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Germanà, Maria Luisa, ed. Permanenze e innovazioni nell'architettura del MediterraneoMediterranean Architecture between Heritage and Innovation. Firenze University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6655-007-5.
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Il volume offre numerosi spunti sul tema Permanenze e innovazioni nell'architettura del Mediterraneo, dimostrandone l'ampiezza di aspetti riconducibili alla Tecnologia dell'architettura, di cui si evidenzia la flessibilità dei confini disciplinari con riferimento ai diversi significati assumibili dal concetto di risorsa. Letta in continuità con le precedenti pubblicazioni Osdotta, questa consente di seguire quanto si va sviluppando nel terzo livello di formazione in un momento particolarmente critico per l'istituzione universitaria, continuando a porre l'accento sul nodo domanda/offerta di ricerca, nel confronto con altre istituzioni e con il mondo della produzione di settore, nell'attuale scenario dominato da trasformazioni sempre più rapide e incisive. La qualificazione dei corsi di dottorato, attraverso la riflessione sugli esiti immediati e a lungo termine, parallelamente alla precisazione dei contenuti identitari del settore disciplinare, restano le principali sfide da continuare ad affrontare. This publication provides considerable material for reflection on the subject of Mediterranean Architecture between Heritage and Innovation, demonstrating the wide range of aspects linked to Architectural Technology, in which one is struck by the flexibility of the disciplinary boundaries with regard to the various meanings that can be applied to the concept of resource. Taken together with the previous publications of Osdotta, this consents one to trace the developments in the third level of education at a particularly critical time for the university institution; the emphasis continues to be placed on the crucial issue of supply/demand of research; the situation is compared with other institutions and with the world of production in this sector, in a present-day scenario dominated by ever more rapid and incisive transformations. The main challenges left to be faced are to improve the quality of PhD courses, after due reflection on the immediate and long-term results, whilst defining more precisely the identitary contents of the disciplinary sector.
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Domination and Global Political Justice: Conceptual, Historical and Institutional Perspectives. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.
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Gray, Barbara, and Jill Purdy. How Partnerships Can Transform Institutional Fields. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198782841.003.0011.
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In this final chapter, our focus is on assessing the impact of MSIs on institutional fields. A table of impacts is introduced based on the level of shared responsibility that partners assume and the scope of the problem addressed. Impacts can also be assessed by examining changes in the level or type of institutionalization within the field. Three dimensions are proposed to make this assessment: changes in levels of signification (meaning), legitimation (routines, practices, and rules) and domination (power) within the field. Building on this, four distinct configurations of field level conditions (uncontested, volatile, fragmented, and quiescent) and four pathways for moving among these field configurations are identified of which collaboration is one. Several cases are used to illustrate these institutional configurations and pathways of institutional change.
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Shuy, Roger W. Power, Ambiguity, and Deception. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190669898.003.0002.
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This chapter reviews the research of social science and linguistics on power, ambiguity, and deception when treated separately at the macro institutional level and at the micro non-institutional level, noting the lack of studies of macro institutional power employed in the same context with micro non-institutional individuals. The characteristics of institutional power, control, authority, domination, reinterpretation, inequality, and persuasion are transparent and non-negotiable in the legal arena, in contrast with their absence for the powerless persons with whom the legal institution interacts. In non-institutional individual contexts these characteristics are often negotiable. When institutional power interacts with individuals who lack that power, the government’s non-negotiable advantage would appear to be transparent, but this is not always true. This outwardly transparent power also can be realized through the use of ambiguity, which can contain deceptiveness. This chapter reprises the research on ambiguity and deception, in the contexts of both law and linguistics.
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Shapiro, Ian. Politics against Domination. Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press, 2018.
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Meierhenrich, Jens. “A Rational Core within an Irrational Shell”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814412.003.0007.
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This chapter turns from the making of The Dual State to its theoretical significance. Fraenkel’s principal argument had three parts. The first part comprised several counterintuitive propositions about the nature of the institutional design of the Nazi political order. Fraenkel argued that this structure consisted of two interacting states: a prerogative and a normative state. The second part of his argument revolved around the institutional effects of this bifurcated state. Fraenkel claimed that it facilitated not only violent domination but also allowed for an orderly transition to and consolidation of authoritarian rule. The third part of Fraenkel’s argument concerned the institutional origins of the dual state. I elaborate and critically evaluate each of these arguments in turn. Through an in-depth engagement with the strengths—and weaknesses—of The Dual State, I prepare the ground for the remainder of the analysis.
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Corbett, Jack, and Wouter Veenendaal. Democracy in Small States. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796718.001.0001.
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This book brings thirty-nine small democracies into the comparative politics canon for the first time. For over fifty years, scholars have debated the complex and dynamic process called democratization: currently the discipline thinks that economic growth, cultural homogeneity, institutional design, party system institutionalization, and geographic location explain why some transitions consolidate, and others do not. But this work has systematically overlooked the world’s thirty-nine smallest states (with populations of 1 million or less), located in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Pacific, and Caribbean, which constitute 20 percent of all countries. These states are much more likely than larger states to be democratic. Existing theory is tested against these understudied cases using a combination of statistical analysis and cross-case comparison. A new theory is then built, based on extensive qualitative research in small states. The personalization of politics is highlighted as ubiquitous in small states, regardless of region, history, institutional design, and level of economic wealth; and as strongly shaping the practice of politics in these countries. Many factors that democratization scholars argue predict successful consolidation do not fit small states: democracy can and does persist against all odds. This hopeful finding is significant in a world of rising democratic pessimism. The book’s optimism is tempered, however by showing that the hyper-personalized politics common to all small states is not without problems, including executive domination, patron-client linkages and extreme polarization. These offer cautionary lessons for all democracies in an era increasingly defined by populism and rising citizen disaffection with representative institutions.
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Vergara, Camila. Systemic Corruption. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691207537.001.0001.
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This book reveals how the majority of modern liberal democracies have become increasingly oligarchic, suffering from a form of structural political decay first conceptualized by ancient philosophers. The book argues that the problem cannot be blamed on the actions of corrupt politicians but is built into the very fabric of our representative systems. The book provides a compelling and original genealogy of political corruption from ancient to modern thought, and shows how representative democracy was designed to protect the interests of the already rich and powerful to the detriment of the majority. Unable to contain the unrelenting force of oligarchy, especially after experimenting with neoliberal policies, most democracies have been corrupted into oligarchic democracies. The book explains how to reverse this corrupting trajectory by establishing a new counterpower strong enough to control the ruling elites. Building on the anti-oligarchic institutional innovations proposed by plebeian philosophers, the book rethinks the republic as a mixed order in which popular power is institutionalized to check the power of oligarchy. The book demonstrates how a plebeian republic would establish a network of local assemblies with the power to push for reform from the grassroots, independent of political parties and representative government. The book proposes to reverse the decay of democracy with the establishment of anti-oligarchic institutions through which common people can collectively resist the domination of the few.
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Barany, Zoltan. Armies of Arabia. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190866204.001.0001.
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In Armies of Arabia—the first book to comprehensively analyze the Gulf monarchies’ militaries—Zoltan Barany explains the conspicuous ineffectiveness of these forces with a combination of political-structural and sociocultural factors. Based on over 150 personal interviews and meticulous multidisciplinary research, he offers a fascinating account of Arabia’s armies starting with Ibn Saud’s conquest of much of the peninsula and ending with the ongoing war in Yemen. He explores the ruling families’ role overseeing their militaries to ensure their loyalty and examines the backgrounds and career trajectories of soldiers and officers. Barany argues that Arabia’s armies remain ineffective because they are characterized by an absence of meritocracy, the domination of personal connections over institutional norms, disregard for personal responsibility, half-hearted leadership, casual work ethic, and training lacking intensity, frequency, and up-to-date settings. Massive expenditures on armaments are primarily payoffs to the United States for protecting them and have resulted in bloated arsenals and large-scale corruption. The setbacks of the Saudi-led coalition’s disastrous war in Yemen starkly illustrate the Gulf armies’ humiliating combat record. The book concludes with thoughts on waste (of human potential, resources, institutions) as a dominant theme of Gulf military affairs, considers likely changes in response to long-term weakening demand for oil, and suggests ways in which the effectiveness of Arabia’s armies could be raised. Chock-full of insights and stories from the field and written with a general audience in mind, Armies of Arabia is essential reading for anyone interested in military affairs and Middle Eastern politics, society, and international relations.
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Inayatullah, Naeem, and David L. Blaney. Units, Markets, Relations, and Flow: Beyond Interacting Parts to Unfolding Wholes. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.272.
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Heterodox work in Global Political Economy (GPE) finds its motive force in challenging the ontological atomism of International Political Economy (IPE) orthodoxy. Various strains of heterodoxy that have grown out of dependency theory and World-Systems Theory (WST), for example, emphasize the social whole: Individual parts are given form and meaning within social relations of domination produced by a history of violence and colonial conquest. An atomistic approach, they stress, seems designed to ignore this history of violence and relations of domination by making bargaining among independent units the key to explaining the current state of international institutions. For IPE, it is precisely this atomistic approach, largely inspired by the ostensible success of neoclassical economics, which justifies its claims to scientific rigor. International relations can be modeled as a market-like space, in which individual actors, with given preferences and endowments, bargain over the character of international institutional arrangements. Heterodox scholars’ treatment of social processes as indivisible wholes places them beyond the pale of acceptable scientific practice. Heterodoxy appears, then, as the constitutive outside of IPE orthodoxy.Heterodox GPE perhaps reached its zenith in the 1980s. Just as heterodox work was being cast out from the temple of International Relations (IR), heterodox scholars, building on earlier work, produced magisterial studies that continue to merit our attention. We focus on three texts: K. N. Chaudhuri’s Asia Before Europe (1990), Eric Wolf’s Europe and the People Without History (1982), and L. S. Stavrianos’s Global Rift (1981). We select these texts for their temporal and geographical sweep and their intellectual acuity. While Chaudhuri limits his scope to the Indian Ocean over a millennium, Wolf and Stavrianos attempt an anthropology and a history, respectively, of European expansion, colonialism, and the rise of capitalism in the modern era. Though the authors combine different elements of material, political, and social life, all three illustrate the power of seeing the “social process” as an “indivisible whole,” as Schumpeter discusses in the epigram below. “Economic facts,” the region, or time period they extract for detailed scrutiny are never disconnected from the “great stream” or process of social relations. More specifically, Chaudhuri’s work shows notably that we cannot take for granted the distinct units that comprise a social whole, as does the IPE orthodoxy. Rather, such units must be carefully assembled by the scholar from historical evidence, just as the institutions, practices, and material infrastructure that comprise the unit were and are constructed by people over the longue durée. Wolf starts with a world of interaction, but shows that European expansion and the rise and spread of capitalism intensified cultural encounters, encompassing them all within a global division of labor that conditioned the developmental prospects of each in relation to the others. Stavrianos carries out a systematic and relational history of the First and Third Worlds, in which both appear as structural positions conditioned by a capitalist political economy. By way of conclusion, we suggest that these three works collectively inspire an effort to overcome the reification and dualism of agents and structures that inform IR theory and arrive instead at “flow.”
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Kuokkanen, Rauna. Restructuring Relations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190913281.001.0001.
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This book interrogates normative conceptions of Indigenous self-determination and the structures of Indigenous self-government institutions, arguing that Indigenous self-determination is not achievable without restructuring all relations of domination beyond that with the state; nor can it be secured in the absence of gender justice. It demonstrates that the current rights discourse and focus on Indigenous–state relations is limited in scope and fails to convey the full meaning of self-determination for Indigenous peoples. Besides settler colonialism and neoliberal capitalism, relations of domination include racism, sexism, homophobia, misogyny, and gender violence, including violence against women, queer, trans and gender-nonconforming persons, and structural violence. Drawing on extensive participant interviews in Canada, Greenland, and Scandinavia, this book theorizes Indigenous self-determination as a foundational value, informed by the norm of integrity. This norm has two interrelated dimensions: bodily integrity and integrity of the land, both of which are a sine qua non for Indigenous gender justice. Conceptualizing self-determination as a foundational value seeks to restructure all relations of domination, including the hierarchical relation between self-determination and gender created and maintained by international law, Indigenous political discourse, and Indigenous institutions. The book argues that the persistent separation of issues between self-determination/self-government and gender/social is a major obstacle in implementing, realizing, and exercising Indigenous self-determination. Restructuring relations of domination further entails examining the gender regimes present in existing Indigenous self-government institutions, interrogating the relationship between Indigenous self-determination and gender violence, and considering future visions of Indigenous self-determination, including rematriation of Indigenous governance and an independent statehood.
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Friedman, Hal M., ed. War in the American Pacific and East Asia, 1941-1972. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176550.001.0001.
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Before 1940, East Asia and the Pacific were contested regions. The United States vied with the Empire of Japan for the strategic domination of the Pacific Basin. To a lesser degree, the formerly hegemonic colonial powers of Britain, France, and the Netherlands still controlled portions of the region. At the same time, subjugated peoples in East Asia and Southeast Asia struggled to throw off colonialism. By the late 1930s, the competition exploded into armed conflict. Japan looked to be the early victor, but by 1945 the United States established itself as the hegemonic power in the Pacific Basin. New rivals, however, arose in the form of Communist and liberation movements on the Asian continent. In War in the American Pacific and East Asia, 1941–1972, editor Hal Friedman brings together nine essays that explore aspects of the Pacific War that remain understudied or, in some cases, entirely unexamined. Chapters present traditional subjects of the conflict in new ways, with essays on interservice rivalry and military advising, as well as unique topics new to military history, particularly the investigations of strategic communications, military public relations, institutional cultures of elite forces, foodways, and the military’s interaction with the press. Together, these essays firmly establish the Pacific War as the pivotal point in the twentieth century in the Pacific Basin.
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Leipold, Bruno, Karma Nabulsi, and Stuart White, eds. Radical Republicanism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796725.001.0001.
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Republicanism is a powerful resource for emancipatory struggles against domination. Its commitment to popular sovereignty subverts justifications of authority, locating power in the hands of the citizenry who hold the capacity to create, transform, and maintain their political institutions. Republicanism’s conception of freedom rejects social, political, and economic structures subordinating citizens to any uncontrolled power—from capitalism and wage labour to patriarchy and imperialism. It views any such domination as inimical to republican freedom. Moreover, it combines a revolutionary commitment to overturning despotic and tyrannical regimes with the creation of political and economic institutions that realize the sovereignty of all citizens, institutions that are resilient to threats of oligarchical control. This volume is dedicated to retrieving and developing this radical potential, challenging the more conventional moderate conceptions of republicanism. It brings together scholars at the forefront of tracing this radical heritage of the republican tradition, and developing arguments, texts, and practices into a critical and emancipatory body of political and social thought. The volume spans historical discussions of the English Levellers, French and Ottoman revolutionaries, and American abolitionists and trade unionists; explorations of the radical republican aspects of the thought of Machiavelli, Marx, and Rousseau; and theoretical examinations of social domination and popular constitutionalism. It will appeal to political theorists, historians of political thought, and political activists interested in how republicanism provides a robust and successful radical transformation to existing social and political orders.
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Eisler, Riane, and Douglas P. Fry. Nurturing Our Humanity. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935726.001.0001.
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Nurturing Our Humanity sheds new light on our personal and social options in today’s world, showing how we can build societies that support our great human capacities for consciousness, caring, and creativity. It brings together findings—largely overlooked—from the natural and social sciences debunking the popular idea that we are hardwired for selfishness, war, rape, and greed. Its groundbreaking approach reveals connections between disturbing trends like climate change denial and regressions to strongman rule. Moving past right versus left, religious versus secular, Eastern versus Western, and other familiar categories that do not include our formative parent-child and gender relations, it looks at where societies fall on the partnership-domination scale. On one end is the domination system that ranks man over man, man over woman, race over race, and humans over nature. On the other end is the more peaceful, egalitarian, gender-balanced, and sustainable partnership system. Nurturing Our Humanity explores how behaviors, values, and socioeconomic institutions develop differently in these two environments, documents how this affects nothing less than how our brains develop, examines cultures from this new perspective (including societies that for millennia oriented toward partnership), and proposes actions supporting the contemporary movement in this more life-sustaining and enhancing direction. It shows how through today’s ever more fearful, frenzied, and greed-driven technologies of destruction and exploitation, the domination system may lead us to an evolutionary dead end. However, a more equitable and sustainable way of life is biologically possible and culturally attainable: we can change our course.
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Beramendi, Pablo. Federalism. Edited by Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.003.0031.
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This article provides a partial but necessary review of the dominating themes, evolution, and pending tasks that await the comparative politics of federalism. The basic premise of this article is taken from rational choice institution-alism. The article fist delimits federalism as an institution, before it pays attention to the impact of federalism on democracy and the workings of the economy. An analysis of federalism as an endogenous institution is provided. The article also mentions a number of methodological considerations on the comparative study of the origins and consequences of federalism. It ends with a discussion of the various challenges that lie ahead of the field.
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Machado, Carlos. Urban Space and Aristocratic Power in Late Antique Rome. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198835073.001.0001.
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This book analyses the physical, social, and cultural history of Rome in late antiquity. Between AD 270 and 535, the former capital of the Roman empire experienced a series of dramatic transformations in its size, appearance, political standing, and identity, as emperors moved to other cities and the Christian church slowly became its dominating institution. Urban Space and Aristocratic Power in Late Antique Rome provides a new picture of these developments, focusing on the extraordinary role played by members of the traditional elite, the senatorial aristocracy, in the redefinition of the city, its institutions, and spaces. During this period, Roman senators and their families became increasingly involved in the management of the city and its population, in building works, and in the performance of secular and religious ceremonies and rituals. As this study shows, for approximately three hundred years the houses of the Roman elite competed with imperial palaces and churches in shaping the political map and the social life of the city. Making use of modern theories of urban space, the book considers a vast array of archaeological, literary, and epigraphic documents to show how the former centre of the Mediterranean world was progressively redefined and controlled by its own elite.
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Linarelli, John, Margot E. Salomon, and Muthucumaraswamy Sornarajah. Confronting the Pathologies of International Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753957.003.0002.
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This chapter offers an argument on why the international law on trade, investment, and finance is subject to the demands of justice. It also looks at how those demands are greater than the basic minimums often suggested as applicable outside the state. International law is subject to the demands of justice because of its role as an institution essential to global cooperation, because it affects how people live their lives, because of its historic role in perpetuating and legitimizing moral wrongs, and because it can lead to domination and the deprivation of freedom. After elaborating these grounds, this chapter proceeds to a theory of justice for international law. International law must meet a standard of respect and ‘justification to’ each person, particularly those in weaker positions. International law cannot treat any person as only a passive recipient or supplicant to rules that benefit those in power or stronger positions.
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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, and Anupama Roy. Election Commission of India. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199494255.001.0001.
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As the constitutional body that conducts elections, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has emerged as a trusted institution within the shared space of democracy in India. This process has, however, been a fraught one because of contestation over the ECI’s constitutional responsibility and the power of Parliament to make laws to govern electoral matters. This comprehensive monograph discusses the history of the ECI through a study of the measures it has adopted to ensure certainty of procedures in order to maintain the democratic uncertainty of electoral outcome. In this context, innovations such as the Model Code of Conduct have enhanced the rule-making powers of the ECI. Going beyond the ECI’s design and performance framework, Singh and Roy argue that changes in the nature of electoral contests and domination of political regimes have made the task of preserving electoral integrity and assuring its deliberative content a challenging one.
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Triandafyllidou, Anna, ed. Pluralizing Global Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793342.003.0012.
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The concluding chapter summarizes the four main findings of the volume. The first concerns a certain retreat from global governance despite the multilateral and unstable nature of the world order in the early twenty-first century. Second, contributions to this volume highlight the power but also the problems that a regional perspective yields in our efforts to decentralize and pluralize our understanding of global governance. Third, that our critical approach to global governance has to cultivate an element of self-reflexivity. Just as we question the western-centric domination in discussions on global governance, when adopting decentralized, regional views we need to keep this element of self-reflexivity and plurality alive. This is no simple enterprise. And fourth, that the agent of global governance remains elusive. Doing away with the state leaves us with a rather fuzzy constellation of different types of institutions with different levels of aspiration and capacity to govern transnationally.
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Hardin, Carolyn. Capturing Finance. Duke University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478021605.
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Arbitrage—the trading practice that involves buying assets in one market at a cheap price and immediately selling them in another market for a profit—is fundamental to the practice of financial trading and economic understandings of how financial markets function. Because traders complete transactions quickly and use other people's money, arbitrage is considered to be riskless. Yet, despite the rhetoric of riskless trading, the arbitrage in mortgage-backed securities led to the 2008 financial crisis. In Capturing Finance Carolyn Hardin offers a new way of understanding arbitrage as a means for capturing value in financial capitalism. She shows how arbitrage relies on a system of abstract domination built around risk. The commonsense beliefs that taking on debt is necessary for affording everyday life and that investing is necessary to secure retirement income compel individuals to assume risk while financial institutions amass profits. Hardin insists that mitigating financial capitalism's worst consequences, such as perpetuating class and racial inequities, requires challenging the narratives that naturalize risk as a necessary element of financial capitalism as well as social life writ large.
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Regalado, Samuel O. Baseball Is It! University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037351.003.0004.
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This chapter describes the proliferation of Nisei baseball in California at the turn of the century. As the second-generation Nisei came of age, their world tugged at them from two ends: their Japanese heritage and American nationality. Gaukueans (Japanese-language schools) were among the institutions employed by the Issei to help maintain the Japanese culture among their children. Athletics, above all, was the enclave's most popular activity, with baseball usually dominating. This chapter tracks the growth of Nikkei baseball within this region as the Nisei sought to forge their identities in this new cultural milieu. Nisei baseball in California throughout the 1930s had thus become a vibrant activity that had developed from the strong roots planted by the earlier generation.
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Newcomb, John Timberman. Young, Blithe, and Whimsical. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036798.003.0004.
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This chapter challenges the conceptual model dominating histories of modern American poetry from the 1940s, in which political and aesthetic radicalism are seen as mutually exclusive responses to twentieth-century modernity, by analyzing the avant-gardism of The Masses. It considers how The Masses, together with several other little magazines, enriched the New Verse movement by joining and competing with Poetry: A Magazine of Verse as vibrant venues of contemporary American poetry. It explains how The Masses, by putting ideology above artistry, placed itself beyond the pale of true modernism. It argues that the verse published in The Masses was more than just belated sentimentalizing or Marxist sermonizing with no significant role in the emergence of modern poetry. On the contrary, the magazine had a substantial institutional and aesthetic impact upon the New Poetry. The chapter also contends that The Masses's eclectic and iconoclastic poetics of modernity was strongly aligned with the experimental spirit later valorized by historians as modernist.
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Kahn, Andrew, Mark Lipovetsky, Irina Reyfman, and Stephanie Sandler. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199663941.003.0031.
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Part V explores the relationship between the dramatic history of the twentieth century and the transformations of Russian literary culture and poetics, arguing that the story is one of unexpected continuities as much as rupture. The Part outlines the development of Russian modernism and the avant-garde in the Silver Age (1890s–1917), moving on to the avant-garde poetics and institutions reinvented in late Soviet (1960s–early 1980s), and treating underground and post-Soviet literature (since 1991), as well as the émigré literature of Russia Abroad. Émigré and Soviet literature are shown to follow some similar patterns and themes, just as official and underground literature alike explore ways to represent the century’s catastrophes, and to test the responsibilities of the intelligentsia. The desire to break with the past emerges as a theme, as does a struggle over forms of cultural continuity. Women writers play key roles across multiple time periods, locales, and aesthetic forms. Part V analyzes the workings of political and aesthetic censorship during the domination of Socialist Realism, and it explores poetry as a discourse of subjectivity. It includes attention to utopian/dystopian and national narratives, and ends with an account of the intelligentsia’s cultural and historical self-identification.
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Vatter, Miguel. Living Law. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197546505.001.0001.
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This book discusses the political theology developed by German Jewish philosophy in the 20th century on the basis of its original reconstruction of the teachings of Jewish prophetology. In the shadow of the modern experiences with anti-Semitism, the rise of Zionism, and the return of charismatic authority in mass societies, the discourse of Jewish political theology advances the radical hypothesis that the messianic idea of God’s Kingdom correlates with a post-sovereignty, anarchist political condition of radical non-domination. However, this messianic form of democracy, far from being antinomian, was combined with the ideal of cosmopolitan constitutionalism, itself based on the identity of divine law and natural law. This book examines the paradoxical unity of anarchy and rule of law in the democratic political theology developed by Hermann Cohen, Franz Rosenzweig, Gershom Scholem, Leo Strauss, and Hannah Arendt. Critical of the Christian theological underpinnings of modern “representative” political institutions, this group of highly original thinkers took up the banner of Philo’s project to unify Greek philosophy with Judaism, so influential for medieval Islamic and Jewish philosophy, and rejected the separation between faith and reason, biblical revelation and pagan philosophy. The Jewish political theology they developed stands for the idea that human redemption is inseparable from the redemption of nature.
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Vallier, Kevin. Must Politics Be War? Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190632830.001.0001.
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Americans are far less likely to trust their institutions, and one another, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably inspires our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that today we live under the historic norm. For politics itself is nothing more than a struggle for power between groups with irreconcilable aims. Contemporary American politics is war because political life as such is war. This book argues that our shared liberal democratic institutions have the unique capacity to sustain social and political trust between diverse persons. Constitutional rights and democratic governance prevent any one faith or ideology from dominating the rest, and so protect each person’s freedom to live according to her values and principles. Illiberal arrangements, where one group’s faith or ideology reigns, turn those who disagree into unwilling subversives, persons with little reason to trust their regime or to be trustworthy in obeying it. Liberal arrangements, in contrast, incentivize trust and trustworthiness because they protect the conscience of all, and so allow people with diverse and divergent ends to act from conviction. Diverse people become trustworthy because they can all obey the rules of their society without acting against their ideals. A liberal society is thereby one at moral peace with a politics that is not war.
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Allison, Juliann Emmons. Ecofeminism and Global Environmental Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.158.
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Ecofeminism can be described as both an ecological philosophy and a social movement that draws on environmental studies, critiques of modernity and science, and feminist critical analyses and activism to explicate connections between women and nature, and the implications of these relationships for environmental politics. Feminist writer Françoise d’Eaubonne is widely credited to be the founder of ecofeminism in the early 1970s. Ecofeminists embrace a wide range of views concerning the causal role of Western dualistic thinking, patriarchal structures of power, and capitalism in ecological degradation, and the oppression of women and other subjugated peoples. Collectively, they find value in extending feminist analyses to the simultaneous interrogation of the domination of both nature and women. The history of ecofeminism may be divided into four decade-long periods. Ecofeminism emerged in the early 1970s, coincident with a significant upturn in the contemporary women’s and environmental movements. In the 1980s, ecofeminism entered the academy as ecofeminist activists and scholars focused their attention on the exploitation of natural resources and women, particularly in the developing world. They criticized government and cultural institutions that constrained women’s reproductive and productive roles in society, and argued that environmental protection ultimately depends on increasing women’s socioeconomic and political power. In the current postfeminist and postenvironmentalist world, ecofeminists are less concerned with theoretical labels than with effective women’s activism to achieve ecological sustainability.
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Bovens, Mark, and Anchrit Wille. Diploma Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790631.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Lay politics lies at the heart of democracy. Political offices are the only offices for which no formal qualifications are required. Contemporary political practices are diametrically opposed to this constitutional ideal. Most contemporary democracies in Western Europe are diploma democracies—ruled by those with the highest formal qualifications. Citizens with low or medium educational qualification levels currently make up about 70 per cent of the electorates, yet they have become virtually absent from almost all political arenas. University graduates have come to dominate all relevant political institutions and venues, from political parties, parliaments and cabinets, to organized interests, deliberative settings, and internet consultations. This rise of a political meritocracy is part of larger trend. In the information society, educational background, like class, or religion, is an important source of social and political divides. Those who are well educated tend to be cosmopolitans, whereas the lesser educated citizens are more likely to be nationalists. This book documents the context, contours, and consequences of this rise of a political meritocracy. It explores the domination of higher educated citizens in political participation, civil society, and political office in Western Europe. It discusses the consequences of this rise of political meritocracy, such as descriptive deficits, policy incongruences, biased standards, and cynicism and distrust. Also, it looks at ways to remedy, or at least mitigate, some of the negative effects of diploma democracy.
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Rogers, Gayle. Incomparable Empires. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231178563.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The Spanish-American War of 1898 seems to mark a turning point in both geopolitical and literary histories. The victorious American empire ascended and began its cultural domination of the globe in the twentieth century, while the once-mighty Spanish empire declined and became a minor state in the world republic of letters. But what if this narrative relies on several faulty assumptions? Following networks of American and Spanish writers, translators, and movements, Gayle Rogers uncovers the arguments that forged the politics and aesthetics of modernism. He revisits the role of empire—from its institutions to its cognitive effects—in shaping a nation’s literature and culture. Ranging from universities to comparative practices, from Ezra Pound’s failed ambitions as a Hispanist to Juan Ramón Jiménez’s multilingual maps of modernismo, Rogers illuminates modernists’ profound engagements with the formative dynamics of exceptionalist American and Spanish literary studies. He reads the provocative, often counterintuitive arguments of John Dos Passos, who held that “American literature” could only flourish if the expanding U.S. empire collapsed like Spain’s did. And he also details both a controversial theorization of a Harlem–Havana–Madrid nexus for black modernist writing and Ernest Hemingway’s unorthodox development of a version of cubist Spanglish in For Whom the Bell Tolls. Bringing together revisionary literary historiography and rich textual analyses, Rogers offers a striking account of why foreign literatures mattered so much to two dramatically changing countries at a pivotal moment in history.
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Swann, Julian. Parlements and Provincial Estates. Edited by William Doyle. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199291205.013.0006.
Full textAbstract:
After the King and his councils, the French parlements and provincial estates stood out as two of the most prestigious political, legal, and administrative institutions in the kingdom. By the eighteenth century, there were no fewer than thirteen parlements, proudly dominating the social, cultural, and even economic lives of cities such as Aixen-Provence, Besancon, Rennes, and Toulouse. It was, however, the Parlement of Paris that was generally recognized as the senior court, with a jurisdiction covering approximately one-third of France, including provinces such as Auvergne, Champagne, and Poitou as well as the major cities of Orleans and Lyon. The Paris Parlement and its many ardent apologists frequently claimed that it “was as old as the monarchy” and a direct descendant of the Frankish assemblies that had once met on the Champs de Mars. It was an argument that placed the Parlement above the Estates-General as the French national representative body, but it was, in reality, little more than antiquarian wishful thinking and the Parlement was of more recent vintage, having been founded during the fourteenth century. The various provincial parlements had been established later, often when formerly independent provinces had been absorbed into France.
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Churchill, Robert Paul. Women in the Crossfire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190468569.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Every year, thousands of girls and women die, often at the hands of blood relatives. These victims are accused of committing honor violations that bring shame upon their family—such transgressions range from walking with a boy in their neighborhood to seeking to marry a man of their own choosing to being a victim of rape. Women in the Crossfire presents a thorough examination of honor killing, an age-old social practice through which women are trapped and subjected to terror and deadly violence as consequences of the evolution of dysfunctional patriarchal structures and competition among men for domination. To understand the practice of honor killing, its root causes, and possibilities for protection and prevention, this book considers the issues from a variety of perspectives (epistemic, anthropological, sociological, cultural, ethical, historical, psychological, etc.) and makes use of original research—an analysis of a database of honor killing cases, published here for the first time. Specifically, the book addresses the salient traits and trends present in honor killing incidents and examines how honor is understood in sociocultural contexts where these killings occur. It illuminates socialization factors within honor-shame cultures that include gender construction, child-rearing practices, and adverse experiences that prime boys and men to take roles as one-day killers of sisters, daughters, and wives in the name of honor. In addition to this microcausal pathway, the book relies on theories of cultural evolution to explain how honor killing was an adaptation to specific ecological challenges and co-evolved with other patriarchic institutions.