Academic literature on the topic 'Institutional Environmental Violence'

Psychosocial interventions are part of the complex understanding and treatment of violent behavior in our state mental health hospitals. A comprehensive assessment of violence and aggression includes attention to all 3 domains of prevention and assessment (primary-institutional, secondary-structural, and tertiary-direct). Trauma experiences and their consequences may include behavioral violence and aggression. The authors’ premise is that trauma is a universal component in the individual assessment of violent behavior. Therapeutic interventions must include a trauma-informed formulation to be effective. Organizational commitment to trauma-informed, person-centered, recovery-oriented (TPR) care is crucial to the efficacy of any of the interventions discussed. Thus, the dynamic nature of the individual, interpersonal, environmental, and cultural factors associated with the daily operations of the inpatient unit need to be assessed through the lens of primary and secondary violence prevention, building on the recognition that the majority of persons served and staff have significant trauma histories. Once a compassionate, respectful, empathic, and empowering approach is embraced by leadership and staff, the work with individuals can proceed more effectively. Interventions used include a variety of cognitive-behavioral, interpersonal, and somatosensory therapies. These interventions, when effectively applied, result in more self-esteem, self-mastery, self-control for the person served, and diminished behavioral violence.

The Republic of Congo experienced repeated outbreaks of armed conflicts between militiamen affiliated to three main political factions, which affected the socioeconomic fabrics of the Congolese society until late 2000. This paper examines the socioeconomic and environmental impact of interactions between the local population and forcibly displaced people from an environmental sustainability perspective. The findings hold that the impact of repeated political violence and associated livelihoods insecurity escalated resentment towards refugees regarded by some members of the local population as scroungers, despite their visible contribution toward innovative community projects. It is also shown here that although refugees’ livelihoods initiatives were environmentally sustainable, institutional disregard and misrepresentations enhanced misleading interpretations and subjectivities. It is proposed therefore that environmental sustainability is one of the key ingredients in refugee−host relations.

Varying prevalence rates of sexual violence across colleges and universities indicate the need to understand institutional factors underlying such variation; however, research often focuses exclusively on individual risk and protective factors, which both under theorizes and under explains the phenomenon of campus sexual assault. In this review, we propose that broadening to include campus- and contextual-level factors is necessary to fully explain campus sexual assault. Using an ecological approach, we identify and synthesize research related to campus-level variation in sexual violence, including availability of campus services and resources for survivors, institutional risk factors such as alcohol and party culture, athletics, and fraternities, and the impact of policies at the state and federal levels. Suggestions are made for conducting additional research at the campus level and implications of reframing campus sexual assault from an institutional lens are discussed, including the importance of this approach for practice, evaluation, and policy.

Quality of child care has been shown to have a crucial impact on children’s development and psychological adjustment, particularly for orphans with a history of maltreatment and trauma. However, adequate care for orphans is often impacted by unfavorable caregiver–child ratios and poorly trained, overburdened personnel, especially in institutional care in countries with limited resources and large numbers of orphans. This systematic review investigated the effects of structural interventions and caregiver trainings on child development in institutional environments. The 24 intervention studies included in this systematic review reported beneficial effects on the children’s emotional, social, and cognitive development. Yet, few studies focused on effects of interventions on the child–caregiver relationship or the general institutional environment. Moreover, our review revealed that interventions aimed at improving institutional care settings have largely neglected violence and abuse prevention. Unfortunately, our findings are partially limited by constraints of study design and methodology. In sum, this systematic review sheds light on obstacles and possibilities for the improvement in institutional care. There must be greater efforts at preventing violence, abuse, and neglect of children living in institutional care. Therefore, we advocate for combining attachment theory-based models with maltreatment prevention approaches and then testing them using rigorous scientific standards. By using approaches grounded in the evidence, it could be possible to enable more children to grow up in supportive and nonviolent environments.

Abstract Environmental governance reform—especially in the minerals sector—has featured prominently in Sierra Leone's peacebuilding agenda. While reform has enhanced environmental governance capacity in ways that foster peace, it has also exacerbated conflict over the redistribution of extractive rights. This article examines one such conflict over tantalite in northern Sierra Leone. In the chiefdom of Sella Limba, violence erupted as local landowners and a multinational company utilized institutional hybridity—or the blending of informal–indigenous institutions with liberal reforms—to construct competing claims over mineral rights. The resulting uncertainty over the extractive ‘rules of the game’ accelerated conflict as stakeholders attempted to (re)negotiate the distributional consequences of institutional change in real time. International and national actors ultimately rejected hybrid institutional arrangements on the grounds that they distorted post-conflict reforms and undermined peace. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork, I retrace the conflict to provide an alternative perspective. I contend that institutional hybridity served as a necessary component of, rather than barrier to, peacebuilding because it 1) opened space for diverse political participation in post-conflict environmental governance and 2) promoted greater political accountability and integration. These outcomes have been theorized as ways in which environmental reform can facilitate post-conflict peace. This argument aims to advance environmental peacebuilding theory by examining the conditions under which environmental governance reform contributes to post-conflict peacebuilding.

This study sought to determine the prevalence and impact of violence and sexual harassment experienced by registered nurses (RNs) in their workplaces in Illinois. A random sample of 1,130 RNs were selected to participate in the mail survey. The instrument used was the Nurse Assault Survey originally developed by the Nurse Assault Project Team in Ontario, Canada, and modified by the author. Three hundred forty-five subjects completed the survey (response rate: 30%). Fifty-seven percent of those responding reported personal experience with some aspect of sexual harassment, and 26% reported being victimized by physical assault while on the job. About one third of those who indicated they had been sexually harassed also had been physically assaulted. Patients/clients were the most frequent perpetrators of sexual harassment and physical assault, while physicians committed over half of the sexual assaults. Bivariate analysis showed a significant relationship between physical assault and levels of job satisfaction. A significant relationship also was found between sexual harassment and levels of job satisfaction. Results demonstrate that nurses need to take an active role in fostering a work environment free from violence and sexual harassment. They should be knowledgeable about institutional policies and, where none exist, they should work with administrators to develop them. Prevention and intervention programs should be developed for both student and registered nurses.

Public health institutions are an integral part of Guyana’s society, within which healthcare workers play a pivotal role. However, research indicates that Guyana’s health facilities are under staffed, which can lead to the risk of on-the-job injury. Moreover, other environmental conditions such as the overcrowding of wards, lack of pharmaceuticals and other institutional deficiencies can lead to stress and result in workplace violence.

In this article we identify evidences of inequalities, prejudices and discrimination in the access and utilization of public health services belonging to the Brazilian Unified Health Care System, considering them to be institutional violence and a negation of rights, in order to look at the reactions of the subjects victimized by this process. This research study utilized different methodologies, articulating participant observation, semi-structured interviews, focus groups and dramatization. The results highlight the trajectory in seeking health care as the main expression of inequalities, strengthened by structural factors such as the precarious condition of health care services, which potentiate power asymmetries, and the presence of discrimination derived from stigmas and prejudices. Most patients' reactions to the situation of institutional violence seek an individual solution to the problem, often reaffirming the conditions that generate rights violations. Few patients' reactions question the systemic conditions that determine the continued discrimination.

The purpose of this study is to have an in-depth understanding of the importance of the institutional environment for financial development in 43 Sub-Saharan African countries during the years 2004-2018. Using new institutional economic theory (NIE) we study how the four institutional factors Control of Corruption, Rule of Law, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, and Voice and Accountability affect financial development. We also survey how the effect of institutional factors varies when there are either high, medium or low levels of corruption. Empirical results show a positive linear relationship between all institutional factors and financial development. However, when corruption levels are high the correlation between institutional factors and financial development varies and has a weak linear relationship. Inferential statistics results from a fixed effect regression model with robust standard errors shows; when we control for the financial environment, Political Stability and Absence of Violence is the only indicator for the institutional environment that has a positive significant effect on financial development. We thereby conclude that the institutional environment, mostly political institutions, are important for financial development.
Syftet med denna studie är att få en djupgående förståelse av institutionell miljö för finansiell utveckling i 43 Subsahariska afrikanska länder för åren 2004–2018. Med hjälp av den nya institutionella ekonomiska teorin undersöker vi hur de fyra institutionella faktorer Kontroll av Korruption, Rättsstat, Politisk Stabilitet och Frånvaro av Våld och Röst och Ansvarsskyldighet påverkar finansiell utveckling. Vi undersöker också hur effekten av institutionella faktorer varierar när det finns hög, medium eller låg nivå av korruption. Empiriskt resultat visar ett positivt linjärt samband mellan alla institutionella faktorer och finansiell utveckling. Däremot, när korruptions nivåerna är höga är korrelationen mellan institutionella faktorer och finansiell utveckling varierar och har ett svagt linjärt samband. Resultatet från inferentiell statistik med fixed-effektregressionsmodell med robust standardfel visar att; när vi kontrollerar för den finansiella miljön, kvarstår endast Politisk Stabilitet och Frånvaro av Våld som en indikator för institutionell miljö som har en positiv signifikant effekt på finansiell utveckling. Vi konstaterar därmed att institutionell miljö, särskilt politiska institutioner är viktiga för finansiell utveckling.

abstract: Sustainability and environmental justice, two fields that developed parallel to each other, are both insufficient to deal with the challenges posed by institutional environmental violence (IEV). This thesis examines the discursive history of sustainability and critiques its focus on science-based technical solutions to large-scale global problems. It further analyzes the gaps in sustainability discourse that can be filled by environmental justice, such as the challenges posed by environmental racism. Despite this, neither field is able to contend with IEV in a meaningful way, which this thesis argues using the case study of the Flint Water Crisis (FWC). The FWC has been addressed as both an issue of sustainability and of environmental justice, yet IEV persists in the community. This is due in part to the narrative of crisis reflected by the FWC and the role that knowledge production plays in that narrative. To fill the gap left by both sustainability and environmental justice, this thesis emphasizes the need for a transformational methodology incorporating knowledge produced by communities and individuals directly impacted by sustainability problems.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Sustainability 2019

The study of development in the 1960s and early 1970s was characterised by major struggles between competing ideological positions . Writings were dominated by attempts at getting the ideologies right , hence the proliferation ofNeo-Marxist and Neo-Classical discourses. The vociferous debates between development theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank (1966), Paul Baran (1962), W.W. Rostow (1963) and their followers) were indicative of this period. A fundamental shift occurred in the late 1970s, however, when the focus of development studies shifted to the more technical issue of how to get prices right. World Bank and International Monetary Fund intervention in state affairs were a characteristic of this fundamental shift, with the now notorious Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s being a direct result of this movement. The whole terrain of development studies has once again, however, undergone reconstruction, with the emergence of an entirely new strain of development-oriented thought in the 1990s. The key development problem being identified by social scientists at present is the institutional context in which development takes place. It has finally emerged that this issue surpasses those debates concerning ideology and monetary issues. Development protagonists now acknowledge that they can no longer look at development without considering the institutional environment in which it is to take place. Irrespective of ideology and price factors, then, it has finally been realised that development is highly contingent upon the establishment of a sound development-oriented institutional environment. Although the international development arena has experienced this fundamental shift, very little research has been done , thus far, on the dynamics of KwaZulu Natal 's institutional environment. As such very little is known about its efficacy in supporting or initiating development programmes in the province. If one considers the enormity of the development task in KwaZulu Natal this is an extremely unsatisfactory situation. KwaZulu Natal undoubtedly needs a sound institutional environment that supports development, thus making a study of how the province's institutional environment impacts on development imperatives an extremely important endeavour. It is hoped that this dissertation helps in some small way to fill the research void that is clearly apparent in KwaZulu Natal. It needs to be iterated right at the outset, however, that this dissertation is not meant to be an extensive, all encompassing critique of KwaZulu Natal's institutional environment. It is rather an exploration of those important issues pertaining to its institutional environment that impact so dramatically on development imperatives in the province.
Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

Progress in conflict prevention depends upon a better understanding of the underlying circumstances that give rise to violent conflict and mass atrocities, and of the warning signs that a crisis is imminent. While a substantial amount of empirical research on the driving forces of conflict exists, its policy implications must be exploited more effectively, so that the enabling conditions for violence can be addressed before it occurs. Violence prevention involves a range of social, economic, and political factors; the chapter highlights challenges—many of them international—relating to deprivation, inequality, governance, and environmental management. Prevention also requires overcoming a number of acute political obstacles embedded within the values and institutions of global governance. The chapter concludes with a range of proposals for structural conflict prevention and crisis response, as well as the prevention of mass atrocities.

This chapter empirically investigates two hypotheses often used to support the claim that virtually everyone is better off in state society than they could reasonably expect to be in any stateless environment. “The strong violence hypothesis” is the claim that violence in stateless societies is necessarily intolerable. “The weak violence hypothesis” is the claim that violence in stateless societies tends to be higher than in state society. Section 1 uses anthropological and historical evidence to examine violence in prehistoric stateless societies, early states, and contemporary states. Section 2 reviews evidence from modern stateless societies. Section 3 attempts to assemble anthropologists’ consensus view of violence in stateless societies. Section 4 evaluates the strong and weak hypotheses in light of this information, arguing that societies in which sovereignty is most absent maintain the ability to keep violence at tolerable levels. Although it is reasonable to suppose that stateless societies tend to have higher violence than contemporary state societies, some stateless societies have lower violence than some states. Because these findings reject 350 years of accumulated theory of sovereignty, Section 5 briefly discusses how bands are able to maintain peace without state-like institutions. Section 6 concludes.

The chapter reviews progress across countries on human development over forty years in many dimensions. As shown earlier, there was general progress on basic human development, measured by the Human Development Index. This chapter also shows progress on many other dimensions, including a rising number of countries with broadly democratic political systems, a decline in crime in many countries, and a fall in gender gaps in education and earnings. Despite a recent upsurge of violent conflict, this was mostly on a downward trend at a global level. There was a more mixed situation in some other dimensions—for example, homicides and inequalities rose while trust fell in many countries. The most pervasive failure was on environmental sustainability. The chapter concludes with a discussion of areas that the human development approach has not adequately incorporated, including social institutions, macroeconomics, and above all environmental conditions which may threaten long-term achievements on human development.

Although political pluralism is crucial to a new democracy’s advancement, democracy is not just about competition for office. That competition must happen not through violence but through elections. Put differently, the democratic game must be played under stable conditions, and conflicts must be expressed and resolved through democratic means. Without stability, political pluralism will produce—not a well-functioning democracy—but a full-fledged civil war. In a chaotic political environment filled with uncertainty, what’s needed is an external referee with a steady hand. The referee must maintain a basic level of public tranquility, enforce the rules of the democratic game, arbitrate conflicts, and resolve disputes. Although other state institutions can also play referee, this chapter explains why the military enjoys a clear edge, at least in some cases, in serving as a stabilizing anchor.

Schools should offer a safe and secure environment for all young people to develop, to learn, and to thrive. Sadly, for many, they fall short. Homophobic and transphobic behaviour is still painfully common in schools across Europe. A significant number of LGBT pupils experience homophobic and transphobic bullying, and they are more likely to experience violence than heterosexual peers. This publication explores the underlying attitudes towards homosexuality in eight European countries: Belgium, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Spain, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Turkey. It is the product of a strategic partnership (KA2) between fifteen European secondary and higher education institutions, launched in 2016 under the auspices of the European Commisson’s ERASMUS+ programme. The project supported by this partnership, Homo’poly, promotes greater understanding and acceptance of homosexuality with the explicit aim of improving the school life of LGB pupils.

This chapter reviews the 1964–79 period, during which the social tensions accumulated over the previous decades erupted, a wave of political violence without parallel in Europe shook the country, and the steep rise of labour’s bargaining power caused a persistent wage shock. Political consensus was sustained by spending policies aimed at particularistic inclusion, leading to both a fragmented welfare system and growing budget deficits, which were largely monetized. Driven also by a challenging international environment, macroeconomic disequilibria accumulated. Although the country’s institutions were increasingly inappropriate, TFP growth and Italy’s convergence to the productivity frontier nonetheless continued, sustained also by the rise of industrial districts. Several mutually reinforcing vicious circles set in, however: the collusion between political and economic elites intensified, clientelism and corruption rose, organized crime strengthened, and after two decades of convergence the South resumed its decline relative to the rest of the country.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractSex workers face a number of health and human rights challenges including heightened risk for HIV infection and suboptimal care and treatment outcomes, institutional and interpersonal violence, labour rights violations, and financial insecurity. In response, sex worker-led groups have been formed and sustained across geographic settings to address these challenges and other needs. Over the last several decades, a growing body of literature has shown that community empowerment approaches among sex workers are associated with significant reductions in HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. Yet legal and policy environments, as well as funding constraints, have often limited the reach, along with the impact and sustainability, of such approaches.In this chapter, we first review the literature on community empowerment and mobilisation strategies as a means to collectively address HIV, violence, and other health and human rights issues among sex workers. We then utilise two case studies, developed by the sex worker-led groups APROASE in Mexico and Ashodaya Samithi in India, to illustrate and contextualise community empowerment processes and challenges, including barriers to scale-up. By integrating the global literature with context-specific case studies, we distil lessons learned and recommendations related to community empowerment approaches among sex workers.

Rebecca Laroche and Jennifer Munroe offer innovative approaches to teaching the embodied and collective history of human impact on the planet through early modern texts and contemporary ecofeminist theory. Combining Rob Nixon’s concept of “slow violence” (a way to understand environmental destruction over long periods of time) with an ecofeminist approach that “interrogates mutual forms of subjugation,” the authors stress how humans inhabit collective environments with other human and nonhuman entities. Their intersectional teaching strategy reflects this attitude by elevating collaborative scholarship, forging links between distinct classroom communities, and empowering students to historicize environmental problems, from water quality to wildfires. Students collaborate across geographic and institutional differences, and with scholarly efforts like the Early Modern Recipes Online Collective, to develop a heightened sense of both place and global interconnectedness.

This chapter talks about the interplay between family, religion, and ruler—three key components of every premodern society, which was the major factor in shaping the pattern of migration of the various organizational forms. The interplay determined the resistance of regions and civilizations outside Europe to the importation and transplantation of the business corporation. It argues that sixteenth-century Europeans, particularly the Portuguese, did not design a good institutional framework for conducting Cape Route trade with Asia. Seventeenth-century Europeans, led by the Dutch and the English, designed an institutional framework that suited their environmental challenges well and facilitated long-distance trade between Europe and Asia. The chapter emphasizes that organizational factors determined the rise of English and Dutch Eurasian trade dominance in the seventeenth century—asserting instead that technology and violence had more determinative weight.

The aim of the study is to help reduce institutional violence in universities by presenting its origins and manifestations, by explaining how they affect the needs of self-realization and individual progress, by providing solutions—viable, we believe—to eradicate this phenomenon. In this respect, the study will be devoted to a deeper diagnostic analysis which would lead to achieving a comprehensive and explicit picture of the causes of institutional violence at academic level and of the specific forms of expression it takes. The following issues will be addressed: institutional dysfunctions; living and working conditions of the main actors in the academic environment; the duplicitous role of the educational institution; university's helplessness, as a core of educational lofty ideals, to voice these ideals and fulfil them.

While data regarding school violence are gathered on a regular basis, noticeably missing from the literature are incidents that involve violence directed toward K-12 teachers and school leaders. The scarce evidence that does exist regarding this phenomenon suggests that this population is targeted more often than one may think, and they suffer from great harm as a result of various violent behaviors such as harassment, verbal threats and intimidation, bullying, property offenses, and physical attacks. Since very little is known about violence that is directed toward K-12 teachers and school leaders, there is a significant need for more research in this area in order to provide a more comprehensive view of school violence and to develop policies and formulate effective solutions. Addressing these issues will not only allow teachers and school leaders to perform to the best of their abilities, but school environments will be safer so that learning can take place without the interruption of violence.

U.S. mass incarceration is characterized by pervasive imprisonment among black men with little schooling that is often viewed as the product of punitive criminal justice policy. This chapter argues that pervasive incarceration also arises under a specific set of social conditions that make police contact and detention overwhelmingly likely. This work explores the social conditions of pervasive incarceration in a significantly less punitive policy context, in Australia’s Northern Territory where social inequality is acute and incarceration is woven into everyday life. Interviews and field observation in this region show that pervasive indigenous incarceration emerges in a historical context of racial inequality marked by extreme material hardship, violent family conflict and alcohol abuse. Where violence is coupled to poverty, penal institutions respond expansively to myriad social problems — including serious violence.

The mass media can play an important role in capturing the dynamic between social groups and the institutional environment. To investigate entrepreneurs' responses to the impact of organized crime and violence on Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) in Monterrey, Mexico, a deductive Content Discourse Analysis (CDA) was developed. The sample was constructed by integrating international newspapers available in the database FACTIVA and Mexican newspapers from 2006 to 2012. The results made it possible to observe the dynamic between informal and formal institutions in the emergence of adaptation of SMEs' business model. The adaptations observed tend to respond to the change in the behavior of social groups in Monterrey, Mexico, as a consequence of organized crime and violence. This chapter explores this CDA.

The authors give an overview of a research project that examined in detail 106 characteristics of 78 school violence incidents that occurred in the United States between 1979 and 2011. The result is an extensive overview of the location, date, and time of school violence incidents; the school environment in which violence occurred; the school violence incident itself; the characteristics of the perpetrators involved; characteristics of weapons used; and injuries incurred. The authors pose to the reader six major findings of the characteristics of K-12 school violence incidents in the United States which they argue must be considered as we move forward in dealing with this issue.

In the late Holocene, humans and their social institutions came to endanger their planetary comfort zone. Holocene institutions have had their successes when it comes to economic prosperity and even (recently) limiting violent conflict. But change that could enable governance to grapple with Anthropocene conditions is blocked where it is most needed. Dominant institutions such as states and markets have found ways to organize feedback that confirms their own necessity. Financial institutions become “too big to fail,” capitalist markets punish governments that depart from neoliberal economic recipes, and global environmental negotiations absorb the energy of activists and civil society even when they are not producing much decisive action. At the same time governance fails to take signals from a changing Earth system seriously enough—let alone anticipate future crises. As a result, institutional and policy innovation is blocked, and dysfunctional institutions and practices constitute highly problematic—even pathological—path dependency.

Higher education, often referred to as the ivory tower, gives the grand illusion of an environment of learned individuals with intellectual agendas and pursuits. This specialized environment is not a resistance-free fortress immune from toxic behaviors and unfair internalized institutional structures. In this chapter, the authors provide some theoretical perspectives of a toxic workplace environment. Then the authors focus on a review of literature on toxic leadership; the conceptualization of workplace bullying; the prevalence of academic mobbing; and the effects of toxicity on women professors in the academy. The final sections of the chapter include a discussion of implications for policy development in a toxic workplace; implications for research on toxic university environment; and concluding remarks.

Educational institutions consist of spaces for interaction and sociability, therefore, these spaces are composed of a multiplicity of people, each with their individualities, being, therefore, a locus of coexistence with diversity and of creating access opportunities for the equalization of opportunities. From this perspective, research on Human Rights Education means directing citizens in the fight for their rights and for a fairer society, as a form of full realization of citizenship. This research, at first, discusses the various forms of violence that occur in youth, especially those that occur in the school space, highlighting the causes and consequences of physical, psychological, symbolic violence and one of the most worrying in the world scenario: the " bullying". The general objective is to verify the existence and manifestations of violence in the school environment among students, teachers, managers and employees to understand the relationship that young people have with their peers, identifying the forms of violence called "bullying" that occur in the environment in an attempt to reflect on how such practices can be fought through Human Rights Education. Therefore, the methodology used will be qualiquantitative and will consist of a literature review, which will aim to situate human rights and bullying as objects in the field of socio-legal studies. Documentary analysis of laws dealing with human rights and education will be carried out, as well as field research, through which the questionnaire will be used as a data collection instrument to understand the perception of high school students about bullying and the disrespect for differences. The work will also involve quantitative analysis in the analysis of data to verify the incidence of bullying, its modalities and how Human Rights Education can contribute to respecting and valuing differences. With the completion of this research, it is expected to provide educators and students of educational institutions, an analysis of the importance of forming a culture of respect for human dignity, diversity, multiplying information and experiences that contribute to participatory awareness, rethinking the citizen reality of the population involved and reinforcing the socio-political-cultural identity of social segments and groups, based on the school reality and on Human Rights Education

Ragging is a deep-seated long-lasting social practice found in the state university system of Sri Lanka. Considering the negative, damaging impacts on physical, psychological, social, cognitive and behavioural aspects of undergraduates, it has been identified as a punishable offence under the Prohibition of Ragging and other forms of violence in educational institutions Act, No. 20 of 1998. Despite the array of harmful effects, ragging has evolved during the past five decades and sustained thus far amidst severe punishments imposed. The objective of the current study was to identify the underlying deep-rooted reasons behind sustenance of ragging in state universities with reference to a selected university (UOX) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. In-depth interviews were conducted with a heterogeneous sample (n=20) of volunteers. The study exposed an interconnected feeding system comprised of a minority of significant personnel among freshers, seniors, student unions, staff, administration, industry and political parties who play a decisive role in justifying the need and thereby support the sustenance of ragging. These findings may enable university authorities to find creative and innovative solutions to combat this menace to create a conducive academic environment for the future student community of State Universities in Sri Lanka.

Since Westinghouse Savannah River Company (WSRC) of America first applied PUREX process in 1954, PUREX process is always the top priority in nuclear fuel reprocessing plant. And this process is based on liquid to liquid extraction with TBP as the extractant. TBP is irreplaceable in the development of PUREX process in nuclear fuel reprocessing, its advantages are well recognized. However TBP does have some disadvantages such as formation of red oil, which will appear in the system of high nitric acid concentration and heavy metal nitrate, once the red oil forms, it can lead a exothermic runaway decomposition in reasonable conditions, such as exceeding a certain temperature (typically 130°C) or high acid concentration. If gas products and energy released from the decomposition reaction could not be exported in time, it will lead to vessel overpressure and caused violent explosion accidents. By now, it has happened 6 times so-called red oil explosion accidents worldwide, resulting in different degrees of equipment and construction damage and environmental contamination. From 1953 to now, research related to red oil has never stopped. WSRC, Hanford Company, Oak Ridge National Laboratory and Los Alamos National Laboratory of America have conducted many studies, as well as some research institutions from Russia, UK, France and India. Defense Nuclear Facilities Safety Board of America issued a technical report in 2003, preventive measures for red oil explosion were established in this report, and these measures provided good practice experience and reference for other countries, and the temperature condition (⩽130°C)and nitric acid concentration (⩽10M)for preventing red oil explosion are employed in some countries which has built the reprocessing plant. Nevertheless, research conclusions and knowledge of red oil vary from country to country. Especially, Kumar and Smitha etc. conducted several experiments in adiabatic condition in recent years, and investigation on stability of TBP - nitric system was made, the results indicated that the red oil runway reaction will happen even in lower temperature and lower nitric acid concentration in contrast with the reported value, and they thought it would need a further study to assess the validity of present preventive measures, and to rebuild the safety limits for preventing red oil explosion in the operation of nuclear fuel reprocessing plants. In this paper, related research results of red oil explosion accidents were combed, and the characters of study work of different periods were summarized, and definition, formation conditions of red oil, pathway of runaway reaction, control and preventive measures for preventing red oil explosion of different countries were analyzed and compared, as well as the new viewpoints of recent literatures. And some research ideas for future investigation based on present work were also proposed.

As the socio-political dynamics of conflict and insecurity continue to evolve across North Africa and the Sahel, efforts to prioritize the exploration of ongoing and emerging violent extremist trends remain important. For decades, violent conflict, poor resource management, environmental change, and weak governments (through lack of institutional capacity or by predatory elite design) have contributed to cycles of instability and state fragility. Violent extremist organizations such as Boko Haram, al-Qaeda, and the self-proclaimed Islamic State and its affiliates have benefited from this instability. As the groups, tactics, and contexts continue to change, greater attention to ongoing and emerging threats to peace and stability in the region is needed. In 2018, the RESOLVE Network convened over 30 global, regional, and local researchers, practitioners and policymakers with varied expertise in local governance, development, and the preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) research landscape in the Lake Chad Basin and regional proximity. The topics identified here reflect participants’ collective assessment of current dynamics, expertise, in-depth understanding, and commitment to continued analysis of violent extremism (VE) trends and dynamics in the region.