révolution, la Constitution et les droits sociaux. L’analyse de leur discours permet de mieux comprendre comment le Parti a légitimé idéologiquement son régime, quelle était son attitude vis-à-vis de la Constitution, et enfin quels rapports il y avait entre le Président et le Parti, l’exécutif et le législatif, ou la majorité et l’opposition dans un régime considéré comme hégémonique et présidentialiste. Cette analyse suggère premièrement que le discours du Parti qui consistait à mettre en valeur le lien entre le Parti, les droits sociaux et la Révolution s’estompe au fur et à mesure que le Parti s’éloigne de son origine révolutionnaire ; deuxièmement que l’attitude du Parti vis-à-vis de la Constitution, voire les normes juridiques en général, est instrumentale, c’est-à-dire qu’il sacrifie souvent la hiérarchie ou la cohérence entre les normes juridiques afin d’atteindre des buts politiques ; enfin que le rôle du pouvoir réviseur dans le processus de révision n’est pas négligeable bien que son importance diminue graduellement.
7
Coulibaly, Mamadou Lamine. "Victimations, climat et institutions scolaires : essai de reconstruction du concept de violences scolaires comme objet d’étude à partir d’une comparaison Sénégal-France." Thesis, Bordeaux 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR21801/document.
Full textAbstract:
Deux objectifs sont poursuivis dans le cadre de cette thèse. Le premier est de dresser un état des lieux des victimations scolaires au Sénégal à partir d’un questionnaire administré à quelques 2707 élèves des cycles moyen (équivalent du collège en France) et secondaire (lycée). Quant au second objectif, il est centré sur la recherche d’un cadre explicatif global ainsi que des déterminants sociohistoriques des violences scolaires à travers une comparaison avec les résultats des enquêtes et des travaux conduits en France depuis le début des années 2000. C’est à partir d’un examen des rapports entre déviance, délinquance juvénile et école que le poids des facteurs externes des phénomènes de violences scolaires a pu être relativisé, voire atténué, au profit des facteurs purement institutionnels et endogènes. Le paradoxe qui ressort alors de cette confrontation et de la comparaison, à savoir la relative préservation des élèves sénégalais des violences portées par des camarades et la tendance lourde du développement en France des microviolences dont les personnels enseignants constituent la principale cible, s’explique par la spécificité des systèmes éducatifs tant dans leurs processus historiques d’institutionnalisation, dans leurs modes d’organisation que dans leur fonctionnement quotidien. Ainsi, les violences scolaires au Sénégal se construisent dans le cadre des relations éducatives inspirées de représentations socioculturelles qui légitiment des méthodes pédagogiques plutôt coercitives à travers des rapports de domination établissant le pouvoir de sanction du maître doublé d’une supériorité liée à l’âge et au sexe des membres de la communauté éducative. En France, elles sont tributaires des contradictions entre, d’une part, les conditions et les modalités de l’offre scolaire et, de l’autre, les demandes sociales d’éducation des populations ; elles trouvent alors leurs racines dans l’incapacité du système et de l’institution scolaires à prendre en compte les inégalités sociales, la diversité des profils cognitifs des élèves et de leurs motivations. Il ne reste alors aux plus « désorientés » d’entre eux que des stratégies de survie pour « sauver la face », avec tout ce que cela peut impliquer en termes de transgressions, d’« incidents » et de « perturbations » de l’ordre des classes<br>This thesis is driven by two goals. The first one deals with assessing school victimizations/bullying in Senegal using a survey answered by 2707 pupils from middle grade (junior high school in France) and secondary grade (Senior high). Its other goal was to focus on seeking for global explanations as well as sociological and historical grounds for “school victimizations” through a comparison with the studies and unchallenged works carried out in France since the 2000s.Based on a study about the connections between deviancy, juvenile delinquency and school, we’ve found that the influence of external factors driving to school violence phenomena is all relative, even diminished, compared to purely institutional – so internal- factors. This confrontation and comparison bring out a paradox: Firstly, Senegalese pupils are relatively protected from schoolmates’ acts of violence. Secondly, in France, micro-acts of violence aimed at teachers tend to develop increasingly. This can be explained by the specific organization and working of each school system.Thus, school violence in Senegal is shaped by educational relations which are based on cultural representations that justify rather coercive teaching methods. It is obviously reflected in the punitive power of the teacher as well as the superiority of school staff due to their age and their sex. Consequently those facts establish relations of power. The situation in France lies on contradictions between institutional policies –school offers- and social demands in education. The first are linked to paradoxical orders such as, on the one hand, compulsory school attendance and academic success and, on the other hand, ranking and selective assessment which totally neglect the pupils’ cognitive skills. Consequently the latter are left with nothing but survival strategies aiming at “saving face” which implies all kinds of transgressions, incidents and disturbing of order within the class
8
SILVA, Luis Gustavo Alexandre da. "Cultura e instituição escolar: os processos de dominação e a organização, a gestão e as práticas docentes." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2009. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/1141.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:13:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Tese_luis_gustavo_silva.pdf: 871445 bytes, checksum: 46e6fad4057b733299bf3e673e5c9c50 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2009-04-03<br>Taking part of the research line State and educational policies of Post-graduate program in education of Federal University of Goiás (UFG), Brazil, this work analyzes the interference of cultural dimensions with inner dynamics of schools, putting out its implications on organization, management and effectiveness of teachers work. Further, the investigation identifies values, principles and symbolic connections shared in a determined society and, overall, how these elements are interpreted by the ensemble of school agents. These cultural aspects are analyzed with basis on works of many authors, especially from Social Anthropology an Educational Sociology. Hierarchy, personal relationships, political favoritism, religious moralism are important conceptual references of this work, produced with basis on works of the following authors: Raimundo Faoro, Roberto Damatta, José de Souza Martins, José Murilo de Carvalho and Carlos Rodrigues Brandão. The analyses of those concepts has as aim to demonstrate the established intersections between bureaucratic, political and religious power inside a schooling institution as well as to offer evidence to the symbolic articulation performed by political field, able to transform this set of cultural elements in meaningful domination processes inside schooling field. Pierre Bourdieu s theory of social fields turns these analysis deeper when it investigates the inner dynamics of articulated fields to schooling agents cultural universe force. In order to apprehend the interference of cultural dimensions and its mediations in schools, the option was an ethnographic research. From this view a study of a collective case, fulfilled in two public schools in Morrinhos, State of Goiás, Brazil, was the adequate strategy to identify singularities, differentiations and, at once, similarities between the studied cases. The data were collected by means of participant observation, semi structured interviews and analysis of schools documents. The results show that the actions developed in schooling institutions are mediated by cultural tradition, especially by personal relationships, by religious moralism, by hierarchy and by politic favoritism, all of them capable to define types of power relationships and to determine school agents behaviors<br>Inserida na Linha de Pesquisa Estado e Políticas Educacionais do Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), esta tese analisa as interferências de aspectos culturais na dinâmica interna da escola, destacando-se suas implicações no processo de organização, gestão e efetivação do trabalho docente. A investigação identifica, ainda, os valores, os princípios e as conexões simbólicas compartilhadas em uma determinada sociedade e, sobretudo, como esses elementos são interpretados pelo conjunto dos agentes escolares. Esses aspectos culturais são analisados a partir da leitura de vários autores, especialmente da antropologia social e da sociologia da educação. A hierarquia, as relações pessoais, o clientelismo político, o patrimonialismo e o moralismo religioso são as principais referências conceituais utilizadas na tese a partir da reflexão teórica desenvolvida pelos seguintes autores: Raimundo Faoro, Roberto Damatta, José de Sousa Martins, José Murilo de Carvalho e Carlos Rodrigues Brandão. A análise desses conceitos serve para demonstrar as intersecções estabelecidas entre o poder burocrático, político e religioso no interior da instituição escolar, bem como evidenciar a articulação simbólica realizada pelo campo político capaz de transformar esse conjunto de elementos culturais em significativos processos de dominação no campo escolar. A teoria dos campos sociais de Pierre Bourdieu aprofunda essas análises ao investigar a dinâmica interna dos campos articulados a força do universo cultural dos agentes escolares em sintonia com os valores de uma determinada sociedade. Para se apreender a interferência dos aspectos culturais e de suas mediações na instituição escolar, optou-se por uma pesquisa de tipo etnográfico. Nessa perspectiva, o estudo de caso coletivo de natureza etnográfica realizado em duas escolas públicas do município de Morrinhos do Estado de Goiás, apresentou-se como estratégia adequada para identificar as singularidades, diferenciações e, ao mesmo tempo, as similitudes dos casos estudados. A coleta de dados se deu por meio de observação participante, entrevistas semi-estruturadas e análise de documentos das escolas. Os resultados demonstram que as ações desenvolvidas na instituição escolar são permeadas pela tradição cultural, em especial pelas relações pessoais, pelo moralismo religioso, pela hierarquia e pelo clientelismo político, capazes de definir os tipos de relações de poder e determinar os comportamentos dos agentes escolares
9
Ribeiro, Fabiana Valdoski. "A produção do lugar na periferia da metrópole paulistana." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-25022008-112914/.
Full textAbstract:
A problemática urbana sobre a qual nos debruçamos na presente pesquisa referese aos processos de degradação da vida dos habitantes da metrópole, não apenas material, mas, sobretudo, resultante do empobrecimento das possibilidades de apropriação dos lugares da cidade. Tal apropriação se reduz, dialeticamente, pelas estratégias de dominação do espaço, que impõem normas ao uso do espaço pelos habitantes como condição necessária a um espaço produto, condição e meio da acumulação capitalista. Todavia, a normatização da vida pelo regramento do uso do espaço não se realiza sem conflitos. A população urbana, nos momentos da vida cotidiana, transgride-a constantemente como meio de sobrevivência a uma cidade produzida sob a égide capitalista, que possui como centro a acumulação do capital, em detrimento da reprodução da vida. É nesta perspectiva de desvendar as estratégias de normatização do uso e as transgressões diante o processo de dominação do espaço que a pesquisa se insere, tratando de compreender a produção de um lugar na metrópole paulistana, que se apresenta contraditoriamente como um espaço de normatização e transgressão na medida em que se constituiu como uma centralidade na periferia. Esta reflexão se construiu a partir do conhecimento dos sujeitos que produziram o espaço da Favela Monte Azul - zona sul do município de São Paulo - destacando as ações de uma organização não governamental chamada Associação Comunidade Monte Azul, por entender seu papel de destaque na produção da singularidade desta favela diante as demais da metrópole. Para tanto, analisamos as bases de sua matriz discursiva, as estratégias e ações e, principalmente, as articulações entre os sujeitos existentes na favela por meio do processo de \"urbanização da favela\" e das atividades culturais - teatro. A hipótese orientadora da pesquisa fundamenta-se, portanto, na idéia de uma urbanização que aprofunda a degradação da vida, produzindo tensões e conflitos ainda mais violentos que podem impedir a reprodução das relações de produção, levantando \"barreiras\" ao processo de acumulação. Para não interromper o ciclo, uma das estratégias utilizadas é a dominação do espaço pela territorialização de instituições na periferia, que levam a cabo as normas elaboradas pela ordem distante (Estado/empresas privadas). Estas instituições, como as organizações não governamentais, tentam diluir as formas de organização e participação popular conforme introduzem a população às normas da cotidianeidade, isto é, às normatizações do uso através da legitimidade dada pela forma da propriedade e gestão dos serviços prestados. Contudo, essas mesmas instituições, na medida em que \"absorvem\" os conflitos, encontram-se em uma crise de sua própria reprodução.<br>The urban problematic into which we delve in this research is concerned with the process of degradation of metropolitan life resulting from shrinking possibilities of place appropriation in the city. This appropriation is dialectically constrained by the strategies of spatial domination, which impose rules to people\'s use of space as a necessary prerequisite to a space that is means, condition and product of capital accumulation. Nevertheless, the regulation of life through the control of spatial uses does not occur without contradiction. In everyday life, people are often violating these rules as a means of surviving in a city produced under capital\'s command and organized to meet the requirements of capital accumulation, instead of those of the reproduction of life. This research is, therefore, carried out with the aim of uncovering the strategies of regulation of uses and the transgressions that arise in the face of spatial domination, attempting to understand the production of a specific place in the city of São Paulo. This place presents itself contradictorily as a space of regulations and a space of transgressions, so long as it has become a centrality on the periphery. We derived such considerations from an understanding of the subjects that have produced the space of Monte Azul slum (southern area of the city of São Paulo), focusing on the actions of a non-governmental organization named Associação Comunidade Monte Azul (ACMA), which we considered to have a significant role in shaping the uniqueness of this place compared to others. We examined, therefore, the foundations of ACMA\'s discursive matrix, its strategies, its actions and the articulation of the subjects through the process of \"slum urbanization\" and through cultural activities (theatre). The guiding hypothesis of our research rests upon the assumption of an urbanization that intensifies the degradation of life, inevitably creating tensions and sparking ever more violent social conflicts that could pose threats to the reproduction of relations of production and erect barriers to accumulation. One of the strategies pursued in order to defend accumulation is the domination of space through the territorialization of institutions in the urban periphery. These institutions, such as non-governmental organizations, impose the rules set out by the distant order (State/corporations) and try to discourage collective participation and organization, all the while introducing people to the rules of everydayness, that is, to the regulation of uses through the legitimacy conferred by the type of propriety and management of the services offered. These very same institutions, though, as long as they \"internalize\" conflicts, find themselves sunk in a crisis of reproduction.
10
Larochelle-Audet, Julie. "Organisation et re-production des rapports de domination dans les distributions dissymétriques du travail enseignant : une enquête du point de vue d’enseignant·es de groupes racisés." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22439.
Full textBooks on the topic "Institutional domination"
2
Germanà, Maria Luisa, ed. Permanenze e innovazioni nell'architettura del MediterraneoMediterranean Architecture between Heritage and Innovation. Firenze University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6655-007-5.
Full textAbstract:
Il volume offre numerosi spunti sul tema Permanenze e innovazioni nell'architettura del Mediterraneo, dimostrandone l'ampiezza di aspetti riconducibili alla Tecnologia dell'architettura, di cui si evidenzia la flessibilità dei confini disciplinari con riferimento ai diversi significati assumibili dal concetto di risorsa. Letta in continuità con le precedenti pubblicazioni Osdotta, questa consente di seguire quanto si va sviluppando nel terzo livello di formazione in un momento particolarmente critico per l'istituzione universitaria, continuando a porre l'accento sul nodo domanda/offerta di ricerca, nel confronto con altre istituzioni e con il mondo della produzione di settore, nell'attuale scenario dominato da trasformazioni sempre più rapide e incisive. La qualificazione dei corsi di dottorato, attraverso la riflessione sugli esiti immediati e a lungo termine, parallelamente alla precisazione dei contenuti identitari del settore disciplinare, restano le principali sfide da continuare ad affrontare. This publication provides considerable material for reflection on the subject of Mediterranean Architecture between Heritage and Innovation, demonstrating the wide range of aspects linked to Architectural Technology, in which one is struck by the flexibility of the disciplinary boundaries with regard to the various meanings that can be applied to the concept of resource. Taken together with the previous publications of Osdotta, this consents one to trace the developments in the third level of education at a particularly critical time for the university institution; the emphasis continues to be placed on the crucial issue of supply/demand of research; the situation is compared with other institutions and with the world of production in this sector, in a present-day scenario dominated by ever more rapid and incisive transformations. The main challenges left to be faced are to improve the quality of PhD courses, after due reflection on the immediate and long-term results, whilst defining more precisely the identitary contents of the disciplinary sector.
3
Domination and Global Political Justice: Conceptual, Historical and Institutional Perspectives. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.
Find full text
4
Gray, Barbara, and Jill Purdy. How Partnerships Can Transform Institutional Fields. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198782841.003.0011.
Full textAbstract:
In this final chapter, our focus is on assessing the impact of MSIs on institutional fields. A table of impacts is introduced based on the level of shared responsibility that partners assume and the scope of the problem addressed. Impacts can also be assessed by examining changes in the level or type of institutionalization within the field. Three dimensions are proposed to make this assessment: changes in levels of signification (meaning), legitimation (routines, practices, and rules) and domination (power) within the field. Building on this, four distinct configurations of field level conditions (uncontested, volatile, fragmented, and quiescent) and four pathways for moving among these field configurations are identified of which collaboration is one. Several cases are used to illustrate these institutional configurations and pathways of institutional change.
5
Shuy, Roger W. Power, Ambiguity, and Deception. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190669898.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter reviews the research of social science and linguistics on power, ambiguity, and deception when treated separately at the macro institutional level and at the micro non-institutional level, noting the lack of studies of macro institutional power employed in the same context with micro non-institutional individuals. The characteristics of institutional power, control, authority, domination, reinterpretation, inequality, and persuasion are transparent and non-negotiable in the legal arena, in contrast with their absence for the powerless persons with whom the legal institution interacts. In non-institutional individual contexts these characteristics are often negotiable. When institutional power interacts with individuals who lack that power, the government’s non-negotiable advantage would appear to be transparent, but this is not always true. This outwardly transparent power also can be realized through the use of ambiguity, which can contain deceptiveness. This chapter reprises the research on ambiguity and deception, in the contexts of both law and linguistics.
7
Shapiro, Ian. Politics against Domination. Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press, 2018.
Find full text
8
Meierhenrich, Jens. “A Rational Core within an Irrational Shell”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814412.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter turns from the making of The Dual State to its theoretical significance. Fraenkel’s principal argument had three parts. The first part comprised several counterintuitive propositions about the nature of the institutional design of the Nazi political order. Fraenkel argued that this structure consisted of two interacting states: a prerogative and a normative state. The second part of his argument revolved around the institutional effects of this bifurcated state. Fraenkel claimed that it facilitated not only violent domination but also allowed for an orderly transition to and consolidation of authoritarian rule. The third part of Fraenkel’s argument concerned the institutional origins of the dual state. I elaborate and critically evaluate each of these arguments in turn. Through an in-depth engagement with the strengths—and weaknesses—of The Dual State, I prepare the ground for the remainder of the analysis.
9
Corbett, Jack, and Wouter Veenendaal. Democracy in Small States. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796718.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book brings thirty-nine small democracies into the comparative politics canon for the first time. For over fifty years, scholars have debated the complex and dynamic process called democratization: currently the discipline thinks that economic growth, cultural homogeneity, institutional design, party system institutionalization, and geographic location explain why some transitions consolidate, and others do not. But this work has systematically overlooked the world’s thirty-nine smallest states (with populations of 1 million or less), located in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Pacific, and Caribbean, which constitute 20 percent of all countries. These states are much more likely than larger states to be democratic. Existing theory is tested against these understudied cases using a combination of statistical analysis and cross-case comparison. A new theory is then built, based on extensive qualitative research in small states. The personalization of politics is highlighted as ubiquitous in small states, regardless of region, history, institutional design, and level of economic wealth; and as strongly shaping the practice of politics in these countries. Many factors that democratization scholars argue predict successful consolidation do not fit small states: democracy can and does persist against all odds. This hopeful finding is significant in a world of rising democratic pessimism. The book’s optimism is tempered, however by showing that the hyper-personalized politics common to all small states is not without problems, including executive domination, patron-client linkages and extreme polarization. These offer cautionary lessons for all democracies in an era increasingly defined by populism and rising citizen disaffection with representative institutions.
10
Vergara, Camila. Systemic Corruption. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691207537.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book reveals how the majority of modern liberal democracies have become increasingly oligarchic, suffering from a form of structural political decay first conceptualized by ancient philosophers. The book argues that the problem cannot be blamed on the actions of corrupt politicians but is built into the very fabric of our representative systems. The book provides a compelling and original genealogy of political corruption from ancient to modern thought, and shows how representative democracy was designed to protect the interests of the already rich and powerful to the detriment of the majority. Unable to contain the unrelenting force of oligarchy, especially after experimenting with neoliberal policies, most democracies have been corrupted into oligarchic democracies. The book explains how to reverse this corrupting trajectory by establishing a new counterpower strong enough to control the ruling elites. Building on the anti-oligarchic institutional innovations proposed by plebeian philosophers, the book rethinks the republic as a mixed order in which popular power is institutionalized to check the power of oligarchy. The book demonstrates how a plebeian republic would establish a network of local assemblies with the power to push for reform from the grassroots, independent of political parties and representative government. The book proposes to reverse the decay of democracy with the establishment of anti-oligarchic institutions through which common people can collectively resist the domination of the few.
Book chapters on the topic "Institutional domination"
1
Schuppert, Fabian. "Collective Agency, Democracy and Political Institutions." In Freedom, Recognition and Non-Domination. Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6806-2_5.
Full text
2
Börjesson, Mikael, and Pablo Lillo Cea. "World Class Universities, Rankings and the Global Space of International Students." In Evaluating Education: Normative Systems and Institutional Practices. Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7598-3_10.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe notion of World Class University suggests that this category of universities operates at a global and not national level. The rankings that have made this notion recognised are global in their scope, ranking universities on a worldwide scale and feed an audience from north to south, east to west. The very idea of ranking universities on such a scale, it is argued here, must be understood in relation to the increasing internationalisation and marketisation of higher education and the creation of a global market for higher education. More precisely, this contribution links the rankings of world class universities to the global space of international student flows. This space has three distinctive poles, a Pacific pole (with the US as the main country of destination and Asian countries as the most important suppliers of students), a Central European one (European countries of origin and destination) and a French/Iberian one (France and Spain as countries of destination with former colonies in Latin America and Africa as countries of origin). The three poles correspond to three different logics of recruitment: a market logic, a proximity logic and a colonial logic. It is argued that the Pacific/Market pole is the dominating pole in the space due to the high concentration of resources of different sorts, including economic, political, educational, scientific and not least, linguistic assets. This dominance is further enhanced by the international ranking. US universities dominate these to a degree that World Class Universities has become synonymous with the American research university. However, the competition has sharpened. And national actors such as China and India are investing heavily to challenge the American dominance. Also France and Germany, who are the dominant players at the dominated poles in the space, have launched initiative to ameliorate their position. In addition, we also witness a growing critique of the global rankings. One of the stakes is the value of national systems of higher education and the very definition of higher education.
3
"Antipower, Agency, and the Republican Case for Global Institutional Pluralism." In Domination and Global Political Justice. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315757506-20.
Full text
4
"The multi-sector economy and the theory of economic domination." In The Foundations of Institutional Economics. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203827864-16.
Full text
5
Gädeke, Dorothea. "From Neo-Republicanism to Critical Republicanism." In Radical Republicanism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796725.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this chapter is to show how what I call critical republicanism can be developed by rethinking the neo-republican theory of domination on the basis of a more continental line of republicanism. On the one hand, I argue that with regard to all three of the most important elements of a theory of non-domination, its normative core, the conception of domination, and its institutional implications, Pettit’s neo-republicanism does contain a powerful critical potential, too easily dismissed by some of his critics. On the other hand, I show how this critical potential can be strengthened by reconceptualizing each of the elements of his theory of domination from a perspective inspired by the Kantian line of republican thought and contemporary critical theory.
6
Eleveld, Anja. "Conclusion: exit, voice and the minimization of domination in welfare to work relationships." In Welfare to Work in Contemporary European Welfare States. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447340010.003.0015.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter draws together the book’s main conclusions by connecting the findings of its various chapters. It first analyses the relationship between the human rights perspective presented in the book’s legal section and the republican theory of non-domination. Subsequently, it assesses the cross-national variations found in the legal and sociological chapters. Based on this analysis, it proposes institutional, organisational and legal improvements to WTW policies that seek to minimise relations of domination.
7
Yerznkyan, B. H. "Institutional Aspects of Russian Economic Thought: A View From Outside." In Theory and Practice of Institutional Reforms in Russia: Collection of Scientific Works. Issue 51. CEMI Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33276/978-5-8211-0794-7-6-27.
Full textAbstract:
The institutional aspects of the Russian economic thought as they are seen to the professor from Montenegro Veselin Draskovic in comparison with such aspects of economic thougt of the former socialistic countries, including Montenegro and wider – former Yugoslavia are studied. The special attention is spared to illumination of the representative themes and directions of the development of economic thougt – both accepted and declined by Russian practice and official politics. The most essential problems and taking place theoretical discussions, lasting during all period of socialism with an accent on today's realities, are investigated. Undertaken by the author of book the comparative institutional analysis of consequences of the strict government control in different periods of development of economic thought allows to differentiate two most essential factors of influence – domination of politics over all forms of life, from one side, and cult of personality – from another. Particular interest is presented by the selfguided enterprises, as they can be interpreted as the popular now ecosystems, i.e. ecosystems in miniature.
8
Byrd, Marilyn Y. "Critical Race Theory." In Handbook of Research on Workforce Diversity in a Global Society. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1812-1.ch025.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter is a qualitative, narrative case study that seeks to unveil the social identity diversity of leadership from the perspective a Black woman leader. Social identity diversity is a form of difference that marginalized groups, such as Black women, experience in predominantly White organizational and institutional settings as a result of intersectionality. Social identity diversity creates multiple dynamics for groups such as Black women who hold leadership positions in the aforementioned settings. This study highlights the need for more inclusive and cultural perspectives of leadership, which calls for more inclusive theoretical frameworks that consider the social identity diversity of the leader. Critical race theory is presented as a theoretical framework that is useful for explaining how systems of power sustain domination and oppression in organizational and institutional settings. Implications for an emerging social justice paradigm are given.
9
Gutting, Gary. "8. Crime and punishment." In Foucault: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198830788.003.0008.
Full textAbstract:
‘Crime and punishment’ describes Foucault’s views on contemporary ideas on crime, punishment, and discipline and looks at his suggestions for alternative ways of thinking. Foucault discusses modern punishment’s demands for an inner transformation, a conversion of the heart. Is this modern control of the soul a means to a more subtle and pervasive control of the body? Foucault’s Discipline and Punish analysed modern society’s allegedly humanitarian treatment of a marginalized group and shows how this treatment involves its own form of domination. It focuses on the institutional structures rather than systems of thought. It is more of a genealogical work than an archaeological one.
10
Hermans, Hubert J. M. "Epilogue." In Inner Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197501023.003.0008.
Full textAbstract:
One of the most daunting problems that inner democracy has to face in the future is the increasing power of algorithms in our everyday lives. Institutional structures have emerged that confront us with largely invisible and even unknown power and truth regimes as the result of technological advances. Such basic democratic values as freedom and equality need to be rethought, as new technological advancements tend to introduce new inequalities and new forms of social domination. In this context, the question is posed in this chapter about the role that education can play in protecting and fostering inner democracy. Developing inner democracy in a digital age will require answers from both technological and the educational angles as mutually complementary resources.