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MeÌndez, Santa Cruz Mauricio. "From grassroots to institutional politics : low-income urban movements in the transition from authoritarianism in Mexico." Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271445.
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Bradlow, Benjamin Hofman. "Quiet conflict : social movements, institutional change, and upgrading informal settlements in South Africa." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/80905.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2013.<br>This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.<br>Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-135).<br>The South African government's attempts to provide land and housing for the poor have been focused primarily on interventions at the policy level and within internal state bureaucracies. But experiences of social movements for land and housing have shown that significant opportunities for formal institutional change occur through relationships of both contestation and collaboration between such movements and state institutions, especially at the local level. Such a relatively underexplored mechanism of institutional reform enables us to understand exactly how such change processes gain legitimacy and potency. This thesis draws on case studies of two recent, formalized partnerships between grassroots social movements and local authorities in the metropolitan municipality of Cape Town and the municipality of Stellenbosch. The studies examine exactly how such relationships create the space for both conflict and collaboration between communities and city government. They are based on semi-structured interviews with government officials, community, and movement leaders, and participant observations of engagements between the movements and city authorities in January and June-August 2012. The evidence suggests that theories of the state and institutional change require much greater attention to the multiple ways in which social movements interact with the state in order to realize rights of access to land and housing. The contingent endowments of these actors allow them to be more or less able to trigger institutional reform processes. When change has occurred, collaboration has been essential. But these cases also highlight the value of a credible threat of conflict based on city-wide mobilization, no matter how quietly such a threat lurks in the background. Policy interventions in the urban land and housing sector in South Africa, pitched as rational bureaucratic recipes, are unlikely to realize such rights without institutionalized engagements, especially at the city level, with organized social movements of the landless urban poor that articulate both conflictual and collaborative tendencies.<br>by Benjamin Hofman Bradlow.<br>M.C.P.
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Paviera, Carmelo. "Three studies on institutional entrepreneurship in the informal economy : a grounded theory approach." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31448.
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The informal economy represents a large segment of the economic activities in emerging economies but still remains a puzzling phenomenon. In particular, research emphasising the organising processes of firms within the informal economy is scant. Weak formal institutions, conflicting institutional centres and large levels of economic inequality contribute to the development of informal entrepreneurship in emerging economies. Yet, an understanding of the links between institutional incongruence and economic exclusion as facilitating mechanisms of informal entrepreneurship remains limited. Furthermore, it is unknown how hybrid organisations, combining institutional logics, emerge and function within the informal economy. Despite a large number of empirical and theoretical studies, there is a lack of understanding about the interplay between the institutional dynamics and the creation of informal institutions developed by informal entrepreneurs. To enhance the understanding of informal entrepreneurship, this PhD thesis explores how institutional entrepreneurs embedded in the informal economy respond to economic inequality. This grounded theory study, based on interviews and participant observations conducted at La Salada, South America's largest black market, conceptualises how institutional entrepreneurs exploit the illegitimacy of formal labour institutions to generate institutional change. This qualitative study has followed a constructivist grounded theory design based on simultaneous data collection and analysis and making systematic comparisons throughout inquiry. In line with grounded theory guidelines, the researcher identified emerging first-order categories and looked-for relations between them, in order to move to a higher level of theoretical abstraction with the aim of generating new theory. The researcher conducted 75 in-depth interviews and semi-structured interviews, non-participant observation, and made use of archival documents. The thesis is organised as three empirical studies which can be read independently, but together constitute an in-depth study of institutional entrepreneurship in the informal economy. The thesis's theoretical contributions to the field are as follows. The first study reveals the conditions that generated institutional change in the apparel value chain in response to prevailing conditions that were leading to increasing economic inequality. It presents a model that focuses on three social mechanisms which allow institutional entrepreneurs to build new institutions that were inclusive for large segments of society excluded by the formal sector. The second study explores the emergence of new forms of hybrid organisation in the informal economy. Particularly, it focuses on how informal entrepreneurs organisationally respond to institutional complexity by identifying two types of logic - community and market - and a meta-mechanism that facilitates the interaction between the two logics, named normalisation of deviant organisational practices. The study highlights the two key generative mechanisms of the logics at play and suggests that actors embedded in the informal economy are able to dynamically adapt to two types of logic. It also emphasises how informal entrepreneurs exploit institutional arbitrage, which refers to the circumstances where entrepreneurs are provided with opportunities to exploit differences between two dimensions of the institutional environment, formality and informality. The third study explores how various types of actors and organisations such as social movements or hybrid organisations are able to develop alternative institutional arrangements to overcome the liabilities of emerging economies' institutions in an informal context. The study reveals that informal entrepreneurs entering a polycentric system are able to establish norms and rules of interaction, to exploit brokerage opportunities and multivocality between contradictory networks, and through robust action, generate proto-institutional outcomes. Collectively, these three essays reveal novel knowledge about the organisational mechanisms behind informal economic activities, constituting a theoretical bridge between the fields of institutional theory, inequality and governance and providing fundamental insights for the development of new management theories.
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Rios, Aisha Angelyn. "Feminism(s), Politics, and Domestic Violence: Tensions and Challenges in Shifting the Discourse and Institutional Relationships." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/248246.
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Anthropology<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation explores the creative responses of domestic violence advocates, activists, and other professionals working to address domestic violence in a South Atlantic U.S. state. Neoliberal political-economic policies have supported the development of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to address social ills that the state has increasingly relinquished responsibility for. While personal responsibility and the work of civil society is extolled as the best way to address social problems and offer social services to the public, state-level cuts of funding streams to NGOs have made it increasingly difficult for these entities to perform their missions. Moreover, reliance upon the state for funding leads to a slippery slope whereby missions shift and projects may be selected based on funding availability rather than what target communities could truly benefit from. Limited resources and time available to adequately conduct organizational missions within NGOs has helped promote new forms of community coalition building across agencies and systems. Based on ethnographic research within a quasi-state agency and multiple community coalitions, this dissertation examines the knowledge and practice of actors situated within these different sites and their relationships with the state. I address the following questions: 1) how are actors affected by and then in turn respond to the socioeconomic affects of neoliberalism; 2) how do socially defined categories of difference shape knowledge and practice; and 3) what is the relationship between dominant and alternative discourses of domestic violence and the differentially positioned actors who adopt them. My research sheds light on the process of community coalition building and activism in the context of a national financial crisis, which supports politically driven hostility towards domestic violence activist work. Through an in depth analysis of the early development of a community coalition to end domestic violence in the LGBTQQI community, I examine the ways actors heterogeneous social compositions and life experiences shape understandings of domestic violence, and receptiveness to alternative forms of knowledge and practice. Material constraints produced by neoliberal political-economic policies further hinder knowledge production and actors' capacity to contend with alternative frameworks for analyzing domestic violence.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Luna, Alfredo. "Implications of social movements in the present global environmental dynamics: the case of the United States." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Centro de Investigación en Geografía Aplicada, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/119683.
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Social movements are mobilization groups of stakeholders who seek to change the status quo, given the unfavorable conditions regarding their demands, rights, warrants, etc. As a fundamental effect of the change, social movements become leading actors of institutional change. One of these effects is given in the environmental issues, in the use, control, legislation and appreciation of nature. The insurgent policies developed by these movements are, in the current context of globalization and development of information technology and communication, the center of analysis in this paper, focusing on the U.S. environmental movement. We, therefore, believe that insurgent policies determine the beginning of institutional change.<br>Los movimientos sociales son grupos movilizados de actores sociales que buscan cambiar el status quo dadas las condiciones no favorables en relación con sus demandas, derechos, garantías,etc. Como efecto fundamental de dicho cambio, los movimientos sociales se constituyen como actores protagónicos del cambio institucional. Uno de estos efectos se da en el tema ambiental, en el uso, control, legislación y valoración de la naturaleza. Las políticas insurgentes que desarrollan dichos movimientos serán, en el actual contexto de la globalización y desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, el centro de análisis de este documento, enfocándose en el movimiento ecologista de Estados Unidos. Por tanto, creemos que las políticas insurgentes determinan el inicio del cambio institucional.
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Gen, Bethany MunYeen. "In the Shadow of the Carceral State: The Evolution of Feminist and Institutional Activism Against Sexual Violence." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621882615561857.
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Salmons, Patrick Jeremiah. "Hip Hop, Bluegrass, Banjos, and Solidarity: Race and Class Histories in Appalachia U.S.A." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103782.
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This dissertation examines the historical race and class tensions across the United States, and particularly focuses on Appalachia as a potential place of resistance against racial and class injustice. Arguing for a thick cross-racial solidarity movement, I examine the history of Black oppression from slavery to current modes of oppression such as mass incarceration and colorblind constitutionalism. The presence of anti-Black racism and under acknowledgement of whiteness hinders any form of cross-racial solidarity. To combat this, I ask, are the genres of hip hop, bluegrass, and country able to provide a reckoning of the continual racial oppression of Black people and an acknowledgement of whiteness, in Appalachia and the U.S.? I examine the historical progression of bluegrass and country, and hip hop, through the history of the banjo and music industry. The banjo, an African instrument, links Appalachia with histories of both Black expression and racial oppression. From here, I argue that the history of the music industry provides a further understanding of racial injustice that is parallel to the instances of institutional racial injustice in the U.S. This history provides evidence that Black artists used their music to enable social movements and resistance against systemic racial injustice in the U.S. Throughout several chapters, I analyze the many untold, forgotten, and hidden histories of Black racial violence that exists in the U.S. and Appalachia, and how music operates as a tool of resistance that can enable Black liberation against racial injustice. Through an examination of racial injustice in my hometown of Martinsville, Virginia, and using music as a tool, I suggest that, a thick cross-racial solidarity can exist with a recognition of historical racial injustice against Blacks, both locally and nationally, an acknowledgment of whiteness, an anti-racist framework for community activism, and a centering of Black voice, narrative, and Black liberation.<br>Doctor of Philosophy<br>This dissertation examines the historical race and class tensions across the United States, and particularly focuses on Appalachia as a potential place of resistance against racial and class injustice. Arguing for a thick cross-racial solidarity movement, I examine the history of Black oppression from slavery to current modes of oppression such as mass incarceration and colorblind constitutionalism. The presence of anti-Black racism and under acknowledgement of whiteness hinders any form of cross-racial solidarity. To combat this, I ask, are the genres of hip hop, bluegrass, and country able to provide a reckoning of the continual racial oppression of Black people and an acknowledgement of whiteness, in Appalachia and the U.S.? I examine the historical progression of bluegrass and country, and hip hop, through the history of the banjo and music industry. The banjo, an African instrument, links Appalachia with histories of both Black expression and racial oppression. From here, I argue that the history of the music industry provides a further understanding of racial injustice that is parallel to the instances of institutional racial injustice in the U.S. This history provides evidence that Black artists used their music to enable social movements and resistance against systemic racial injustice in the U.S. Throughout several chapters, I analyze the many untold, forgotten, and hidden histories of Black racial violence that exists in the U.S. and Appalachia, and how music operates as a tool of resistance that can enable Black liberation against racial injustice. Through an examination of racial injustice in my hometown of Martinsville, Virginia, and using music as a tool, I suggest that, a thick cross-racial solidarity can exist with a recognition of historical racial injustice against Blacks, both locally and nationally, an acknowledgment of whiteness, an anti-racist framework for community activism, and a centering of Black voice, narrative, and Black liberation.
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Bernhoff, Arthur. "Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6729.
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This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.
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Alfinito, Vieira Ana Carolina [Verfasser], and André [Gutachter] Kaiser. "Social Movements and Institutional Change: The Pro-Indigenous Struggle for Land Tenure and Citizenship in Brazil (1968-2016) / Ana Carolina Alfinito Vieira ; Gutachter: André Kaiser." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1152004905/34.
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Saleh, Yasser Hassan. "Da cooperação à terra: experiências associativas em Pirituba II." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12139/tde-27112017-144707/.
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A caracterização social de cooperativas e organizações similares inspirou estudos científicos e ações sociais no Brasil e no mundo. A abordagem do tema inicia-se, pela economia institucional, com enfoque na concepção de estruturas de governança como nível analítico baseado na Economia de Custos de Transação (ECT). Na agricultura, as experiências cooperativas objetivaram a inserção ou manutenção de agentes econômicos no mercado. Por outro lado, no caso da questão da reforma agrária as ações governamentais tiveram a finalidade de promover a organização da produção. O papel das mobilizações sociais em defesa da reforma agrária é constatado como proponente de formas de inserção alternativas, a exemplo ao modelo de cooperativas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST). O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender como as relações de poder da mobilização de grupos, como os movimentos sociais, influenciam a configuração de organizações cooperativas. Para atingi-lo toma-se o caso do assentamento Pirituba II, palco de diversas experiências que continham os elementos da mobilização política, da intervenção agrária do governo e de propostas de cooperação por diferentes atores. Os resultados demonstram que a lógica da ação coletiva intencionada pelos assentados corresponde a uma dinâmica familiar. Tomando as intervenções no sentido da indução da cooperação, observaram-se problemas da sua realização diante desta dinâmica.<br>The social characteristics of co-operatives and similar organisations inspired scientific studies and social actions in Brazil and around the world. The initial approach on the theme by institutional economics focused on the conception of governance structures as an analytical level based on Transaction Costs Economics (TCE). In agriculture, the cooperative experiences aimed at the insertion or the maintenance of the economic agents in the market. However, in the case of agrarian reform the Governmental actions were in order to promote the organisation of the production. The role of social mobilisations in defence of agrarian reform was observed as a proponent of alternative insertion forms. In this study the co-operatives\' model by the Landless Rural Workers\' Movement (MST) is the object of this phenomenon. The objective of this work is to understand how power relations by groups\' mobilisations, as social movements, influence the co-operative organisations\' configuration. To that end, we used the case of the Pirituba II settlement, since it was the scene of several experiences containing the political mobilisation elements, the government\'s agrarian intervention and the motions of co-operation by different actors. The results show that the logic of collective action intended by the settlers corresponds to a family dynamics. In analysing the interventions aiming to induce co-operation, we observed that problems of its execution were due to this dynamics.
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Costa, Joana D\'arc. "Dos movimentos sociais ?s fun??es institucionais: a Consolida??o de uma gera??o pol?tica em Sergipe." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2009. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13578.
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Previous issue date: 2009-10-23<br>This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the
State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.<br>Este trabalho, apresentado ao Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Ci?ncias Sociais da UFRN como parte dos requisitos para a obten??o do t?tulo de mestre em Ci?ncias Sociais, descreve os resultados da pesquisa Dos movimentos sociais ?s fun??es
institucionais: a consolida??o de uma gera??o . A pesquisa teve como objetivo geral descrever a trajet?ria de uma gera??o pol?tica que emergiu a partir dos movimentos sociais nos anos 80 em Sergipe e contemporaneamente exerce as principais fun??es governamentais do cen?rio pol?tico do Estado. Como objetivos espec?ficos a pesquisa descreveu a emerg?ncia dos movimentos sociais dos anos 80 em Sergipe; localizou
nos movimentos sociais em Sergipe dos anos 80 o in?cio da trajet?ria de uma nova gera??o pol?tica e descreveu a consolida??o dessa nova gera??o pol?tica em fun??es
institucionais como express?o de um novo bloco de poder na pol?tica sergipana. Entre os movimentos sociais que tiveram visibilidade no per?odo e projetaram suas lideran?as no cen?rio pol?tico sergipano, o estudo destaca o movimento estudantil,
dos professores, dos banc?rios, dos mineiros e o movimento dos trabalhadores rurais. Utilizou como procedimento metodol?gico a pesquisa em sites, jornais e depoimentos colhidos nas entrevistas semiestruturadas. As principais lideran?as dos
cinco movimentos sociais estudados, est?o, contemporaneamente, governando o estado, administrando a prefeitura da capital e exercendo fun??es legislativas na Assembl?ia Legislativa de Sergipe e na C?mara de Vereadores de Aracaju. Neste estudo descrevemos a trajet?ria pol?tica das principais lideran?as dessa gera??o de militantes e organizadores dos movimentos sociais e partidos de esquerda em
Sergipe, apontando que sua consolida??o no cen?rio pol?tico do Estado significou um novo bloco de poder na pol?tica sergipana.
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Naidoo, David. "Institutional inclusion in Higher Education: an analysis of the experiences of access, belonging and participation of international/ foreign students at the University Of Cape Town." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33880.
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Despite the ongoing global conflicts, wars, disputes and crises which face the world, education is one of the forces enabling global unity. Cultural enrichment, through ‘semesters away,' student exchange programmes and the marketing of ‘ivy-league' education online, have resulted in an explosion in student migration. However, international student migration is not a new concept, dating back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in Europe, where foreign students formed communities at recognized universities. The value of global migration in the realm of academics, has gained increasing attention in light of the tremendous value migrant students add to host countries' cultural, political and academic landscapes. However, the largest contribution relates to economic gain, which earns host countries billions of US dollars. While migrant students may be ‘welcome' into host communities, evidence points to issues surrounding homesickness, xenophobia, acculturative stress and social adjustment. One of the largest pull factors in student migration is the issue of university rankings. The University of Cape Town (UCT) is described as the ‘Harvard' of Africa due to its global and local ranking. The institution is ranked 1st in Africa and 136th in the world, in part for its international outlook (staff, students and research collaboration) (Times Higher Education, 2020). It is for this reason that students from across the globe traverse to South Africa to obtain a recognised qualification. The seductive power of UCT as a highly ranked university, exerts a tacit, subtle power over IS. Although there is this academic attraction, student experiences of access, participation and belonging may be questionable. Apart from seductive power, overt power, as seen in the application process for visas, study permits and inflated fees for IS, may create barriers to entry. Migrant student experiences may also be affected by the recent and continued volatility in the higher education landscape. Student mass action, centred on the calls for the #feesmustfall / #rhodesmustfall (‘fallist movements') and calls to decolonise higher education, have taken centre stage in the South African academic landscape. This begs the question of where and how IS fit into the struggle of the host nation. Students' ability to cope and acculturate into the host society is influenced by socio-cultural capital, determined largely by their country of origin (global north versus global south). In this regard IS may experience acceptance or marginalisation based on their social capital or by how they are viewed and accepted by the host nation. Students can also build resilience through assimilation, integration and self- marginalisation. The role of host societies and institutions in assisting migrant students to cope with the acculturation process and culture shock is globally, well documented. This researched is aimed at uncovering issues of access, participation and belonging of IS at the University of Cape Town. The aim of this study was explored by asking the following questions: What are the lived experiences of access, belonging and participation of international students at the University of Cape Town? Sub questions: i. What factors motivated students to migrate to South Africa? ii. How did IS experience and negotiate their experiences during the application process? iii. What were their experiences during registration and orientation? iv. What were their experiences academically and socially? v. How did they negotiate their transition from their home countries to South Africa? vi. What are the differences in experience between IS from varying socio-economic, cultural and geographic backgrounds? This qualitative research, using constructivist grounded theory, sought to uncover the experiences of IS through the lens of inclusive education, power, social capital, acculturation and voice research. Addressing issues of inclusive education is sometimes described as a conundrum in seeking to find solutions to, exactly ‘who is included, and into what?' Research indicates that inclusion is rather a layered, grey area rather than a binary of ‘who is in or who is out?' What inclusive education points to however, is the nature of power between students and institutions. The effects of the various types of power relations on IS are greatly influenced by class, culture, race and origin of students. This study captures the experiences of a cohort of 25 IS from various parts of the world and includes representation from both sexes and varying years of study. Findings of this study, relating to access, participation and belonging within the ambits of inclusive education, indicate varying degrees of inclusion. In the main, the political and geographical nature of the country of origin has a pronounced bearing on the experience of the IS. Similarly, the effects of the seductive power of western, coloniality play an integral role in choice of institution. The South African scenario is further complicated by student unrest/ #fallist movements which further alienates IS.
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Pecile, Veronica. "How the commons became government : grassroots mobilizations and institutional cooptation in Palermo, Sicily." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0136.
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Le mouvement pour les communs a émergé après la crise économique de 2007-2008 sous la forme d'une série de pratiques de résistance à la privatisation croissante des ressources et des services promue par la politique néolibérale. Les activistes ont revendiqué le droit d'utiliser et d'accéder à toutes les choses et à tous les espaces de propriété publique ou privée dont l'usage permet l'exercice des droits fondamentaux, également dans l'intérêts des générations futures. Un élément clé du mouvement a donc été la critique de la notion de propriété privée prédominante dans les systèmes juridiques occidentaux et l'expérimentation d'une vision non absolue et non individualiste de la propriété conçue comme un instrument de redistribution des ressources. La relation entre le mouvement pour les communs et le droit est étroite, car dans plusieurs cas les communautés qui les ont revendiqués ont eu recours, parmi leur tactiques, à un usage contre-hégémonique d'outils juridiques.Cette recherche examine la catégorie des communs selon une perspective politico-juridique et intègre cette analyse avec celle d'une étude de cas sur la trajectoire des communs à Palerme dans la décennie d'après-crise 2009-2019. L'investigation des pratiques menées par des activistes revendiquant les beni comuni dans le chef-lieu sicilien montre comment la praxis des communs a été progressivement cooptée dans le cadre administratif de la municipalité et est devenue une technique gouvernementale cruciale pour établir un contrôle public sur l'espace urbain. Dans ce cas le droit n'a pas agi comme un instrument émancipateur entre les mains des activistes, mais plutôt comme un outil mobilisé par l'acteur public afin d'apprivoiser le potentiel transformatif des communs. La trajectoire du mouvement à Palerme offre donc un point de vue sur comment la rationalité néolibérale opère aujourd'hui dans un scénario urbain du sud de l'Europe, c'est-à-dire en extrayant de la valeur des pratiques spatiales informelles historiquement enracinées dans ces contextes<br>The movement for the commons has emerged in the aftermath of the 2007-2008 economic crisis as a range of practices of resistance to the increasing privatization of resources and services promoted by neoliberal politics. Activists have claimed the right to use and access all the things and spaces which, either publicly- or privately-owned, allow the exercise of fundamental rights also in the interest of future generations. A key component of the movement has thus been the critique of the notion of private property predominating in Western legal systems and the experimentation of a non-absolute, non-individualistic vision of ownership conceived as an instrument of resource redistribution. The relation between the movement for the commons and the law is tight, as in several cases communities reclaiming them have resorted to a counter-hegemonic use of legal tools among their tactics. This work examines the category of the commons from a politico-legal perspective and integrates this analysis with the one of a case study on the trajectory of the commons in Palermo in the post-crisis decade 2009-2019. The review of the practices carried out by activists reclaiming beni comuni in the Sicilian city highlights that the praxis of the commons has gradually been co-opted within the administrative framework of the municipality and has turned into a crucial governmental technique to establish public control on the urban space. In this case, the law has not acted as an emancipatory instrument in the hands of activists, but rather as a tool exploited by the public actor to tame the transformative potential of the commons. The path of the movement in Palermo thus provides an angle to observe how the neoliberal rationality operates today in a Southern European urban scenario, that is, by extracting value from the informal spatial practices historically rooted in these contexts
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Boland, Brodie James. "Generative Disruption: The Subversive Effects of Collaboration." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1386265167.
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Bodart, Cristiano das Neves. "Atuação dos partidos políticos e dos movimentos sociais na construção e manutenção de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-04082016-162239/.
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A presente tese insere-se no debate em torno das relações entre movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e Estado, estando voltada à análise da produção de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social, a saber, o Orçamento Participativo. Realiza uma abordagem teórica revisada da Teoria do Confronto Político para pensar o repertório dos movimentos sociais na política institucional e não institucional. Do ponto de vista empírico, estudamos um conjunto interligado de atores coletivos: os movimentos sociais da Serra (ES), os partidos políticos e o Estado. Esses estão envolvidos diretamente no contexto histórico e político do recorte desse estudo (1980-2015), sendo componentes analíticos do problema de pesquisa. A questão central foi compreender como os partidos políticos (e seus agentes) e os movimentos sociais da Serra se comportaram antes e após a implantação de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social frente ao Estado. Assim, buscou-se identificar as influências dos partidos políticos sobre os movimentos sociais e vice-versa. Para a operacionalização dessa análise recorremos à pesquisa histórico-documental apoiada em narrativas de atoreschave nesse processo. Dentre as considerações finais possíveis de serem aferidas, notamos que o uso do repertório de ação dos movimentos sociais da Serra sofreu transformações substantivas após a sua inserção na política institucionalizada. Enquanto que nos anos de 1980 predominou o uso de um repertório de confronto político, a partir da abertura de um espaço institucionalizado de participação social sobressaiu o uso de um repertório marcado por estratégias de proximidade, ainda que o repertório de confronto não tenha sido suspenso por completo. Os problemas sociais e a ausência do Estado nos anos de 1980, somados à ampliação das oportunidades políticas, à redução das restrições e à existência de uma significativa coesão social, possibilitaram a criação de um quadro interpretativo inicial marcado pelas noções de participação social, responsabilização do Estado das condições sociais precárias de grande parte da população, o qual transformou-se em uma conexão entre as orientações interpretativas dos indivíduos e das organizações, dando força à ideia de que era necessária a criação de um espaço de participação social institucionalizado. Ao mesmo tempo que o movimento social se fortaleceu, tornou-se aparelhado pelos partidos políticos, o que afastou do OP a sociedade civil não organizada. O estudo da experiência da Serra-ES ao destacar uma realidade que, em certa medida, ocorre em diversas cidades brasileiras, corrobora para pensarmos as relações entre movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e Estado (sob a perspectiva de intersecções Estado-movimento) no contexto democrático atual.<br>This thesis is part of the debate on relations among social movements, political parties and the State and is focused on the analysis of an institutionalized space for social participation, namely, the Participatory Budget. It carries out a revised theoretical approach of the Political Confrontation Theory in order to consider the repertoire of social movements in institutional and non-institutional politics. From an empirical point of view, we studied an interconnected set of collective actors: the social movements of Serra (ES), political parties, and the State. These are directly involved in the historical and political context in the framing of this study (1980 - 2015), being analytical components of the research problem. The central question was to understand how the political parties (and their agents) and the social movements in Serra behaved before the State both prior to and after the introduction of an institutionalized space for social participation. Thus, we sought to identify the influences of political parties on the social movements and viceversa. For the implementation of this analysis, we made use of historicaldocumentary research supported by narratives from key actors in that process. Among the final considerations to be assessed, we found that the use of the repertoire of social movement action in Serra underwent substantial transformations after its insertion into institutionalized politics. Whereas in the 1980s the use of a repertoire of political confrontation predominated, upon the liberalization of an institutionalized space for social participation, the use of a repertoire marked by strategies of proximity stand out, although the repertoire of confrontation hadnt been completely suspended. Social problems and the absence of the State in the 1980s, in addition to the expansion of political opportunities, the reduction of restrictions, and the existence of a significant social cohesion, enabled the creation of an initial interpretive political scene marked by the notions of social participation, State accountability for the precarious social conditions of a large part of the population, which was transformed into a connection between the interpretive direction of individuals and of organizations, giving strength to the idea that the creation of an institutionalized space for social participation was necessary. At the same time the social movement was strengthened, it was harnessed by the political parties which removed the nonorganized civil society from the Participatory Budget. The study of the experience of Serra, ES, in highlighting a reality which, to some extent, takes place in several Brazilian cities aids in allowing us to consider the relations among social movements, political parties, and the State (from the perspective of the State movement intersections) in the current democratic context.
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Santos, Marcio André de Oliveira dos. "Políticas raciais comparadas : movimentos negros e estado no Brasil e na Colômbia (1991-2006)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4696.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Este trabalho discute conjuntos de relações político-institucionais entre movimentos negros e Estado no Brasil e Colômbia de uma perspectiva comparativa entre os anos de 1991 e 2006. Procuro mostrar que ambos os países tem histórias de formação racial que se assemelham e se
diferenciam substancialmente. Tais semelhanças e diferenças, como por exemplo, a construção do mito da democracia racial e a ideologia da mestiçagem, irão influenciar os
modos pelos quais os movimentos negros brasileiros e colombianos tem negociado políticas de superação das desigualdades raciais com o Estado. Argumento que Brasil e Colômbia adotaram políticas raciais racistas entre fins do século XIX e as primeiras décadas do século XX, proibindo a entrada de imigrantes negros, asiáticos e árabes e incentivando a entrada de imigrantes europeus. A principal justificativa era de que estes últimos impulsionariam o
desenvolvimento econômico, quando na realidade o propósito era o de embranquecer a população existente naquele momento, composta majoritariamente de negros e mestiços.
Após os anos de 1990, a ideia de políticas raciais ganha novos contornos, passando a significar políticas públicas de promoção da igualdade racial e de reconhecimento identitário
dos afrodescendentes. Neste sentido, as políticas de ação afirmativa passam a ser demandadas pelos movimentos negros de ambos os países como políticas raciais<br>This paper discusses sets of political and institutional relations between the state and black movements in Brazil and Colombia in a comparative perspective between the years 1991 and 2006. I show that both countries have histories of racial formation that resemble and differ substantially. Such similarities and differences, such as the construction of the "myth of racial democracy" and the ideology of mestizaje, will influence the ways in which black movements in Brazil and Colombia have negotiated policies for overcoming racial inequalities in the state. Argument that Brazil and Colombia have adopted "racial racist policies" between the late nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, banning the entry of immigrant blacks, Asians and Arabs, and encouraging the entry of European immigrants. The
main reason was that the latter would boost economic development, when in reality the purpose was to whiten the population existing at the time, mostly composed of "blacks and mestizos." After the 1990s, the idea of "racial politics" acquires new, going to mean public policies to promote racial equality and recognition of identity of African descent. In this
sense, affirmative action policies are being sued by black movements in both countries as "racial policies"
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Nadal, Beatriz Gomes. "Cultura escolar: um olhar sobre a vida na escola." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/10060.
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Previous issue date: 2008-05-15<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This study focuses on the school culture articulating the institutional and cultural perspectives which delineate it as a multidimensional and dialect reality. It is based on Lourau (1996), Castoriadis (1982) and Foucault (1979, 1987 and 1996) on the institutional field; on Ball (1996), on the organizational field; on Williams (1979, 1982 and 2002), on the culture theory; and on Viñao Frago (1995, 1998 and 2005), on school culture field. The purposes of this doctoral dissertation lies in the knowledge and comprehension of the public elementary schools culture as well as in the proposals presented in order to contribute to the transformation of the existing culture, bringing it closer to the modern education challenges. Its theoretical underpinning was obtained by a qualitative research and by cultural studies including bibliographic study, documental analysis, observation and interviews at two public elementary and middle schools located in Ponta Grossa city, Paraná State. The research was carried out during pedagogical meetings and class councils, teacher‟s daily routine of planning activities, and the management activities of the principals. Besides the schools pedagogical projects and the minutes of class councils, technical and political documents from the office of the secretary of education of the state were analyzed. These documents orient and institutionalize the work of the school institutions. The theoretical approaches were confronted with the politics to that were related and with the practical school, in agreement to Viñao Frago (1995). The collected data were organized around the axis management of the pedagogical work . It initially showed the institute action of the schools face to the resulting politics of the State, respecting them partially, attributing them formal character, loosening them or even denying them. The schools demonstrated to create own mechanisms of management, developing private styles of being related with the educational results and the routine issues. It was observed that these mechanisms has led the schools to be maintained relatively closed regarding the social context and the changes that they recognize as necessary in their local community. They have also led the schools to utilize strategies for problems solving and mode of communication that complicate their self-knowledge, reflection about their practice and, consequently, transformation. In one way, this explains the non consolidation of micro institutional movements and the maintenance of the traditional management of the pedagogical work characterized by a bureaucratic and functional nature. This tradition assumes an active position, acting like a sort of meso-micropolitic of the school, triggered maybe in order to avoid changes and/or to protect. The analyzed data also revealed that the structural strictness of the time and its use, the conditions of teacher‟s work, the absence of solid teacher education programs capable of making to emerge the existing meanings and the epistemology of the educational practice are extremely demanding factors that can bring the school transformation to a stop<br>O presente trabalho focaliza a cultura escolar articulando as perspectivas institucional e cultural, as quais a configuram como realidade multidimensionada, dialética e em constante movimento. Fundamentou-se na produção existente no campo institucional, com base em Foucault (1979, 1987 e 1996), Castoriadis (1982) e Lourau (1996); no campo organizacional, com apoio em Ball (1996); no campo da teoria da cultura, cujos alicerces foram buscados em Williams (1979, 1982 e 2002), e no campo da cultura escolar, embasado em Viñao Frago (1995, 1998 e 2005). Foi, portanto, nosso objetivo a construção de referenciais que sustentassem o desvelamento da cultura escolar, o conhecimento e compreensão da cultura de escolas públicas de educação básica e a formulação de propostas voltadas a contribuir com a tematização e transformação da cultura existente, tornando-a mais próxima dos atuais desafios da educação contemporânea. A investigação desenvolveu-se numa perspectiva qualitativa e de estudos culturais, compreendendo pesquisa bibliográfica, observação participante, análise documental e entrevistas em duas escolas de ensino fundamental e médio da rede pública estadual, localizadas em Ponta Grossa, Paraná. A inserção nas escolas se deu em momentos coletivos como reuniões pedagógicas e conselhos de classe, e também no encaminhamento cotidiano do trabalho pedagógico, acompanhando especialmente os professores em hora-atividade e os diretores e pedagogos no exercício da gestão escolar. Além dos projetos pedagógicos das escolas e atas de conselho de classe, foram analisados também documentos políticos da Secretaria de Estado da Educação, voltados a orientar e institucionalizar o trabalho das instituições escolares. Quanto à metodologia para aproximação à cultura da escola, os pressupostos teóricos foram confrontados com as políticas a que se relacionavam e com a prática escolar, conforme sugere Viñao Frago (1995). Os dados coletados apontaram, inicialmente, a atuação instituinte das escolas face às políticas advindas do Estado, acatando-as parcialmente, atribuindo-lhes caráter formal, flexibilizando-as ou até mesmo negando-as. Diante delas, as escolas demonstraram criar mecanismos próprios para a gestão do trabalho pedagógico, desenvolvendo estilos particulares de se relacionar com os resultados educacionais e as questões cotidianas. Observamos que esses mecanismos têm levado as escolas a se manterem relativamente fechadas em relação ao contexto social e às mudanças que elas mesmas reconhecem necessárias em sua comunidade local, bem como a utilizarem estratégias para resolução de problemas e modalidades de comunicação que dificultam seu autoconhecimento, reflexão sobre sua prática e, conseqüentemente, transformação. Explica-se, assim, a não consolidação dos movimentos instituintes micro e a manutenção da uma tradição funcionalista e burocrática na gestão do trabalho pedagógico. Essa tradição assume uma posição ativa, agindo como uma espécie de meso-micropolítica da escola, desencadeada quiçá para evitar mudanças e/ou para se proteger. Por fim, entendemos que as condições de trabalho e a cultura docente, a fixidez estrutural de elementos como o tempo e os espaços escolares, trazidas pelas políticas e naturalizadas pelas escolas, e a ausência de processos sólidos de formação continuada, capazes de fazer emergir os sentidos existentes e a epistemologia da prática escolar, são fatores fortemente impeditivos da transformação emancipatória da instituição escolar
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Stenling, Cecilia. "The drive for change : putting the means and ends of sport at stake in the organizing of Swedish voluntary sport." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Pedagogiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-102822.
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The aim of this thesis is to create knowledge on processes of change in the contemporary organizing of Swedish voluntary sport and the systems of meaning at work in these processes. The thesis proceeds from the assumption that the contemporary public sport policy climate is characterized by a pressure on organized sport to change in order for sport to better serve as an implementer of non-sport goals. In attempting to capture the possible ramifications of this pressure on the organizing of voluntary sport, the thesis work relies on the argument that processes of change are best captured in instances where new and established ideas are confronted with one another. Following this argument and drawing upon the concept of theorization, the first research question treated in the thesis concerns how legitimacy is established for a new practice (reported in Article 1). The second research question addressed is how, why, and with what consequences new ideas on organizing are implemented in sport organizations (reported in Article 2 & 3). In relation to this question, the concepts of translation and organizational identity are mobilized in the analysis. Empirically, these two questions are addressed using data from 29 interviews covering the emergence and organizing of organized spontaneous sport, so-called Drive in sport, in four Swedish municipalities. The analysis relating to these two questions shows that the same systems of meaning invoked to legitimize and specify Drive-in sport as a practice that has the potential to remedy problems being faced by both the Swedish society and the Swedish sports movement, also made Drive-in sport an unlikely developmental direction for the majority of implementing sport clubs. This process is understood with reference to a mismatch between the organizational identity of the clubs and the cultural material of the idea of Drive-in sport. This insight is brought into the formulation of the third research question treated in the thesis, which is concerned with sport clubs’ readiness, willingness, and ability to respond to policy changes (reported in Article 4). Building on data from short, qualitative interviews with representatives from 218 randomly selected sport clubs, 10 organizational identity categories are constructed. Between these categories, there is a variety of clubs’ core purposes, practices, and logics of action. The implications of this heterogeneity, in terms of sport clubs’ role as policy implementers, are discussed with reference to what clubs in each category might "imagine doing." The analysis provided in the thesis as a whole suggests that at stake in processes of change in the contemporary organizing of Swedish voluntary sport, is the very definition and meaning of sport.
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Begović, Marko [Verfasser]. "Institutional position of athletes within Montenegro´s Sport movement / Marko Begović." Köln : Zentralbibliothek der Deutschen Sporthochschule, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1201844444/34.
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Mutch, Hollis Hafertepe Kenneth. "Institutional critique artists focus on museological issues /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5285.
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Schussman, Alan. "Making Real Money: Local Currency and Social Economies in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194682.
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Local currencies have been founded in dozens of communities around the United States. By printing their own money that can only be used at participating local merchants or service providers, or in direct exchange with community members, advocates of local currencies try to reinvigorate local commerce, demonstrate community opposition to "big box" retailers and globalization, and support local employment. Although many local currencies have been founded, most of them have had only limited success, but even where local currencies fail to thrive, they raise important questions about the ways in which we organize institutions. This dissertation has two key concerns that emerge from those questions, the first of which is to explore the ways in which the meaning of money is reconfigured by the organizers and the users of local currencies. Second, this project seeks to explain the conditions under which local currencies operate, with the goal of building an understanding of how organizations successfully challenge the deeply embedded and institutionalized practices that surround the use of money. Local currencies are an innovative form of community economic organization that has previously gone under-studied by scholars. This project, the first to address local currencies with a large set of quantitative macro-level data as well as case-oriented archival and survey data, adds to knowledge of movement development and maintenance, and the social construction and use of money. Local currency reminds us that the systems of dollars and cents are socially constructed and that they therefore are changeable. But changing institutions that are part of our everyday life is difficult; because the use of money is so deeply embedded in routines and institutions, it's difficult to even ask questions about money: Where does money come from? Why do we trust it? And how might alternatives to money work? Local currency reminds us that money is not necessarily as "real" as we tend to think and it invites us to think about the system of institutions in which we live.
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Helou, Joseph Prosper. "The emergence, persistence and institutional transformation of the Free Patriotic Movement in Lebanon." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27819.
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The Free Patriotic Movement in Lebanon carried the cause of Lebanese freedom, sovereignty and independence, which were extremely sensitive topics for the de jure Lebanese governments who fell under the influence of Syria. These Lebanese governments did not lack the means to attempt to prevent the movement from emerging. However, against all odds, the Free Patriotic Movement continued to emerge in Lebanon and persisted in the organization of collective activity, which include protests and demonstrations among other activities. Even after the withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon in 2005, the FPM transformed into a political party and became quite active in Lebanese politics. In this thesis, I aim to explain the emergence, persistence and institutional transformation of the FPM. I refer to Political Process Theory to explain these aspects of my study. In so doing, I hope to make a valuable contribution to Lebanese social movement literature by putting forward the first such examination of the FPM. I argue that the key factor explaining these aspects of my study is the agency of FPM activists and the leadership of Michel Aoun who have impacted the emergence, persistence and institutional transformation of the FPM by actively participating in the movement's ranks. Structural factors, such as political opportunities, are quite important, but their impact on the movement is contingent upon what FPM activists and their leader make of them. Therefore, without the essential role of the movement's dedicated agency, many aspects of the FPM could not be explained as they are in this study.
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Mendonça, Patrícia Maria Emerenciano de. "A profissionalização do campo do desenvolvimento rural na região do Sisal." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/2495.
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Previous issue date: 2009-02-18T00:00:00Z<br>This study aims at verifying the existence of the professional field of rural development in the Sisal Region, in Bahia’s semi-arid region, analyzing the forms through which this process might have contributed to the institutionalization of ideas on what rural development entails and how it might have opened space for the creation of new local logics. As to methodological approaches, micro and macro social analyses were integrated, having the concept of social field as analytical level so as to deal with middle range theories in order to explain social phenomena, particularly neo-institutional and social movement theories. Empirical survey was based on primary data collected in different periods from interviews and observations, to which were added a considerable amount of secondary data gathered from reports, newsletters, videos, newspapers and other academic works. In order to historically recover the field of rural development, from the 70’s to the present days, discourse analysis technique was employed, so as to characterize actors, their main logics of action, particularly those related to professionalization. The attempt at conceptualizing professionalization and clarifying what is being considered as the field or rural development were an important task of the work. Four main contrasting forces in the field, influencing its professionalization were identified: Insurgent Solidarity; insurgent solidarity and economic insertion conflicts; particular forms of relation between State and society; and the insertion of themes and practices absorbed during actors/fields mimetic, regulative and normative mechanisms at micro and macro levels. From the identification and analysis of forces involved in professionalization in the field, suggestions are put forward as to the enlargement of the understanding on professionalization and institutional entrepreneurship, which might be relevant to future studies aiming at integrating agency-structure analyses and individual and collective action dimensions.<br>Este estudo teve como objetivo verificar a existência de campo profissional do desenvolvimento rural na Região do Sisal, no semi-árido baiano, analisando de que forma este processo contribuiu para a institucionalização de idéias sobre o que vem a ser desenvolvimento rural, e como ele, também, abriu espaços para a criação de novas lógicas locais. Como estratégia metodológica buscou-se integrar análises macro e micro sociais, utilizando-se noção de campos sociais como nível de análise, com o objetivo de trabalhar com teorias de médio alcance para explicação de fenômenos sociais, em especial as teorias neo-institucionais e as teorias de movimentos sociais. O levantamento empírico fundamentou-se em dados primários, recolhidos em diferentes momentos a partir de entrevistas e observações, aliado a uma ampla gama de dados secundários, recolhidos a partir de relatórios, boletins, newsletters, vídeos, jornais, e outros trabalhos acadêmicos. Foi utilizada a técnica da análise de discurso para trabalhar com os dados fazendo uma reconstituição histórica do campo do desenvolvimento rural entre a década de 70 e os dias atuais, buscando caracterizar os atores participantes, suas principais lógicas de ação, em especial aquelas relacionadas à profissionalização. Esclarecer o que se entende por profissionalização e o que foi considerado como campo do desenvolvimento rural fizeram parte de um esforço de conceituação do trabalho. Foram identificadas quatro principais forças que se contrastavam no campo e que influenciaram na sua profissionalização: a Solidariedade Insurgente; os conflitos entre inserção econômica e a solidariedade insurgente; formas particulares de relacionamento entre sociedade e Estado; e a inserção de temáticas e práticas absorvidas através de mecanismos miméticos, regulativos e normativos de atores/campos localizados em níveis meso e macro. A partir da identificação e análise das forças envolvidas na profissionalização do campo, são propostas sugestões para a ampliação do entendimento sobre profissionalização e empreendedorismo institucional, que poderão ser pertinentes para futuros estudos que busquem integrar as análises sobre agência-estrutura e as dimensões individual e coletiva da ação.
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Mallory, Trista Elizabeth. "Parsing the practice critique of the institution, or institution as critique? /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
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Macaulay, Fiona. "Transforming State Responses to Feminicide: Women’s Movements, Law and Criminal Justice Institutions in Brazil." Emerald Press, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/18275.
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No<br>Global concern about feminicide -- the killing of girls or women for reasons related to gender roles – started in Latin America with the epidemic of sexualised murders and disappearances in Central America and Mexico. There, the killers walked free due to state indifference and an incompetent criminal justice system. But this book tells a more positive story from the region. Brazil has high numbers of feminicides, mostly committed by intimate partners. Yet, the state’s responses to this crime have been transformed in recent years. This is the first country study to examine in detail how strategic action by the women’s movement has resulted in significant improvements in the investigation, prosecution and prevention of domestic violence and of feminicide.
This study traces the interaction between the main contributory factors to that transformation. Innovation and capacity-building in the criminal justice system has been driven by the development of norms and protocols at the inter-American level, by changes in Brazilian law and jurisprudence, and by policy entrepreneurs within the police and justice sector. Executive branch investment since the early 2000s in tackling gender-based violence created a propitious political environment. Coalitions of interest involving feminist academics, NGOs, local campaigners, bureaucrats within the state machineries for women, politicians, journalists, and criminal justice professionals were able to identify, create and use institutional spaces for change and diffuse good practices.
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Casey, Margaret A. "The Mexican Mural Movement 1900-1930." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1992. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4832/.
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Many studies have been made of the 'Mexican Mural Renaissance', but these generally have not provided an integrated account of the philosophical and ideological beginnings, development and end of the Mexican government's 1920's programme. Also, recent studies dealing with aspects of the programme have brought new evidence forward which allows this study to provide an overview of the social, political and aesthetic context of the mural programme. This is helpful in the assessment of the muralists' artistic achievements both as individuals and as members of the artists' syndicate. Primary source material such as the artists' autobiographies and the newspapers such as 'La Vanguardia' and 'EI Machete' to which they frequently contributed have also been studied closely to provide new insights into their political thinking and aesthetic principles as they sought to create a 'revolutionary art for all.' Since the programme was government-sponsored as part of a national education policy, the ideology of the regimes which preceded and followed the Revolution of 1910-17 has been examined to ascertain how well the muralists' ideals and work matched the expectations of their official patrons. Accordingly an account is also given of the political life of Mexico, in particular during the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz and the Revolution, and especially close attention is given to politics during the 1920's when the mural programme was underway. Concerning the muralists themselves, aspects of their experience which may have influenced their art are considered concurrently with their contemporary work. This is particularly important as a major question addressed in this study concerns the reduction of the muralists' programme from a group project, to the efforts of three noted muralists with assistance in some cases from others previously employed as muralists in their own right, to the final reduction of the programme to just Diego Rivera and several assistants.
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Walter, Martin. "Vindicating the right? : populism and the origins of the Tea Party Movement." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/34177/.
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Vindicating the Right? Populism and the Origins of the Tea Party Movement analyses the founding process of the Tea Party movement using the framework of populism theory. At the centre of populism theory stands the claim that populist movements frame politics as confrontation between the virtuous ‘people’ and powerful elites. The work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe further argues that populism is used to articulate hegemonic projects. As scholars have found, in contemporary liberal democracies populism articulates hegemonic projects that claim to represent ‘the people’ against unresponsive governments often in response to widespread dissatisfaction with democratic processes. Tea Party populism is no exception. This thesis argues that the foundation of the Tea Party took place in the context of a multi-layered crisis related to the economic downturn, the crisis of contemporary conservatism, rising party polarisation, growing inequality and declining faith in government and democratic institutions. I contend that the initial appeal of the Tea Party was due to the movement’s capacity to respond to this crisis and channelled a deep seated distrust of government into populist anti-elite resentment. With the help of a wide range of sources, including Tea Party literature, blogs, websites, videos and accounts from periodicals this thesis demonstrates how the movement constructed a collective identity of ‘the people’ as defenders of constitutional right, national values and free market capitalism. The Tea Party’s reliance on the themes of conservative Americanism also relates it to the hegemonic project of American conservatism and this thesis demonstrates that the Tea Party movement is as much an outcome as it is a part of the conservative movement’s attempt to use populism to rearticulate its hegemonic claims in the aftermaths of the defeat of the Republican Party in the elections of 2008.
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Holloway, Troy. "Ethnic Groups and Institutions: Can Autonomy and Party Bans Reduce Ethnic Conflict?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707380/.
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Can institutions successfully reduce ethnic conflict? Institutions such as autonomy and federalism are often advocated as a means to prevent ethnic conflict, however empirical evidence is largely mixed with regards to their effectiveness. In a similar manner, political parties have begun to receive more scholarly attention in determining their relationship with ethnic conflict, but their evidence is also mixed. In this research I examine autonomy, federalism, and the banning of political parties within ongoing ethnic group self-determination movements. While I do not find evidence for a relationship between autonomy and conflict, I do find that federalism increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict. Additionally, the banning of ethnic political parties indicates a strong increase the likelihood of ethnic conflict, while the banning of regional political parties significantly reduces the likelihood of ethnic conflict.
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Muchadenyika, Davison. "Social movements and planning institutions in urban transformation : housing in metropolitan Harare, Zimbabwe (2000-2015)." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5581.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>This thesis examines the interaction between social movements and planning institutions in the delivery of low-income housing in metropolitan Harare. Post-2000, the problem of housing in Zimbabwe has been characterised by the weak technical and financial capacity of local authorities and central government to deliver low-income housing and social movements challenging conventional housing delivery approaches and promoting alternatives. Between 2000 and 2015, the largest share of low-income housing was provided by housing movements. This study employs transformative theory (Friedmann, 2011) to explain how societies, especially marginalised people, organise alternative services pertinent to their lifestyles. The thesis draws on 95 key informant interviews, 14 focus group discussions (with 120 members of housing movements), and enumeration survey data (covering 6,636 households). It uses extensive material from document analysis (council resolutions, council committee reports, departmental annual reports, co-operative audits and reports, and government investigation reports). This study uses purposive sampling in which defined criteria were used to select housing movements. The study suggests that there has been urban transformation in metropolitan Harare. As argued in this thesis, urban transformation is evidenced by changes in the urban fabric (for instance, through new housing and infrastructure services for the predominantly poor population), reconfiguration of power (with the urban poor playing a vital role in urban development) and the adoption by planning institutions of grassroots-centred planning and housing delivery approaches. This transformation seems to be the result of four factors. First, the sudden increase in social movements involved in the ‘formal and informal’ delivery of low-income housing. Secondly, the drastic decline in the capacity of central and local governments to fulfil their housing delivery mandates. Thirdly, the changes to low-income housing delivery approaches in terms of both planning and housing policy and practice. Lastly, the Fast Track Land Reform Programme has had a wide impact on access to housing in peri-urban areas. The study concludes that urban transformation has primarily been the result of social movements placing pressure on planning authorities which has brought a new urban development order. Interactions between social movements and planning institutions have been characterised by struggles, contestation and alliances, which continue to profoundly shape urban planning and housing in Zimbabwe.<br>Germany Academic Exchange Service (DAAD)
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Kriel, Mariana. "Loose continuity : the post-apartheid Afrikaans language movement in historical perspective." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/863/.
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What happened to Afrikaner nationalism? Did the end of apartheid spell the end of the nationalism with which it had become synonymous? Was the decade that lay between South Africa's first universal suffrage elections of 1994 and the collapse of the Afrikaners' National Party in 2004 the final chapter in the history of Afrikaner nationalism? If so - and that is the question posed in this thesis - how is one to interpret the Afrikaner campaign that gained momentum during that very same decade in defence of Afrikaans - the language that gave the word apartheid to human history? Contra the lay and scholarly consensus, I argue that Afrikaner nationalism has outlived apartheid. What we are witnessing today, if only in certain elite circles, is not the end of Afrikaner nationalism but its revival. To substantiate this claim, chapter 3 of the thesis develops a definitional and theoretical framework from which I argue in chapters 4 and 5, by means of a diachronical comparison, that the latest movement represents a continuation of the Afrikaner nationalist past. First, however, the scene has to be set. Chapters 1 and 2 provide the political and ideological background without which no analysis would be possible of Afrikaner nationalism's consecutive language and cultural movements. It needs to be stressed, though, that while language and cultural activism has the central attention in this study, it also considers the relationship between cultural and political nationalism - both as concepts and as actual movements - and questions the notion of a dichotomy. In seeking a historical explanation for the contemporary Afrikaner movement, I revisit what Kellas regards as the problem that studies of nationalism have classically addressed, namely the relationship between politics, economics and culture "which in any particular case brought about the transition from ethnicity to nationalism"? (1991:35). Focusing on the Afrikaner case, my thesis explores the role of language in these dynamics - something that has not been done in a systematic manner.
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King, Sarah Nicole. "Food for Thought: The Role of University Institutions in Reforming the Food System." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1536.
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Thesis advisor: Charles Derber<br>This paper examines the capacity of post-secondary institutions, namely colleges and universities, to assist in the development of more sustainable, socially just food systems. The global, industrial paradigm of food production and distribution creates innumerable problems related to human health and ecological degradation. Due to its reliance on cheap energy and government subsidies, in conjunction with the social and environmental costs associated with it, the industrial food system is not sustainable in the long-term. The opening chapters of this thesis analyzes the dominant trends of food production and distribution, and explores the alternative movements that have propagated in response to the devastating failures of the industrial food system. For various reasons, the education sector has demonstrated vast potential to incubate and advance these alternatives. This thesis explores the main initiatives gaining momentum throughout the education system, and attempts to discern the potential for educational institutions—in particular, institutions of higher education—to support local, sustainable agriculture and to empower the next generation of producers and consumers to take back control of their food system. Since the unique role of higher education in reforming the industrial food system remains in the realm of speculation for the time being, this paper also provides a concrete case study of sustainable food initiatives at Boston College, in hopes that further studies of this kind will continue to encourage the transition from speculation to reality<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: College Honors Program<br>Discipline: Sociology
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Francis, Subothini. "Institutional and structural obstacles to peace in Sri Lanka, a case for a people's movement for peace." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24135.pdf.
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Brown, Graham K. "Civil society and social movements in an ethnically divided society : the case of Malaysia, 1981-2001." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2004. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10929/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between civil society, social movements and the state in ethnically-divided countries, using the case study of Malaysia. The argument begins with the observation that the respective literatures on civil society and social movements occupy a broadly congruent paradigm, but the relationship between the two is poorly theorised. Through a critical discussion of existing approaches, a synthesis of civil society and social movements theory is produced, which argues for a dualistic interpretation that emphasises both institutional linkages and cultural and discursive relationships. It is further argued that this latter aspect is of particular importance in ethnically-divided countries, as cultural differences between groups may hamper the effective mobilisation of movements. Thus may exist a form of ‘slippage’ between civil society and movement mobilisation, unidentified in much of the literature that tends to view the two as dynamically homogenous. The empirical section of the thesis utilises this model to examine the trajectories of civil society and social movements in Malaysia, focussing on the two decades from 1981 to 2001. It is argued that the first half of the 1980s saw the expansion of a broadly middle class-led, multiethnic civil society but that successful movement mobilisation nonetheless remained rooted in ethnic concerns. Nonetheless, the decade saw in increasing challenge to the regime's hegemonic position. As internal relations within the government coalition fractured during the middle years of the decade, parties and factions within the regime lurched to more ethnicist positions, contributing to an increasing spiral of ethnic `outbidding' and social mobilisation. In October 1987, this was brought to an end by a widespread crackdown that brought social mobilisation to an abrupt halt. Combined with the continuing elite fracture, this effectively re-channelled the increased protest of the period into the political sphere, where a broad opposition coalition was formed to contest the 1990 elections. With the democratic system long since undermined, however, the government won and even maintained its two-third majority. In the late 1990s, the dynamics of state, civil society and social movement were again clearly visible following the dismissal of Anwar Ibrahim as deputy prime minister and the mass protest ‘reformasi’ movement it unleashed. The ‘reformasi’ movement attempted to cultivate new modes of mobilisation, such as the Internet, appropriate to its multiethnic aspirations, but also relied heavily on the existing mobilisational networks of the Islamic movement. This mobilisational bias was reflected in the degree of electoral support for the movement's political manifestation in the 1999 general elections and contributed to the quick demise of the electoral coalition it provoked. The slippage between a multiethnic civil society and the ethnic bases of movement mobilisation in Malaysia has thus hampered the emergence of effective opposition to the regime.
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Fountain, Russell S. "Captive of "God's blueprint"-- Fanning Yater Tant and the development of non-institutional Churches of Christ /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.
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Hartley, E. "The institutional treatment of juvenile delinquency : aspects of the English reformatory and industrial school movement in the nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35643.
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This thesis studies the significance of the reformatory as a nineteenth century institution whose purpose was to reduce and eventually eliminate Juvenile crime. It examines in particular the reformatory school and the long-term industrial school (together with its products the truant and day industrial school). It is argued that the growth and development of these schools was governed by the dynamic interaction of social pressures and institutional responses, but the Home Office's position between these two forces was often a formative influence in its own right. Some of the traditional interpretations of reformatory history are reviewed critically, particularly the view that reformatory and industrial schools were the creations of wide-ranging fears about juvenile criminality, and that Home Office Schools were no longer seen as socially relevant by the end of the nineteenth century. There are two fundamental themes. The first is concerned with the ideological underpinning of the industrial and reformatory school movement, both at its inception and during its development in the second half of the century. The theory and practice of the institutions forms the second theme, and a detailed study of daily regimes is integral to an attempt to assess how legal and social changes were interpreted and acted upon in the schools. The final part of the thesis suggests that toward the end of the nineteenth century Home Office Schools adapted in a variety of ways to the changing demands made upon them, and continued to function as significant agents in society's attempts to remodel the characters of its non-conforming children.
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Holtz, Brigitte Elke. "Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected,
though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international
institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed
as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders,
while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention.
This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of
the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The
vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that
many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social
movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups
that are represented on occasions of protest.
The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international
networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the
perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an
interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude
of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends
state boundaries and state structures.
The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation
movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international
multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based
campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational
groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest.
It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that
could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing
process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation
of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not
anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the
protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible
entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar
nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale
organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as
gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders
beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee
nie.
Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van
deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die
aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering
protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens
die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg
om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te
struktureer.
Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en
dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat
maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale
bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel
omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is
nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry.
Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming
van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in
internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense
en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk
noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op
internasionale organisasies fokus.
Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees
kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die
globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan
gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat
beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie
manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n
geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale
organisasies sal komplimenteer.
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Toplišek, Alan. "Liberal democracy in crisis : redefining politics and resistance through power." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2016. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/23844.
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This thesis seeks to create a more robust concept of resistance that may respond to the crisis of liberal democracy in contemporary neoliberal society. The crisis comes as a result of increasing dissatisfaction with the liberal democratic institutions, which are viewed by citizens as unrepresentative and unresponsive to their political demands. I argue that the post-2008 wave of protest movements represents an important attempt at challenging neoliberalism through the political project of radicalising democracy. Drawing upon different post-Marxist and poststructuralist approaches in contemporary political theory, the key theoretical contribution of the thesis is to elucidate the relationship between radical politics of protest movements and the existing political institutions. I suggest that the relation between the two is antagonistic largely due to the tension in liberal democracy between liberal institutions and rights and popular sovereignty. To this end, I argue that the political project of theorising radical democracy needs to be complemented with a political economy analysis. The political project of radicalising democracy responds to the limitations of the pluralist-elitist conception of politics in contemporary democratic theory and points towards social movement and new radical left literature as a fruitful way for constructing an alternative model of democracy. In response to the objection to power in parts of the radical left, I maintain that a more nuanced understanding of resistance is needed, which accounts for the structural relation between resistance and power. Finally, to properly account for the structural conditions and obstacles facing the radical left in the struggle against neoliberalism, the thesis also provides an economic-institutional analysis, which explains the ideological relationship between liberal democracy and neoliberalism from a historical perspective. The different theoretical contributions together help elucidate the empirical case of radical politics in Southern Europe and the challenges lying ahead.
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Shapiro, Ari Daniel. "Orchestration : the movement and vocal behavior of free-ranging Norwegian killer whales (Orcinus orca)." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/43229.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Joint Program in Oceanography/Applied Ocean Science and Engineering (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Biology; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 2008.<br>Includes bibliographical references.<br>Studying the social and cultural transmission of behavior among animals helps to identify patterns of interaction and information content flowing between individuals. Killer whales are likely to acquire traits culturally based on their population-specific feeding behaviors and group-distinctive vocal repertoires. I used digital tags to explore the contributions of individual Norwegian killer whales to group carousel feeding and the relationships between vocal and non-vocal activity. Periods of tail slapping to incapacitate herring during feeding were characterized by elevated movement variability, heightened vocal activity and call types containing additional orientation cues. Tail slaps produced by tagged animals were identified using a rapid pitch change and occurred primarily within 20m of the surface. Two simultaneously tagged animals maneuvered similarly when tail slapping within 60s of one another, indicating that the position and composition of the herring ball influenced their behavior. Two types of behavioral sequence preceding the tight circling of carousel feeding were apparent. First, the animals engaged in periods of directional swimming. They were silent in 2 of 3 instances, suggesting they may have located other foraging groups by eavesdropping. Second, tagged animals made broad horizontal loops as they dove in a manner consistent with corralling. All 4 of these occasions were accompanied by vocal activity, indicating that this and tail slapping may benefit from social communication. No significant relationship between the call types and the actual movement measurements was found. Killer whale vocalizations traditionally have been classified into discrete call types. Using human speech processing techniques, I considered that calls are alternatively comprised of shared segments that can be recombined to form the stereotyped and variable repertoire.<br>(cont.) In a classification experiment, the characterization of calls using the whole call, a set of unshared segments, or a set of shared segments yielded equivalent performance. The shared segments required less information to parse the same vocalizations, suggesting a more parsimonious system of representation. This closer examination of the movements and vocalizations of Norwegian killer whales, combined with future work on ontogeny and transmission, will inform our understanding of whether and how culture plays a role in achieving population-specific behaviors in this species.<br>by Ari Daniel Shapiro.<br>Ph.D.
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Yasui, Hiroshi. "Understanding the background of the political and social movements supporting the United Nations." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1060/.
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Although academic literature predominantly discusses UN centrism as Japan’s foreign policy, this thesis stipulates it as a popular norm supported by the Japanese public. The thesis employs the constructivist approach in understanding UN centrism as a domestic norm. Following the analytical methods employed in existing studies on norm diffusion, it identifies UN centrism is Japan’s interpretation of the international UN norms seen through the lens of its post-war domestic pacifist norm. Building on existing literature on civil society and Japanese studies, it analyses how civil movements supporting UNESCO and UNICEF have worked their way through Japanese society, traditional social behaviours and customs to diffuse the norm. The success of the civil movements has not been in spite of Japan’s weak civil society but because its characteristics have worked in their favour. The UN centrism norm at its core urges individuals to construct peace and international cooperation through the UN. The norm continues to develop, and today it has become a norm which not only urges ordinary Japanese to think about creating and maintaining peace through the UN, but also to make personal financial contributions to support UN humanitarian activities and even dictates where they should visit for their next holiday.
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Tovar, Cortés Adriana. "Disputas Territoriales, Movimientos Étnicos y Estado : El caso de las comunidades negras de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó en Colombia." Thesis, Stockholm University, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-30557.
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<p>El interés de este estudio es examinar las relaciones entre movimientos étnicos y estado en torno a una disputa territorial. En América Latina, los derechos colectivos territoriales étnicos inscritos en las nuevas constituciones abrieron un nuevo marco legal e institucional. El análisis se centra en tratar de entender si el terreno legal e institucional derivado del multiculturalismo facilita la resolución de los conflictos territoriales. Para esto se observa cómo la interacción entre estado y movimientos étnicos guía la elección de las estrategias. Desde esta perspectiva, se estudia el caso de la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades negras de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. La información sobre el caso se recolectó a través de entrevistas semi-estructuradas y del análisis de documentos. En 2001, las comunidades huyeron de sus territorios colectivos debido al conflicto armado interno, los cuales fueron ocupados ilegalmente por empresas de palma africana. Por medio de las instituciones del estado, las comunidades han buscado la restitución de sus territorios. En un contexto legal e institucional marcado por alianzas entre grupos paramilitares y élites locales y nacionales, la resolución del conflicto territorial deviene un proceso complejo. Para el análisis del caso se hacen preguntas sobre la influencia de las reformas multiculturales y del terreno legal e institucional estatal sobre las estrategias legales de las comunidades de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. También se analiza la intervención de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG) en la relación entre el estado colombiano y las comunidades. En el estudio se concluye que el complejo contexto legal e institucional limita el margen de acción nacional de las comunidades pero también las provee de estrategias legales que combinan diferentes niveles (local, nacional y transnacional). Las ONG tienen un rol primordial en el planteamiento de tales estrategias que traspasan las fronteras del Estado-Nación, así como en la consolidación a nivel local de la identidad colectiva del movimiento étnico.</p><br>C
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Gibson, Dylan John. "The U.S. Fossil Fuel Divestment Movement: Towards a Justice-Based Paradigm of Sustainability at Higher Education Institutions." OpenSIUC, 2020. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2678.
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In the last ten years, the fossil fuel divestment movement at higher education institutions has emerged as a key component of the global climate movement. It has also posed a challenge to the dominant paradigm of sustainability in higher education by calling on institutions to help incite outward systemic change to ensure justice for those most impacted by environmental problems, rather than simple efforts to green the campus. As the movement sees a resurgent escalation in the U.S., this study uses data from active and inactive campaigns across the country to assess the key characteristics of institutions and campaigns that have been involved. Records from an organization involved in national coordination of the movement, campaign Facebook pages, and an online survey distributed to campaigns were used to obtain data. The results provide an overview of the current state of active campaigns and divested institutions, where divestment activity occurs and at what type of institutions, the types of groups leading campaigns and their goals, how campaigns construct their arguments, and the barriers and drivers faced by campaigns. The study offers valuable insight into the nature of the movement during its first ten years with implications for both higher education institutions and activist participants. Institutions should embrace divestment as a necessary direction for sustainability in a time of societal crisis and work to break down barriers faced by campaigns that attempt to initiate this process. The movement, though robust in the Northeast and on the West Coast, may need to work to expand, particularly into areas in the South and western half of the country that have had very few campaigns. In addition, though justice has been heralded as a key tenet of the movement, campaigns were found to be limited in their conception and application of this principle by often employing it in the abstract rather than in regards to recognition of specific populations impacted by injustice or action to mitigate such injustices. This could be further developed in the movement, for example, through more focus on solidarity with frontline communities or targeting communities in need for reinvestment.
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Hamady, Li Ling. "Age, movements, and feeding ecology of northwest Atlantic white sharks estimated from ecogeochemical profiles in vertebrae." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/87614.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Joint Program in Oceanography/Applied Ocean Science and Engineering (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Biology; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 2014.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 113-127).<br>White sharks (Carcharodon carcharias) are highly migratory, ecologically important, vulnerable, and understudied marine predators. Ecogeochemistry, which takes advantage of natural variations in chemical signatures recorded in body tissues, can help determine lifetime movement, age, and ontogenetic diet history in difficult to study species. Shark vertebrae are constructed of distinct layers of tissue laid down sequentially over an individual's lifetime and may preserve a chemical record of environmental exposure. In this thesis, I investigate the ecology of the understudied northwest Atlantic (NWA) white shark population by applying several ecogeochemistry techniques to their vertebrae. I generate the first radiocarbon ([delta]¹⁴C) age estimates for adult white sharks, dramatically extending the maximum age and longevity compared to earlier age studies. [delta]¹⁴C results also verify a lack of reworking of vertebral material and hint at possible sexual dimorphism in growth rates. Using amino acid and bulk stable isotope analyses, I show that individual sharks have marked variation in feeding and movement, and that pinnipeds do not constitute a large portion of their diet. Finally, I explore the utility of elemental chemistry to retrospectively infer movement. This work provides an important informational baseline for future NWA white shark ecological studies and conservation and management efforts.<br>by Li Ling Hamady.<br>Ph. D.
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Jeunhomme, Gwenaëlle C. "Injection and movement of Tritium-³He in the Northeastern Atlantic." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/55325.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Joint Program in Physical Oceanography (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Earth, Atmospheric, and Planetary Sciences; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 1999.<br>Includes bibliographcial references (p. 117-118).<br>This thesis describes an attempt to build a box model of the circulation in the eastern North Atlantic and to use it with transient tracer data to infere rates of ventilation in the subtropcial thermocline. The starting point is the analysis of former studies on box models, transient tracer data and the combination of both. The advantages and pitfalls associated with the tracer age approach on the one hand and the inventory approach on the other hand are weighed and the choice set upon the inventory approach is justified. Next the data used is presented and processed, and the results are compared with the known circulation patterns of the basin. The estimates computed fall in the expected and acceptable range. The uncertainties, in particular on the boundary conditions, are acknowledged to be a crucial factor on the following analysis yet only rough estimates can be produced. In particular, the geostrophic velocities at the boundaries can only be determined lest an unknown constant. No internally consistent model can be found that satisfies the linear conservation balances, geostrophy and steadiness assumptions and the boundary conditions imposed. The circulation generated only satisfies mass balance and the boundary conditions to a certain extent. Experience suggests that there are incompatibilities among the various constraints. Two different numerical methods fail to find an acceptable solution. Using the default circulation obtained, the forward problem is formulated and investigated. The resulting tracer distribution and time history is incompatible with the observed field. As a consequence, an attempt is made at the inverse problem in the hope that relaxation of the boundary conditions will provide some insight into the general failure of the model. As there appears to be no feasible solution though, the circulation is further inspected and it is concluded that given its flaws, no boundary condition will be able to generate a tracer field even in partial agreement with the observations. It is finally concluded that transient tracers can be used to dismiss grossly wrong circulation models.<br>by Gwenaëlle C. Jeunhomme.<br>M.S.
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Mehrpouya, Afshin. "The making of meanings : The role of institutions and actors in the co-construction of field level interpretations and meaning systems." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011ESEC0001/document.
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La présente thèse étudie l'interaction entre structure et agence dans le contexte d'une institutionnalisation sur plusieurs niveaux. Les institutions interagissent de manière complexe sur le terrain et aux niveaux national et transnational. Cette dynamique complexe conditionne tant les interprétations et les convictions générées par les acteurs que leur mobilisation du sens pour mettre en pratique interprétations et convictions en pratique dans le cas d'exigences multiples. Les deux études empiriques l'étudient de manière détaillée.La première porte sur le rôle joué par les institutions nationales dans la réglementation transnationale des fonds souverains ; la seconde, sur le rôle des acteurs et des institutions dans l'évolution des cadres d'interprétation appliqués aux investissements socialement responsables. Ces deux études se basent sur des méthodes de recherche qualitative qui s'appuient sur différentes sources de données, dont l'observation de participants, des entretiens plus de nombreuses sources documentaires et sources secondaires. Ces études ont donné lieu à trois articles de recherche, deux empiriques et un conceptuel. Les deux articles empiriques, Fonds souverains, fonds monétaire international et transparence et Du dieu aux marchés, répondent à des questions théoriques sur le rôle des acteurs et des institutions aux différents niveaux du champ, la société et l’espace transnational dans la constitution interprétative et sémantique. Ces deux articles font référence à d'autres cadres théoriques et les enrichissent en retour, notamment dans les domaines de la transparence, de l'étude interprétative de la comptabilité, de la gouvernance transnationale, des mouvements sociaux et du droit mou. Le troisième article, La responsabilité sociale des entreprises et le « karma du marché », propose un cadre conceptuel pour les mécanismes supposés traduire le comportement social des entreprises en performances financières. Cela introduit différentes caractéristiques relatives à l'entreprise ainsi que des facteurs institutionnels impactant ce lien. La thèse dans son ensemble éclaire la façon dont des institutions en compétition conditionnent le comportement des acteurs et comment ces derniers se mobilisent de manière sélective des cadres et apports sémantiques des institutions<br>This dissertation explores the interaction between structure and agency in the context of multi-level institutionalization. Institutions interplay in complex ways across the field, national and transnational levels. Those complex dynamics condition both the interpretations and convictions that actors produce and the ways they mobilize meanings in order to “enact” their interpretations and convictions under competing demands. These dynamics are explored in-depth through two empirical studies. The first looks at the role national institutions play in the transnational regulation of sovereign wealth funds. The second examines the role of actors and institutions in evolution of frames used for socially responsible investments.Both the empirical studies utilize qualitative research methods drawing upon multiple sources of data including participant observation, interviews and a wide range of documentary evidence and secondary material. These studies yielded three research papers, two of which are empirical and the third one is conceptual. The two empirical papers named respectively “Sovereign wealth funds, the IMF and transparency” and “From God to markets” attempt to answer theoretical questions around the role of institutions at multiple levels of transnational, national and field, and actors in constitution of interpretations and meanings. In addition, these papers mobilize and contribute to other theoretical frameworks including transparency, interpretive accounting, transnational governance, social movements and soft laws. The third paper named “social responsibility and karma of market”, provides a conceptual framework for all the mechanisms claimed to translate the social behavior of firms to financial performance. It then sets out the firm attributes and institutional factors at multiple levels that mediate this link. Overall, this dissertation attempts to provide a better understanding of how competing institutions at different levels condition the actors’ behavior and how actors selectively mobilize and edit the institutional frames and meanings
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Fellini, Mariella. "O Movimento Bandeirante entre tensões e contradições: a reformulação institucional de 1968." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2017. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/6365.
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Previous issue date: 2017-02-24<br>Nenhuma<br>O Movimento, que no Brasil foi chamado de Bandeirante, surgiu em 1909, na Inglaterra, organizado pelo militar Robert Baden-Powell, denominado originalmente de Girls Guides que, como o nome indica, congregava meninas, enquanto seu correlato, o Movimento Escoteiro, atendia aos meninos. Em 1919, o Bandeirantismo chegou ao Brasil, introduzido por pessoas da elite carioca que o haviam conhecido na Europa. As atividades se voltavam à formação de meninas e moças que deveriam desempenhar os papéis de gênero próprios do período. Em suas primeiras décadas, o Movimento expandiu-se pelo país, contando com forte apoio do Estado e da Igreja Católica. De cunho conservador, o Movimento Bandeirante não havia passado por reformulações mais profundas até a década de 1960, quando o decréscimo do efetivo sinalizou para a necessidade de mudanças. A dissertação objetivou analisar a reestruturação do Movimento Bandeirante no período de 1967 e 1968, observando as tensões, contradições e os possíveis limitadores à inovação no interior do Movimento. A base empírica do estudo constituiu-se no relatório de reformulação da Federação de Bandeirantes do Brasil, o qual procurava apontar os problemas enfrentados bem como sugerir reformulações que permitissem a superação de possíveis anacronismos. Também foi consultada a revista Bandeirantes, cuja leitura, ao longo da década de 1960, permitiu cotejar distintas opiniões, tanto das diretorias quanto de participantes de diferentes níveis hierárquicos, sobre os rumos e os problemas enfrentados pelo Movimento. Finalmente, foram consultadas as atas das reuniões nacionais, nas quais se discutiam as concepções e ações do Bandeirantismo no país, especialmente após este de ter se tornado oficialmente misto, em 1968. As categorias analíticas que embasaram a leitura desses documentos foram: conservadorismo, definido a partir da leitura de Norberto Bobbio; gênero, com base nas discussões de Joan Scott; feminismo liberal, a partir dos estudos de Celi Pinto e coeducação, com base nas discussões de Aldenise Santos e Dinamara Feldens. Como resultados, apresentam-se as principais contradições, presentes no interior do Movimento, que impediram inovações mais profundas e mantiveram uma cultura institucional predominantemente conservadora, ainda que permeada por discursos e práticas que, por vezes, poderiam ser consideradas progressistas.<br>The Movement, in Brazil called Bandeirante, was created in England in 1909 by Robert Baden-Powell, a military officer. Originally nominated Girls Guides, this movement only congregated girls, while its counterpart Boys Scouts was for boys exclusively. In 1919, the Bandeirantismo was first introduced in Brazil by members of Rio de Janeiro’s elite that had been engaged in it in Europe. The activities were then focused in the education of girls that should learn how to interpret their gender roles properly. In its first decades, the Movement expanded across the country, strongly supported by State and Catholic Church. Conservative by nature, the Movement kept its characteristics until 1960’s, when a decrease in its members indicated the immediate need of reformulation. The aim of this dissertation is to evaluate the 1967-68’s restructuring of Bandeirante Movement, observing tensions, contradictions and possible limitations to the Movement’s innovation. The empirical basis of the study was the Reformulation Report of the Federação de Bandeirantes do Brasil, that seek to point out the existing problems as well as to suggest reformulations that could overcome possible anachronisms. Likewise, Bandeirantes magazine was consulted, and its reading throughout the 1960’s decade made possible to distinguish different opinions from the most variate levels, such as directory and regular participants, about the problems inside the Movement. Finally, the minute of several national conferences were consulted, in which the conceptions and actions of the Guidism in Brazil was discussed, especially after its official transformation in a mixed movement, in 1968. The analytic categories that substantiate these documents reading was: conservatism, defined by the reading of Norberto Bobbio; gender, based on the discussions of Joan Scott; liberal feminism, through the studying of Celi Pinto; and coeducation, based on the discussions of Aldenise Santos and Dinamara Feldens. As results, was presented the main contradictions of the Movement, that precluded more profound innovations and kept a predominantly conservative institutional culture, even though surrounded by speeches and practices that, sometimes, could be considered progressive.
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Derringer, Sherri Lynn. "Women’s Campaign for Culture: Women’s Clubs and the Formation of Music Institutions in Dayton, Ohio 1888-1933." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1181333969.
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Braun, Camrin Donald. "Movements and oceanographic associations of large pelagic fishes in the North Atlantic Ocean." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/119992.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Joint Program in Applied Ocean Science and Engineering (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Earth, Atmospheric, and Planetary Sciences; and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution), 2018.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 138-154).<br>Highly migratory marine fishes support valuable commercial fisheries worldwide. Yet, many target species have proven difficult to study due to long-distance migrations and regular deep diving. Despite the dominance of oceanographic features, such as fronts and eddies, in the open ocean, the biophysical interactions occurring at the oceanic (sub)mesoscale (< 100 km) remain poorly understood. This leads to a paucity of knowledge on oceanographic associations of pelagic fishes and hinders management efforts. With ever-improving oceanographic datasets and modeling outputs, we can leverage these tools both to derive better estimates of animal movements and to quantify fish-environment interactions. In this thesis, I developed analytical tools to characterize the biophysical interactions influencing animal behavior and species' ecology in the open ocean. A novel, observation-based likelihood framework was combined with a Bayesian state-space model to improve geolocation estimates for archival-tagged fishes using oceanographic profile data. Using this approach, I constructed track estimates for a large basking shark tag dataset using a high-resolution oceanographic model and discovered a wide range of movement strategies. I also applied this modeling approach to track archival-tagged swordfish, which revealed affinity for thermal front and eddy habitats throughout the North Atlantic that was further corroborated by synthesizing these results with a fisheries-dependent conventional tag dataset. An additive modeling approach applied to longline catch-per-unit effort data further highlighted the biophysical interactions that characterize variability in swordfish catch. In the final chapter, I designed a synergistic analysis of high-resolution, 3D shark movements and satellite observations to quantify the influence of mesoscale oceanography on blue shark movements and behavior. This work demonstrated the importance of eddies in structuring the pelagic ocean by influencing the movements of an apex predator and governing the connectivity between deep scattering layer communities and deep-diving, epipelagic predators. Together, these studies demonstrate the breadth and depth of information that can be garnered through the integration of traditional animal tagging and oceanographic research with cutting-edge analytical approaches and high-resolution oceanographic model and remote sensing datasets, the product of which provides a transformative view of the biophysical interactions occurring in and governing the structure of the pelagic ocean.<br>by Camrin Donald Braun.<br>Ph. D.
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Voller, Yaniv. "From rebellion to de facto statehood : international and transnational sources of the transformation of the Kurdish national liberation movement in Iraq into the Kurdistan regional government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/474/.
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In 1991, following its defeat in the first Gulf War and out of fear of a humanitarian catastrophe, the Iraqi army and state-apparatus were forced to withdraw from the three Kurdish-population governorates in Northern Iraq. This left an administrative vacuum that was filled by the leadership of the Kurdish fragmented guerrilla movement – now a de facto Kurdish state in Northern Iraq, known as the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Instead of achieving their goal of an autonomous (and in the long-term even independent) Kurdistan through insurgency or guerrilla warfare, the Kurdish leadership came to see state- and institution-building as the most efficient path. De facto statehood has had a significant impact on the development of the KRG, its state-building, its interaction with the international community, and its policies. As demonstrated in the growing literature on de facto states, the pursuit of international legitimacy often plays a key role in shaping their conduct and identity, paving the way toward substantial, though fragile, achievements in state-building. The purpose of this research is to contribute to the study of de facto states by exploring the case of the KRG. It argues that the pursuit of legitimacy is essential for the understanding of de facto states, mainly due to its potential to generate interaction between the de facto state and different segments of the international community. Transnational advocacy is found to be particularly significant, including diaspora activism for conveying ideas and encouraging interaction. By examining the evolution of the Kurdish national liberation movement from 1958 to 2010, this research aims to better explain the dynamics that shape de facto states in general, and to contribute to the study of the KRG as a de facto state in particular, including its development, and its domestic and foreign policies.
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Christensen, Julie A. "More Than Duffle Bag Medicine: An Ethnographic Analysis of a Student Movement for Global Health." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368735040.
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Mariano, Donizete Antonio. "Novos modelos de educação superior: um estudo sobre as matrizes institucional e curricular da Universidade Federal da Fronteira Sul sob a ótica da inclusão da diversidade cultural e epistemológica." Universidade Nove de Julho, 2016. http://bibliotecadigital.uninove.br/handle/tede/1406.
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Previous issue date: 2016-03-29<br>La pesquisa tiene como objetivo analizar, a partir de las matrices institucional y curricular de la Universidad Federal de la Frontera Sul (UFFS), la inclusión de la diversidad cultural e epistemológica, por suyo auto declaración de la referida institución cómo una universidad popular. La UFFS, local donde será realizada las pesquisas de nuestro proyecto, fuera criada en 2009 y es lo resultado de una lucha de aproximadamente 40 años de los movimientos sociales cuya contribución en la construcción de la referida institución que tiene cómo sede la ciudad de Chapecó/SC. Su objetivo es promover la extensión universitaria y desarrollar pesquisas en las diversas áreas de lo conocimiento. Sabemos que la característica de la ciudad de Chapecó es la exportación de los productos alimenticios industrializados y de naturaleza animal, siendo considerada la Capital Latinoamérica de la producción de las aves y Centro Brasileño de las Pesquisas Agropecuarias. Delante de las características regional, de la populación, socioeconómica y lo mercado de trabajo presentado, realizó una pesquisa en la que presentamos aquí los resultados de las análisis a respecto de la inclusión de la diversidad cultural y epistemológica en sus matrices institucional y curriculares, con el fin de confirmar, o no, la UFFS como una universidad popular. Desde un punto de vista metodológico se utilizó un enfoque cualitativo que se basó en entrevistas como instrumento de recolección de datos con el rector, vicerrectores, coordinadores del curso, los profesores de la institución y un representante de los movimientos sociales.<br>This research aims to analyze, from the institutional and curricular headquarters of the Federal University of Southern Border, including cultural and epistemological diversity, with a view to autonomeação of the institution as a popular university. UFFS, where were developed the research of our project, was established in 2009 and is the result of a struggle of nearly 40 years of social movements whose contribution we highlight the construction of the institution that is headquartered in the city of Chapecó / SC. Your goal is to promote teaching and university extension and carry out research in several areas of knowledge. One of the economic dimensions of the city of Chapecó is the production and export of manufactured food products and animal nature, being considered the Latin American Capital of poultry and Brazilian center for agricultural research. Before the regional characteristics, population, socio-economic and presented by the labor market, we conducted a survey presenting here the results of analysis with regard to the inclusion of cultural and epistemological diversity in its institutional and curricular matrices to confirm, or not, the UFFS as a popular university. From a methodological point of view we used a qualitative approach that drew upon interviews as data collection instrument with the vice-chancellor, pro-rectors, course coordinators, teachers of the institution and a representative of the social movements.<br>Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar, a partir das matrizes institucional e curricular da Universidade Federal da Fronteira Sul, a inclusão da diversidade cultural e epistemológica, tendo em vista a autonomeação da referida instituição como uma universidade popular. A UFFS, local onde foram desenvolvidas as pesquisas do nosso projeto, foi criada em 2009 e é o resultado de uma luta de cerca de 40 anos dos movimentos sociais cuja contribuição destacamos na construção da referida instituição que está sediada na cidade de Chapecó/SC. Seu objetivo é promover o ensino e a extensão universitária e desenvolver pesquisas nas mais diversas áreas do conhecimento. Uma das dimensões econômicas da cidade de Chapecó é a produção e exportação de produtos alimentícios industrializados e de natureza animal, sendo considerada a capital latino-americana de produção de aves e centro brasileiro de pesquisas agropecuárias. Diante das características regional, populacional e socioeconômica e pelo mercado de trabalho apresentado, realizamos uma pesquisa apresentando aqui os resultados das análises no que diz respeito à inclusão da diversidade cultural e epistemológica nas suas matrizes institucional e curricular, de modo a confirmar, ou não, a UFFS como uma universidade popular. Do ponto de vista metodológico utilizou-se uma abordagem qualitativa que se valeu de entrevistas como instrumento de coleta de dados com o vice-reitor, pró-reitores, coordenadores de cursos, professores da instituição e uma representante dos movimentos sociais.