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1
Munir, Kamal A. "Challenging Institutional Theory’s Critical Credentials." Organization Theory 1, no. 1 (2019): 263178771988797. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631787719887975.
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Institutional theory’s claim to be critical rings hollow. Not only does the theory lack an emancipatory agenda but most institutional studies privilege agentic power over hegemonic. Even when engaging with ‘grand challenges’ institutional theorists are inclined to overlook larger structures of domination in favour of focusing on smaller, more manageable issues. As a result, institutional theorists run the risk of becoming complicit in the reification and legitimation of structures of domination. A process of self-critique must be initiated in order to recognize the role institutional theory is playing in this process.
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Drugge, Daniel. "‘I’m Outta Here’: Theorizing the Role of Exit in the Ideal of Non-Domination." Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24, no. 3 (2021): 789–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10677-021-10198-0.
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AbstractAccounts of non-domination have tended to emphasise the role resources and other capacity and voice building mechanisms can play in giving people the power and the institutional means of living lives that are free of domination. Yet the role of exit - of institutionally protected means of withdrawing from relationships - has remained undertheorized in accounts of non-domination. Drawing on a range of public policy examples, this paper seeks to shed light on the ways in which, and under what conditions, institutionalised means of exit can contribute to realising the ideal of non-domination. It shows that while rights of exit and low exit-costs can play an essential role in protecting people from dependence on the arbitrary wills of others, it is only under certain conditions these can be said to contribute to the realisation of the ideal of non-domination in a broader sense. Understanding the relationship between exit and non-domination, it further argues, gives us a clearer (if more complicated) picture of the relationship between non-domination and sources of power such as monetary resources and voice.
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Rosino, Michael L. "Dramaturgical Domination." Humanity & Society 41, no. 2 (2015): 158–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597615623042.
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The history of racial domination in the United States is multifaceted and therefore cannot be explained through simple reference to ideologies or institutional structures. At the microlevel, racial domination is reproduced through social interactions. In this article, I draw on Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical approach to social interaction to illuminate the development of the racialized interaction order whereby actors racialized as white impose a set of implicit rules and underlying assumptions onto interracial interactions. I examine archetypal instances of racialized social interactions in America’s history and present-day to reveal the role of social interactions in racially structuring social institutions and everyday lives. First, I discuss the development and racialization of chattel slavery and its routinization as an interaction order. Next, I explore the dramaturgical and symbolic significance of the postbellum emergence and spread of racial terrorism such as white lynch mobs. I then analyze the contemporary discursive and performative strategies of white racial dominance and aspects of the contemporary racialized interaction order such as the de facto racialization of spatial boundaries, mass media and the digital sphere, and police violence. I conclude by discussing the significance of interactional analysis for understanding the present racialized social system.
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Skorobogatov, A. "Stock Market, the Institutional Structure and Stability Problem in the Capitalist Economy." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 20, 2006): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2006-12-80-97.
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The paper addresses the problem of interaction of the stock market and real investment in the contemporary economy. The stock market and the real economy are considered as autonomous economic worlds with growing domination of the stock market. From the Post Keynesian perspective the author shows the implications of the stock market domination for economic stability and welfare. In particular, narrowing of the planning horizons and regular shocks due to volatility of finance availability are considered, which may facilitate the crisis because the economy is financially fragile. The institutional prerequisites for the stock market isolation and domination over the real sector are analyzed.
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McIntyre, Katharine M. "Recognizing freedom." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 8 (2018): 885–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718803419.
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Domination as opposed to what? Michel Foucault’s works on power and subject formation uncover the subtle ways in which disciplinary power structures create opportunities for domination. Yet Foucault says little about the forms of freedom that we should prefer. I argue that the proper opposite of Foucauldian domination is a version of the concept of social freedom found in contemporary recognition theory. I establish that Foucault implicitly commits himself to an ontological concept of recognition in which the subject is constituted by acts that affirm particular qualities. On the basis of this ontological commitment, there is room for Foucault to endorse an ethical concept of recognition as well, in which the subject’s freedom is bound to a variety of forms of institutional and interpersonal recognition. Finally, Foucauldian insights regarding the potentially dominating tendencies of genuine acts of recognition lead to helpful modifications of the concept of social freedom.
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O’Shea, Tom. "Socialist Republicanism." Political Theory 48, no. 5 (2019): 548–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719876889.
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Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the workplace and wider society. I defend this socialist republicanism from both the Marxist objection that it overlooks the impersonal nature of domination under capitalism and the left-liberal objections that property-owning democracy or worker codetermination are sufficient to suppress dominating relationships. The resulting position identifies the need for more ambitious institutional grounds for republican liberty than is often supposed, while offering us a distinctive emancipatory justification for socialism.
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Crummett, Dustin. "Prosecutorial Discretion and Republican Non-Domination." Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 23, no. 5 (2020): 965–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10677-020-10122-y.
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AbstractProsecutors in the US legal system have great power to interfere at their discretion in the lives of citizens, and face relatively few checks on the exercise of this discretion. The vast scope of the criminal law provides a pretext for prosecuting nearly anyone. Meanwhile, other features of the legal system, such as the way plea bargains are structured and the doctrine of prosecutorial immunity, further increase prosecutorial power. And existing institutional restraints on prosecutorial abuses, such as democratic accountability, the grand jury system, and the possibility of a selective prosecution defense, are mostly ineffectual. I draw on republican political theory, including insights from Philip Pettit and Elizabeth Anderson, to argue that this state of affairs gives prosecutors dominating, and therefore unjust, power over vast swathes of the public. I then survey some potential institutional changes which might help ameliorate the problem.
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Jones, Jocelyn. "Institutional abuse: Understanding domination from the inside looking out." Early Child Development and Care 113, no. 1 (1995): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0300443951130108.
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Heller, Monica. "Language choice, social institutions, and symbolic domination." Language in Society 24, no. 3 (1995): 373–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018807.
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ABSTRACTThe study of language choice and code-switching can illuminate the ways in which, through language, social institutions with ethnolinguistically diverse staff and clients exercise symbolic domination. Using the example of French-language minority education in Ontario (Canada), this article examines the ways in which ethnic and institutional relations of power overlap or crosscut, forming constraints which have paradoxical effects. In an analysis of two classrooms, it is shown how an ideology of institutional monolingualism is supported or undermined by program structure, curriculum content, and the social organization of turn-taking, and how individuals use language choices and code-switching to collaborate with or resist these arrangements. The effect of these processes is to contain paradoxes and to produce new relations of power within the school. (Symbolic domination, choice of language, code-switching, French/English language contact, social institutions, Canada)
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Yuratich, David. "Article 13(2) TEU: Institutional Balance, Sincere Co-Operation, and Non-Domination During Lawmaking?" German Law Journal 18, no. 1 (2017): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002188x.
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This Article assesses the extent to which Article 13(2) TEU supports a republican reading of the EU's institutional structure. This question has arisen in light of the move towards more intergovernmental forms of economic governance following the Eurozone Crisis. Dawson and de Witte and Bellamy have critiqued this mutation through theory-driven readings the institutional balance clause of Article 13(2) TEU, arguing that it establishes a norm of non-domination between EU institutions that has been undermined by increased intergovernmentalism. This Article considers whether the institutional balance case law supports their reading. It finds that institutional balance's dominant role is not normative: It protects pre-existing institutional competences. It does carry a normative side when used as a general principle of EU law to support arguments about increasing the European Parliament's legislative contributions, but this is not an independent head of claim. A better legal support for the presence of a non-domination in Article 13(2) lies within its second clause, the principle of sincere cooperation. Ultimately, the case law around both clauses of Article 13(2) TEU means that the provision is best understood as having a tripartite structure providing a constitutional basis for non-domination during lawmaking.
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Shorten, Andrew. "Accommodating religious institutions: Freedom versus domination?" Ethnicities 17, no. 2 (2017): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817690780.
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What forms of accommodation ought to be extended to religious institutions? Should churches, firms, charities and schools with a religious ethos be permitted to discriminate in ways that would otherwise be illegal? Should they be allowed to opt-out of particular laws so as to enable them to preserve their distinctive characters? This article addresses these questions by defending three claims. First, legal exemptions for religious institutions can potentially be justified by combining two principles: freedom of association and freedom of religion. Second, such exemptions potentially leave members vulnerable to domination. Third, individual non-domination and institutional autonomy can be reconciled under a regime of joint governance.
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Chaney, Damien, and Karim Ben Slimane. "Rethinking consumer resistance through institutional entrepreneurship." International Journal of Market Research 61, no. 5 (2019): 468–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470785319864234.
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This article adopts an institutional view to rethink consumer resistance. Two types of consumers who resist market domination are identified: “rebels” and “entryists.” Rebels are able to consume but do not want to and oppose all or part of the market, whereas entryists want to consume but are kept out of the market. These two categories of resistant consumers are regarded as institutional entrepreneurs because they attempt to shape established institutions. Rebels are game changers, their resistance aims at disrupting market and consumption practices while entryists are justiciaries, their resistance aims at empowering those who are left behind. Implications for marketing of this renewed vision of consumer resistance are discussed in this article.
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Reddy, Raghunandan, Arun Kumar Sharma, and Munmun Jha. "Hegemonic masculinity or masculine domination." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 39, no. 3/4 (2019): 296–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2018-0133.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that Bourdieu’s concept of masculine domination offers a comprehensive social theory of gender as compared to Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity through examining the proposition of positive hegemonic masculinity. Design/methodology/approach This is a conceptual paper that argues that Bourdieu’s concept of masculine domination offers a comprehensive social theory of gender as compared to Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. Findings The findings demonstrate that Bourdieu’s concept of masculine domination incorporates both discursive and material structures of the gender system that privileges men/masculine over women/feminine, making it a comprehensive social theory of gender. Research limitations/implications The concepts of hegemonic masculinity and masculine domination have not been reviewed in the light of emerging perspectives on hegemony, power and domination. The future research could focus on a review of research methods such as institutional ethnography, in examining masculine domination. Practical implications Using masculine domination perspective, organizations could identify specific managerial discourses, aspects of work organization and practices in order to eliminate gender-based discrimination, harassment and unequal access to resources. Social implications Public policy interventions aimed at inclusive development could examine women’s condition of continued disadvantageousness, through masculine domination perspective. Originality/value The authors seek to provide a comparative view of the concepts of hegemonic masculinity and masculine domination, using the categories of comparison that was not attempted earlier.
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Wijaya, Hendra Raharja, and Pursey Heugens. "Give me a hallelujah! Amen! Taming institutional complexity using emotions and domination." Academy of Management Proceedings 2016, no. 1 (2016): 10927. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2016.10927abstract.
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Springborg, Patricia. "Republicanism, Freedom from Domination, and the Cambridge Contextual Historians." Political Studies 49, no. 5 (2001): 851–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00344.
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Philip Pettit, in Republicanism: a Theory of Freedom and Government (1997), draws on the historiography of classical republicanism developed by the Cambridge Contextual Historians, John Pocock and Quentin Skinner, to set up a programme for the recovery of the Roman Republican notion of freedom, as freedom from domination. But it is my purpose to show that classical republicanism, as a theory of institutional complexity and balanced government, could not, and did not, lay exclusive claim to freedom from domination as a defining value. Positive freedom was a concept ubiquitous in Roman Law and promulgated in Natural Law as a universal human right. And it was just the ubiquitousness of this right to freedom, honoured more often in the breach than the observance, which prompted the scorn of early modern proto-feminists like Mary Astell and her contemporary, Judith Drake. The division of society into public and private spheres, which liberalism entrenched, precisely allowed democrats in the public sphere full rein as tyrants in the domestic sphere of the family, as these women were perspicacious enough to observe. When republicanism is defined in exclusively normative terms the rich institutional contextualism drops away, leaving no room for the issues it was designed to address: the problematic relation between values and institutions that lies at the heart of individual freedoms.
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Radygin, A., and G. Malginov. "The Market for Corporate Control and the State." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 3 (March 20, 2006): 62–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2006-3-62-85.
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While 2005 demonstrated a number of positive trends in the economy, its major institutional specifics became not a mere expansion of the direct state presence in a number of leading industries, but a steady tendency to its domination. The paper analyzes possible motives behind the property expansion of the state and reviews specifics of the state-owned companies’ operations on the market of corporate control and possible respective economic and institutional effects.
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Krishnamurthi, Amitha. "Family volence – through the lens of reflective practice." Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 30, no. 3 (2018): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss3id518.
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By applying my cultural sense of self and incorporating a case study, this reflective work examines family violence and the compulsive and seductive aspects of so-called “victim blaming” which, I contend, operate as a defence against institutional anxieties experienced and borne by individual practitioners. In this reflective piece I consider family violence, and aspects of domination described above from my lived experience as an indigenous woman, and as a migrant from the Global South. I also incorporate a social work case study from an Aotearoa New Zealand context to further explore cultural aspects of family violence or domination.
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Jugov, Tamara. "Kant on Structural Domination and Global Justice." Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 2019, no. 4 (2020): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/yewph-2020-0010.
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AbstractThis paper offers a novel reading of Immanuel Kant’s mature political philosophy. It argues that Kant’s doctrine of right is best understood as dealing with the question of how to justify practices of social power. It thereby suggests that the main object of Kant’s doctrine of right should be read in terms of individuals’ higher order power of free choice and action (“Willkür”). It then argues that the main normative problem Kant discusses in the doctrine of right is the problem of domination. While Kant must allow persons the exercises of their capacities for free choice and action for reasons of freedom, the structural upshots of such exercises by a multitude of empirically interconnected persons leads to a structure of private right, which is normatively problematic. This paper suggests interpreting this problem as one of structural domination. This reading sheds new light on Kant’s institutional theory of global justice. It enables us to better understand Kant’s theory of global institutionalization, particularly with regard to the question of why national and global institutionalization are so important in Kant’s theory and with regard to the question of what type of law cosmopolitan law is.
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Palombella, Gianluigi. "The Rule of Law as Institutional Ideal." Comparative Sociology 9, no. 1 (2010): 4–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913210x12535202814315.
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This article aims at offering an innovative interpretation of the potentialities of the “rule of law” for the twenty-first century. It goes beyond current uses and the dispute between formal and substantive conceptions by exploring the roots of the institutional ideal. Also through historical reconstruction and comparative analysis, the core of the rule of law appears to be a peculiar notion. It displays a special objective that the law is asked to achieve, on a legal plane, largely independently of political instrumentalism. The normative meaning is elaborated on and construed around notions of institutional equilibrium, non-domination and “duality” of law. The ideal of the rule of law can be considered as, first, consistent with its historical constants, instead of being forged on purely abstract basis; second, extendable to contemporary institutional transformations, beyond the State; and, third, conceptually sustainable on a legal theoretical plane, where it is located without falling prey to the debate about the morality of valid law.
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Ronzoni, Miriam. "The European Union as a demoicracy: Really a third way?" European Journal of Political Theory 16, no. 2 (2016): 210–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116656573.
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Should the EU be a federal union or an intergovernmental forum? Recently, demoicrats have been arguing that there exists a third alternative. The EU should be conceived as a demoicracy, namely a ‘Union of peoples who govern together, but not as one’ (Nicolaïdis). The demoi of Europe recognise that they affect one another’s democratic health, and hence establish a union to guarantee their freedom qua demoi – which most demoicrats cash out as non-domination. This is more than intergovernmentalism, because the demoi govern together on these matters. However, if the union aims at protecting the freedom of the different European demoi, it cannot do so by replacing them with a ‘superdemos’, as federalists want. This paper argues that demoicracy does possess distinctive normative features; it claims, however, that an institutional choice between intergovernmentalism and federalism is necessary. Depending on how we interpret what the non-domination of demoi requires, demoicracy will either ground a specific way of practicing intergovernmentalism or a specific form of federalism. It cannot, however, ground an institutional model which is genuinely alternative to both.
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Lea, YiShan. "The Praxis of Mentoring: Power, Organising and Emancipation." Journal of Teacher Education for Sustainability 14, no. 1 (2012): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10099-012-0005-9.
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The Praxis of Mentoring: Power, Organising and EmancipationThe purpose of this article is twofold: first, to juxtapose the praxis of mentoring with its domination and, second, to examine the praxis of mentoring. The rationale of the inquiry is based on social reconstructivist principles, recognising that relational structures and human experiences are both productive and reproductive in nature and in effect. The inquiry has pedagogical implications for institutional practices in education and political implications for individual voluntary versus institutional organising. It is potentially counter-hegemonic against the discourse of globalisation inevitability. Overall, the paper investigates the development and socialisation of human agency in institutional and social associations in which the praxis of mentoring intervenes.
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Khan, Gulshan. "From Domination to Emancipation and Freedom: Reading Ernesto Laclau's Post-Marxism in Conjunction with Philip Pettit's Neo-republicanism." Global Discourse 9, no. 2 (2019): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15526540593660.
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In this paper, I bring Ernesto Laclau's post-Marxist approach into conversation with the analytical thinker Philip Pettit, who has developed an influential neo-republican conception of freedom as 'non-domination'. Both thinkers aim to reconfigure power and domination towards more democratic and egalitarian relations and I evaluate the political implications of their respective conceptions of domination/non-domination, emancipation and freedom. I show that despite these common points of reference, the two authors exhibit considerable differences which manifest in their respective conceptions of structure and agency. In the opening section, I compare Laclau's and Pettit's respective conceptions of 'domination' where I highlight the differences between them in two alternate readings of Henrik Ibsen's play A Doll's House. In the second section, I examine their respective understandings of 'emancipation' and 'freedom', and I demonstrate that Pettit does not model his conception of freedom as non-domination on the idea of emancipation. This stands in contrast to Laclau, for whom emancipation remains the focal point of political struggle, despite formal equality, and who maintains the idea of the possibility of a more radical transformation in the underlying structures of society. In the final section, I consider Laclau's and Pettit's alternative conceptions of politics where both thinkers place a premium on democratic contest in challenging and overturning arbitrary power. I show that for Pettit political freedom is a mode of contestability within the established institutions, while Laclau's notions of emancipation and freedom functions at the level of competing hegemonic projects, and this facilitates a form of political struggle that might transcend the existing regime to instantiate a new institutional order. I conclude by amalgamating the respective strengths of both thinkers to provide a multi-layered analysis of contemporary forms of domination to better aid our understanding about the kinds of struggle needed to contest them.
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Eatman, Timothy K., Gaelle Ivory, John Saltmarsh, Michael Middleton, Amanda Wittman, and Corey Dolgon. "Co-Constructing Knowledge Spheres in the Academy: Developing Frameworks and Tools for Advancing Publicly Engaged Scholarship." Urban Education 53, no. 4 (2018): 532–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085918762590.
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Publicly engaged scholarship (PES) has emerged as a powerful force, yet institutional policies and cultures have often inhibited its acceptance in the academy. This article considers the benefits of PES for higher education as well as the obstacles to its enactment. It identifies the college level as a critical site for change and offers a rubric for institutional change agents to use to assess support for community engagement at the college level and identify avenues for further progress. The authors also grapple with tensions inherent in promoting PES at institutions that have historically served as agents of domination and oppression.
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Lebel, Udi. "Panopticon of Death: Institutional design of Bereavement." Acta Sociologica 54, no. 4 (2011): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699311422089.
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Individual behaviors, such as loss-coping and “grief work” are affected in organizational contexts. In everything pertaining to coping with trauma in general, and loss more particularly, the individual is “trapped” within a political psychology that enforces the habitus and expectations of institutional dominance on the ostensibly intimate and private response. Regimes have perceived bereavement over battlefield deaths as a form of social capital that can be mobilized to enhance national loyalty and political support. Employing both existential/hermeneutic and institutional analysis, this study examines three diachronic models of bereavement – hegemonic, political and civil – and their political ramifications in the Israeli context. Drawing on changing parental conceptual orientations towards fallen sons and their role as cultural and ideological agents in public sphere, the article traces the movement of bereavement from its capture by the hegemonic state institutions to its creations under the domination of others institutions: political and civic and ultimate use in critiquing the political and military echelon. The article indicates the powerful impact of the social institutional-organizational context on the intimate-psychological context of coping with loss, by illustrating this phenomenon in the Israeli society.
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Xiao, Qijie, and Anton Klarin. "Subordinate Actors’ Institutional Maintenance in Response to Coercive Reforms." Journal of Management Inquiry 30, no. 1 (2019): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1056492619868027.
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Institutional work research shows how actors purposively create, maintain, and disrupt institutions. Failed or unintended consequences of institutional maintenance remain relatively unexplored, for two reasons. First, the role of coercive disruption actors (e.g., a state) has not been fully explored. Second, existing literature takes scant account of power and disregards the resistance tactics of subordinate actors. Drawing on a longitudinal case study of a migrant workers’ union in China, we show how subordinate actors were first able to maintain institutional arrangements followed by a maintenance failure under the disruption work performed by the authoritarian state. This study extends the institutional maintenance literature in two ways. First, subordinate actors can sustain institutions insofar as they collectively deploy superficial deference and hidden forms of resistance. Second, maintenance work is vulnerable in the sense that it is contingent on the systems of domination and the level of pressure exerted by the disruption actors.
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Moncada, Eduardo. "Resisting Protection: Rackets, Resistance, and State Building." Comparative Politics 51, no. 3 (2019): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041519x15647434969948.
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The state occupies a central place in the study of a range of political, economic, and social outcomes. This article brings into dialogue literature on the state and emerging research on criminal politics through a study of protection rackets. Conceiving of criminal protection rackets as institutional arrangements of extraction and domination, I develop a political economy framework to explain variation in forms of resistance to rackets. The framework shows that distinct configurations of economic and political resources influence the type of resistance available to subordinates. I illustrate the framework's utility using micro-level data on resistance to rackets in Latin America. Attention to how resource endowments shape patterns of resistance to projects of extraction and domination provides a novel window into the bottom-up dynamics of state building.
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Ratle, Olivier, Sarah Robinson, Alexandra Bristow, and Ron Kerr. "Mechanisms of micro-terror? Early career CMS academics’ experiences of ‘targets and terror’ in contemporary business schools." Management Learning 51, no. 4 (2020): 452–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507620913050.
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In this article, we apply the concept of ‘targets and terror’, previously used in the healthcare sector, to the audit culture within business schools. We explore to what extent terror, or the inculcation of fear through processes of domination, is identifiable in the micro-level experiences of early career academics. Drawing on an international study of 38 Critical Management Studies early career academics from 15 countries, we develop a theoretical framework combining Bourdieu’s modes of domination and Meyerson and Scully’s Tempered Radicalism, which helps us identify top-down and horizontal processes of micro-terror and bottom-up processes of micro-terrorism, specifically self-terrorisation and counter-terrorisation. In extending the study of ‘targets and terror’ cultures to contemporary business schools, we develop a clearer understanding of how domination plays out in the everyday processes of management and self-management. From Bourdieu’s modes of domination, we discern a dark picture of institutional and interpersonal overt and symbolic violence in the name of target achievement. The Tempered Radicalism lens helps us to understand early career academic challenges that can lead to self-terrorisation but also brings possible ways forward, showing early career academics how to resist mechanisms of micro-terror through their own small acts of counter-terrorisation, providing some hope specifically as the basis for collective resistance.
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Hoye, J. Matthew, and Jeffrey Monaghan. "Surveillance, freedom and the republic." European Journal of Political Theory 17, no. 3 (2015): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115608783.
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Arbitrary state and corporate powers are helping to turn the Internet into a global surveillance dragnet. Responses to this novel form of power have been tepid and ineffective. Liberal critiques of surveillance are constrained by their focus on privacy, security and the underlying presupposition that freedom consists only of freedom from interference. By contrast, (post)Foucauldian critiques rejecting liberalism have been well rewarded analytically, but have proven incapable of addressing normative questions regarding the relationship between surveillance and freedom. Quite apart from these debates, neorepublicans have excavated a third concept of freedom, understood as non-domination. Could neorepublicanism overcome the limitations of liberal and (post)Foucauldian critiques of surveillance? We argue, positively, that neorepublicanism can accommodate much of the (post)Foucauldian analyses while also incorporating a normative critique of surveillance vis-à-vis freedom. We further argue, negatively, that surveillance power has outstripped the capacities of traditional republican institutional responses to domination. We conclude by considering ways in which neorepublicanism can be recalibrated to address the novelty of surveillance power while adhering to the ideal of non-domination. Two ways of addressing the problem are proposed: an offensive, dedicated surveillance antipower and a defensive republican amplification of privacy.
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Meyer, Marco. "Dealing fairly with trade imbalances in monetary unions." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 20, no. 1 (2021): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x21992005.
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Politicians around the globe wrangle about how to deal with trade imbalances. In the Eurozone, members running a trade deficit accuse members running a surplus of forcing them into deficit. Yet political philosophers have largely overlooked issues of justice related to trade imbalances. I address three such issues. First, what, if anything, is wrong with trade imbalances? I argue that in monetary unions, trade imbalances can lead to domination between member states. Second, who should bear the burden of rebalancing trade? I argue that surplus and deficit countries should share that burden. The current situation placing the burden squarely on deficit countries is unjust. Third, which institutional arrangements should monetary unions adopt to regulate trade balances? Monetary unions can either reduce trade imbalances within the monetary union, neutralise the impact of trade imbalances on the economic sovereignty of member states, or delegate economic policy affecting trade balances to a legitimate supranational institution. The Eurozone must adopt one of these options to prevent member states from domination. Which option protects members best against domination depends on what makes interference between members arbitrary, an unresolved question in republican theories of justice.
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Miller, Mark C. "Courts, Agencies, and Congressional Committees: A Neo-Institutional Perspective." Review of Politics 55, no. 3 (1993): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017630.
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Based on over 75 personal interviews with members of Congress and their staffs, this article examines how three House authorization committees differ in their reactions to federal court decisions versus their reactions to federal agency decisions. In general, Congress holds the courts in higher esteem than it does the agencies. The courts are generally seen as less political than the agencies, and committee reactions to court decisions are seen as much more unusual than reactions to agency decisions. The attitudes of the three committees toward decisions of the other institutions vary in ways consonant with their institutional roles, the committees' political cultures, and the primary goals of the committee members. The domination of lawyer members on the policy oriented Judiciary Committee results in that committee being the most deferential to the courts. The constituency focused Interior Committee is oriented to local interests and members' reelection goals, and it responds to the courts or to agencies only when constituency pressures force it to do so. The power oriented Energy and Commerce Committee treats the courts and the agencies just like any other political actors.
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Laoghaire, Tadhg Ó. "Making Offers They Can’t Refuse: Consensus and Domination in the WTO." Moral Philosophy and Politics 5, no. 2 (2018): 227–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2018-0061.
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Abstract The World Trade Organisation (WTO), and the international trade regime within which it operates, is regularly evaluated in terms of distributive outcomes or opportunities. A less-established concern is the extent to which the institutional structure of the trade regime enables agents to exert control over the economic forces to which they’re subject. This oversight is surprising, as trade negotiations amongst states have profound impacts upon what options remain open to those states and their citizens in regulating their economies. This article contributes to filling this lacuna in the literature. Following on from recent neo-republican work on global and international justice, it argues that a major problem with the WTO is that it fails to effectively mitigate the domination of some states by others within its negotiations. Such domination prevails despite the employment of negative consensus as a decision-making procedure.
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Reed, Michael I. "Masters of the Universe: Power and Elites in Organization Studies." Organization Studies 33, no. 2 (2012): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840611430590.
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Elite analysis has re-emerged as a central theme in contemporary organization studies. This paper builds on recent contributions to this revitalized field by developing a distinctive theoretical approach and substantive agenda for the study of power relations and elite ruling in organization studies. By drawing on a realist/materialist ontology and a neo-Weberian analytical framework, the paper identifies the idea of ‘command situations’ as the key concept for identifying changing mechanisms and forms of elite domination and control in contemporary socio-political orders. Three case histories are subsequently discussed in order to provide illustrative examples of the way in which this analytical framework can enhance our understanding of the complex interplay between ‘institutional’ and ‘interstitial’ power as it shapes the emergence of hybrid governance regimes through which contemporary regimes of elite domination and rule become organized.
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Restrepo, Natalia, and Salvador Anton Clavé. "Institutional Thickness and Regional Tourism Development: Lessons from Antioquia, Colombia." Sustainability 11, no. 9 (2019): 2568. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11092568.
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Researchers from different social sciences are increasingly interested in studying the role of institutions in regional development. Nevertheless, from the perspective of regional tourism development analysis, the role of institutions has been explored limitedly. Based on the institutional thickness approach, this study analyzed the role played by institutions in regional tourism development through a qualitative research procedure applied on a Latin American region. The study examined the institutional presence, the levels of interaction, the structures of domination and/or coalition patterns, and the common agendas in 28 institutions related to tourism in the region of Antioquia, Colombia. Results from this empirical analysis show that institutions play a decisive role in regional tourism development for reasons such as the allocation of economic resources, leadership, and interaction among stakeholders. Knowing these dynamics can be useful to boost better management and planning of tourism destinations throughout governance, coordination, and common agendas, and to enrich the debate on regional tourism development.
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Thirkell-White, Ben. "Hard choices in global deliberative system reform: functional fragmentation, social integration, and cosmopolitan republicanism." International Theory 10, no. 2 (2018): 253–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971918000064.
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The ‘systems turn’ amongst deliberative democrats advocates incremental institutional reform guided by deliberative democratic ideals. Whilst ideal global democracy is beyond our reach, incremental reforms can improve the quality and inclusiveness of global deliberation. However, incremental reform in non-ideal circumstances involves trade-offs between competing normative goals. The paper highlights a neglected purpose of democratic deliberation: the integration of highly fragmented technocratic deliberation on isolated issues with more holistic social perspectives emerging from the public sphere. As global governance has shifted beyond the nation state, jurisdictions have become functionally fragmented encouraging issue-specific technical framings of problems (trade policy is institutionally separated from labour, the environment and development). Fragmentation across the domestic executive is mitigated by the legislature’s role in bringing isolated technical perspectives together and subjecting them to wider public scrutiny. No analogous institution exists internationally. Highlighting functional fragmentation is important because dominant concerns with cosmopolitanism (unsettling state-centric issue framing) and republicanism (the need for institutional variety to combat the potential domination of a world state) in global governance lead to an active enthusiasm for overlapping functional jurisdictions in much of the literature, obscuring important trade-offs with the need for social integration.
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FABBRINI, Federico. "States’ Equality v States’ Power: the Euro-crisis, Inter-state Relations and the Paradox of Domination." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 17 (March 3, 2015): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2014.1.
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AbstractThis article examines how the Euro-crisis and responses to it have affected the horizontal relations of power between the EU Member States. It is argued that, whereas the EU institutional system had been designed since its foundation to strike a balance between state equality and state power, the Euro-crisis and the responses to it have increasingly upset this balance. A dynamic of inter-state domination is evidenced by the intergovernmental modes of governance within the European Council, as well as by the legal reforms in salient areas such as economic assistance, financial stabilisation and banking resolution, which have entrenched asymmetries between the states. In this article, it is argued that this dynamic constitutes a worrying development, given the anti-hegemonic nature of the EU integration project, and shows how intergovernmentalism paradoxically caters for powerful Member States. The article ends by considering options for institutional reforms, cautioning against the proposal to parliamentarise the EU and emphasising the potential of a new separation-of-powers system to restore a proper balance between the Member States.
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Loos, Eugène. "Language Choice, Linguistic Capital and Symbolic Domination in the European Union." Language Problems and Language Planning 24, no. 1 (2000): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.24.1.04loo.
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The current linguistic regime in the institutions of the European Union is highly complex. The EU considers that equal status for its official languages goes to the heart of what the Union is all about. Actually, the member states are not willing to grant another language recognition. Bourdieu’s publication Language and Symbolic Power (1992) helps explain this unwillingness: an official language can be considered as “linguistic capital” which affords its holders “symbolic power”. On the other hand, when new countries join the European Union it is not inconceivable that, for reasons of a utilitarian and financial-economic nature, there will be a shift in favour of the exclusively institutional use of English in the long term. Bourdieu’s analysis of the mechanisms which underlie the process of linguistic unification during the construction of the French nation state in the nineteenth century answers the question whether the mechanisms which led to the use of French as common language for France also apply to the language choice in the EU.
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Messner, Michael A. "Sports and Male Domination: The Female Athlete as Contested Ideological Terrain." Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 3 (1988): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.3.197.
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This paper explores the historical and ideological meanings of organized sports for the politics of gender relations. After outlining a theory for building a historically grounded understanding of sport, culture, and ideology, the paper argues that organized sports have come to serve as a primary institutional means for bolstering a challenged and faltering ideology of male superiority in the 20th century. Increasing female athleticism represents a genuine quest by women for equality, control of their own bodies, and self-definition, and as such represents a challenge to the ideological basis of male domination. Yet this quest for equality is not without contradictions and ambiguities. The socially constructed meanings surrounding physiological differences between the sexes, the present “male” structure of organized sports, and the media framing of the female athlete all threaten to subvert any counter-hegemonic potential posed by female athletes. In short, the female athlete—and her body—has become a contested ideological terrain.
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Malsch, Bertrand, and Yves Gendron. "Re-Theorizing Change: Institutional Experimentation and the Struggle for Domination in the Field of Public Accounting." Journal of Management Studies 50, no. 5 (2013): 870–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joms.12006.
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Daly, Eoin. "Freedom as Non-Domination in the Jurisprudence of Constitutional Rights." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 28, no. 2 (2015): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cjlj.2015.29.
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In recent decades, neo-republican philosophers have developed a theory of freedom as non-domination, which, they claim, is conceptually and analytically distinct from the “liberal” concept of freedom as non-interference. However, neo-republicans have intervened in constitutional debate almost exclusively in relation to structural issues of institutional competence, and have made little impact on the analytical jurisprudence of constitutional rights. While judicial review seems ill equipped to respond to the distributive dimensions of republican freedom, republicans like Richard Bellamy have argued that the whole edifice of countermajoritarian, strong-form judicial review is itself an affront to freedom as non-domination properly understood. Republican freedom, in this lens, is defined structurally, procedurally and politically rather than in relation to a definite set, concept or theory of rights that is put outside and beyond politics. And partly for this reason, there has been little commentary concerning how the theory of freedom as non-domination might inform constitutional-rights doctrine. This article will argue, first, that the neo-republican view can usefully inform constitutional-rights doctrine notwithstanding republican reservations concerning judicial power. Second, it will propose a number of specific ways in which the jurisprudence of constitutional rights might account for the central concerns of the republican idea.
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Boske, Christa, and Chinasa Elue. "“Hold on! I’ll Just Google It!”: Critical Conversations Regarding Dimensions of Diversity in a School Leadership Preparation Program." Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 21, no. 1 (2018): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555458917712547.
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This case outlines a dilemma encountered by faculty and graduate assistants in a K-12 educational administration graduate program. The case offers a detailed illustration of tensions arising when faculty were asked to increase “diversity” within their program. Faculty uncover disrupting institutional systems of domination that often play a significant role in understanding how to prepare leaders to serve in authentic and meaningful ways. Implications for the development of social justice–oriented school leaders included an intentional examination of these issues.
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Sell, Carlos Eduardo. "THE TWO CONCEPTS OF PATRIMONIALISM IN MAX WEBER: FROM THE DOMESTIC MODEL TO THE ORGANIZATIONAL MODEL." Sociologia & Antropologia 7, no. 2 (2017): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2238-38752016v721.
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Abstract The aim of this article is to update the exegetical discussion of the concept of patrimonialism in the sociological writings of Max Weber. In the wake of the results of the latest publication of his works, it discusses the evolution of the sociology of domination in the different stages of writing of Economics and society, with special emphasis on the changes that Weber introduces to the traditional type of domination. Focusing on the history of the work, two conceptual models of patrimonialism are distinguished that follow each other in his writings: the domestic model and the organizational model. From a systematic point of view, these models will be detailed in their theoretical nature (ideal-type) and as comparative instruments of socio-empirical analysis. In the conclusion, and in affinity with Weber's models, two ideal-typical conceptions of patrimonialism present in the Brazilian debate are characterized: the socio-patriarchal and the institutional-liberal conceptions.
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PALOMBELLA, GIANLUIGI. "Non-arbitrariness, rule of law and the ‘margin of appreciation’: Comments on Andreas Follesdal." Global Constitutionalism 10, no. 1 (2021): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381720000088.
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AbstractCan citizens’ interest in non-domination be satisfied by the principle of legality and the guarantee of non-arbitrariness? This comment argues that the rule of law requires an internal organization of law that entails an additional positive law, through conventions, common law, judicial precedents or constitutions, which the sovereign cannot legally override. In the supranational context, the rule of law requires an equilibrium of consideration and respect between different legalities by avoiding a legal monopoly of a supreme authority and fostering the interaction among orders based on content-dependent reasons. The same applies to the relations between the ECtHR and member states. The margin of appreciation, taken as a reminder of the complexities of international institutional relationships, embodies a non-domination caveat to consider (the reasons from) the ‘normativities’ of different orders. Nonetheless, as an argumentative tool of the Court, it allows for an often-disputed discretion. Accordingly, better refined guidelines and justifications are required.
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Qabaha, Dr Ahmad. "Corporeal Crisis and the Contested Female Terrain: An Ecofeminist Reading of ‘The Birth-Mark’." American Research Journal of English and Literature 7, no. 1 (2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21694/2378-9026.21011.
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This paper originally and substantially studies Nathaniel Hawthorne’s ‘The Birth-Mark’ from an ecofemninsit perspective, while exploring the interconnections and interdependency between the systematic and institutional ways in which woman and nature were dominated by male-centred society in 19th century America. By building on significant contributions to ecofeminist theory, this paper argues that the oppression of women and exploitation of nature by patriarchal culture and male-run institutions are represented in ‘The Birth-Mark’ as a product of masculinist, colonialist and capitalist assumptions and practices. This paper demonstrates that patriarchal culture’s unjust hierarchies and systems of domination are connected conceptually, and the promise of Aylmer to relieve Georgina from the corporeal crisis is an instance of difference-and-hierarchy-based domination; it aims at perpetuating the accepted authority and power of man who can contest God’s female terrain, and to claim his ability to recreate and reintegrate it in ways that show absolute control over nature and God.
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Boske, Christa, and Chinasa Elue. "Are You Qualified to Be a Member of This “Elite Group”? A School Leadership Preparation Program Examines the Extent “Diverse” Candidates Are Admitted to Graduate School." Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 20, no. 2 (2017): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555458916686645.
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This case outlines a dilemma encountered by faculty in a K-12 educational administration graduate program on the east coast. The case offers a detailed illustration of tensions arising when faculty discuss their graduate admissions process, their role as gatekeepers, understandings of merit, and the need for student diversity. Disrupting institutional systems of domination and faculty reliance on admissions criteria undermine programmatic diversity goals, including the meanings faculty associate with common admissions criteria. Implications include an authentic, holistic, and intentional examination of graduate admissions criteria.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik. "Governing Capacity and Institutional Change in China in the Reform Era." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (2010): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v28i1.2834.
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The Chinese reform process of 1978-2008 has primarily taken place within the economic sphere, involving fundamental changes of the centrally planned economic system. As a result, a hybrid economic system has evolved based on a combination of resource mobilization and allocation by market forces and Party and state domination of the commanding heights of the economy. In the political sphere, reform has been much more limited. During the 1980s there were several periods of substantial political reform, but since the early 1990s reform has largely been synonymous with improvement of the governance system in terms of capacity of institutions and competencies of officials. Thus administrative reform and institutional changes have been placed high on the agenda, emphasizing administrative restructuring and downsizing of government organs as well as Party reform. Party reform and leadership renewal have created an institutionalized political order characterized by incremental change within the framework of authoritarian resilience. Currently, major reform discussion in China primarily takes place within the Party organization and focuses on perfecting the existing political system rather than on introducing Western models and experiences.
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Prasetyo, Adi. "PENGARUH KEPEMILIKAN INSTITUSIONAL TERHADAP IMPLEMENTASI STRATEGI PROSPEKTOR DAN DEFENDER." Journal of Innovation in Business and Economics 5, no. 1 (2015): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jibe.vol5.no1.93-100.
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The purpose of this study is to proof that the institution stock holders have a significant effect on implementation of typology organizational strategy. Furthermore, it showed that the domination of institution stock holders have significant influence on implementation of prospector typology and defender strategy. Institutional stock holders measured by percentage of stock holders were published by the Indonesian Capital Market Directory (ICMD). On the other hand, in order to determine prospector typology and defender strategy, the researcher used four indicators as proxy, such as: KARPEN, PBV, CETA, and CEMVE.
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Fox-Decent, Evan, and Evan J. Criddle. "THE FIDUCIARY CONSTITUTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS." Legal Theory 15, no. 4 (2009): 301–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325210000017.
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We argue that human rights are best conceived as norms arising from a fiduciary relationship that exists between states (or statelike actors) and the citizens and noncitizens subject to their power. These norms draw on a Kantian conception of moral personhood, protecting agents from instrumentalization and domination. They do not, however, exist in the abstract as timeless natural rights. Instead, they are correlates of the state's fiduciary duty to provide equal security under the rule of law, a duty that flows from the state's institutional assumption of irresistible sovereign powers.
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E., Kalerante, and Eleftherakis Th. "The Greek Educational Policy Model towards the Reinforcement of Democracy: From the Marginalized Citizen to the Active Political Individual." World Journal of Educational Research 5, no. 4 (2018): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v5n4p381.
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<p><em>The present study is an attempt to define the legalizing process of a differentiated operational model for schools, emphasizing and reinforcing democratic values. In this respect, new organizational forms of students and teachers are being proposed, aimed at formulating a bio-political environment characterized by new communication networks—of both social and personal appeal. These will be conducive to transforming authoritative structures and domination relations into democratic forms of organization, taking into consideration the individuals’ social and cultural subjectivity within their social environment. More specifically, explicit and implicit forms of domination and authority are transcended with a focus on the forming correspondence of structures and relations, rendering democracy a new interpretation regarding its social and political content.</em></p><em>This proposal is expected to serve as an exemplary model for democratic education beyond the needs emanating from the Greek reality. The institutional organization and operation of the education bureaucratic mechanism is emphasized in order that schools operate as areas of consideration and political reflection on democracy.</em>
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Hagmann, Tobias. "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991–2004." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (2005): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001205.
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This article proposes an alternative interpretation of political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Regional State since the rise to power of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Some observers have perceived contemporary politics in the former Ogaden as an example of ‘internal colonisation’ by highland Ethiopians. Others attribute political instability to the ‘nomadic culture’ inherent in the Somali clan structure and the ineptness of its political leaders. This study argues that neither of these two politicised narratives grasps the contradictory interactions between the federal Ethiopian government and its Somali periphery, nor the recursive relations between state and society. With reference to the literature on neo-patrimonialism, I elucidate political disorder in the Somali Region by empirically describing hybrid political domination, institutional instability, and patronage relations, showing how neo-patrimonial rule translates into contested statehood in the region and political devices ranging from military coercion to subtle co-optation. Rather than unilateral domination, a complex web of power and manipulation between parts of the federal and regional authorities animates political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region.
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Mansbridge, Jane. "On the Importance of Getting Things Done." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651100165x.
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Trend plus inaction equals drift. When a trend has external causes and no one can act to intervene, that inaction leads to drift—the unimpeded trajectory of change. Drift in the United States produces the domination of American democracy by business interests. Drift in international decisions produces global warming. Specific institutional designs for government, such as the US separation of powers, can cause the inaction that facilitates drift. More fundamentally, ingrained patterns of thinking can cause inaction. Here I argue that the long and multifacetedresistance traditionin the West contributes to inaction by focusing on stopping, rather than using, coercion.