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Journal articles on the topic 'Institutional politics'

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1

KALKAN, Buğra. "New Institutional Politics." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 24222 (2015): 559–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.256757.

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2

Mieleszko, Anna. "Institutional changes in politics." Ekonomia i Prawo 20, no. 2 (2021): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eip.2021.018.

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Motivation: Institutions are a set of rules of the game, norms and values that constitute a fundamental element of any social and political system. Political institutions are an important object of theoretical considerations and a number of attempts at explanations in political science. in their research, they put more emphasis on the effects of political institutions than on issues related to their genesis and the changes taking place. This article is in the trend of New Institutionalism which focuses on the causal role and the limited ability to design new tools, as well as a strong intentio
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3

Lucci, Diego. "Separating Politics from Institutional Religion." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 2 (2021): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131221.

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Nowadays, more than three centuries after John Locke’s affirmation of the separation between state and church, confessional systems of government are still widespread and, even in secular liberal democracies, politics and religion often intermingle. As a result, some ecclesiastical institutions play a significant role in political affairs, while minority groups and individuals having alternative worldviews, values, and lifestyles are frequently discriminated against. Locke’s theory of religious toleration undeniably has some shortcomings, such as the exclusion of Roman Catholics and atheists f
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4

FRYE, TIMOTHY. "A Politics of Institutional Choice." Comparative Political Studies 30, no. 5 (1997): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030005001.

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5

Smith, Heather A., and Elim Papadakis. "Environmental Politics and Institutional Change." Pacific Affairs 70, no. 3 (1997): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761071.

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6

Remmer, Karen L. "The Politics of Institutional Change." Party Politics 14, no. 1 (2008): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807083821.

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7

Wettestad, Jørgen. "Science, politics and institutional design." Marine Policy 18, no. 3 (1994): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0308-597x(94)90001-9.

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8

Joo Ha, Lee. "Politics of Social Policy-Making in South Korea an Japan." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 22, no. 2 (2008): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps22205.

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Until recently, welfare politics in Korea and Japan tended to be dominated by conservative forces "from above." This paper investigates the formation and domination of such forces from above, with a focus on the interaction between institutional arrangements and strategic maneuvering by political actors which, I argue, constitutes the politics of (social) policy-making. The notion of the politics of social policy-making aims to provide a more politically and institutionally sensitive framework than the pluralist analysis of policy-making. Korea and Japan share some crucial institutional legaci
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9

Патрушев, Сергей, and Людмила Филиппова. "Mass Politics: Essay of Institutional Reconceptualization." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 2 (March 28, 2016): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2016.02.10.

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10

Kuznetsov, I. I. "Institutional Borrowing in Politics: Current Approaches." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 10, no. 3 (2010): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2010-10-3-74-80.

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11

Belaj, Marijana. "Shrine Politics and Non-Institutional Religiosity." Etnološka tribina 51, no. 44 (2021): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15378/1848-9540.2021.44.08.

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The Mrtvalj spring is an integral part of a more complex sacred landscape, the center of which is the Shrine of St. John the Baptist located in Podmilačje near Jajce, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The shrine is a multi-confessional pilgrimage destination that is also very popular within the wider region. The Mrtvalj spring is one of the key stops in pilgrimage itineraries, but it is not only a sacred place within pilgrimage practices. In this paper the conceptualization of the Mrtvalj spring’s sacredness is examined as a reflection of the relationship between the religious and the political. The aut
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12

Taylor, Jenny Bourne. "Interdisciplinarity, Institutional Politics, and Cultural Studies." Victorian Review 33, no. 1 (2007): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2007.0044.

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13

Pasotti, Eleonora. "Institutional Overshooting in Italian Urban Politics." South European Society and Politics 12, no. 2 (2007): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740701306268.

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14

Teodoro, Manuel P. "The institutional politics of water conservation." Journal - American Water Works Association 102, no. 2 (2010): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1551-8833.2010.tb10055.x.

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15

Bernstein, Mary. "Power, politics and social movements: a multi-institutional politics approach." Politics, Groups and Identities 1, no. 1 (2013): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2013.760309.

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16

Rybakov, Andrew Vyacheslavovich. "Non-institutional politics and social movements as its actors." Политика и Общество, no. 4 (April 2024): 94–108. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2024.4.71515.

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The subject of the study is non-institutional politics and its role in modern socio-political processes in the context of social movements. The thesis is substantiated that protest is a common element of the reasons for the growing importance of non-institutional politics, which brings together and even includes non-institutional politics in traditional politics. It represents the central analytical category around which the theoretical justification of the above position is based – currently, non-institutional politics has become part of the so-called traditional politics. The arguments in fa
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17

Dalton, Russell, Alix Van Sickle, and Steven Weldon. "The Individual–Institutional Nexus of Protest Behaviour." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (2009): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340999038x.

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Political protest is seemingly a ubiquitous aspect of politics in advanced industrial societies, and its use may be spreading to less developed nations as well. Our research tests several rival theories of protest activity for citizens across an exceptionally wide range of polities. With data from the 1999–2002 wave of the World Values Survey, we demonstrate that the macro-level context – levels of economic and political development – significantly influences the amount of popular protest. Furthermore, a multi-level model examines how national context interacts with the micro-level predictors
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18

Zhou, Shengjie. "Gender Politics and Power Structure: An Analysis of Institutional Barriers to Gender Equality." Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 2, no. 10 (2023): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/jrssh.2023.10.08.

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This study explores the institutional barriers to gender equality between gender politics and power structure, aiming to conduct a thorough analysis of the complex relationships between gender politics, power structure, gender equality, and institutional barriers. By examining the definition and importance of gender politics and the link between power structure and gender equality. Then it explores the close relationship between gender politics and institutional barriers. Subsequently, focusing on the legal field, we analyzed the impact of the legal system on gender equality and the potential
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19

Wang, Ziao. "Informal Economy and Institutional Quality." BCP Business & Management 18 (April 13, 2022): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v18i.530.

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This paper examines the relationship between different dimensions of institutional quality and informal sector size using a large dataset covering 140 countries. It included the most recent data (from the year 2019) of informal sector size (measured as a percent of GDP) and several different institutional quality variables, which include corruption control, law and order, bureaucracy quality, military in politics, democratic accountability, ethnic tensions, and religious tensions. A simple correlation analysis indicates that the correlation of informality with law and order, corruption control
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20

Kutun, Melehat. "Understanding right-wing populists’ anti-abortion politics in Turkey: The symbolic violence of the state." Intersections 10, no. 2 (2024): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v10i2.1016.

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This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discurs
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21

Sohn, Patricia. "The Neo-Positive Value of Symbolic Representations and Ritual Politics: Reconsidering the South Korean Allegory in Popular Film, Asura: The City of Madness." Religions 14, no. 11 (2023): 1362. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111362.

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The article is a preliminary effort to join neo-positive and historical institutional analysis from comparative politics with insights from discursive and phenomenological analysis. It highlights a message arising from a South Korean film related to moral–ethical dimensions and the implications of development policy. Taken in symbolic as well as empirical terms, the film proffers that economic development policy not attending to political institutional development—including correct institutional practices at the micro-level—is feeding Asia’s demons (e.g., asuras) rather than its forces of stab
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22

Strang, David. "Anomaly and commonplace in European political expansion: realist and institutional accounts." International Organization 45, no. 2 (1991): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830003304x.

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The global expansion of the European state system suggests strong connections between political “life chances” and international status. Polities recognized as sovereign within the Western international community are much less likely than unrecognized polities to be colonized and are much less likely than dependencies to merge or dissolve. These variations in stability are difficult to understand through balance-of-power politics. They may be more plausibly explained through the institutional structure of the state system and, in particular, the organization of the system as a community of mut
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23

Muhammad Wajid Kamran, Abdul Hakeem Waseel, Ahmed Jamil, and Khuram Javed. "The Role of Organizational Politics in Shaping Faculty Outcomes: A Comparative Study of Public and Private Universities in Pakistan." Critical Review of Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 2 (2025): 2123–48. https://doi.org/10.59075/c3tap504.

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Purpose - This study examines how organizational politics influence university faculty outcomes, specifically burnout, absenteeism, and turnover intentions. It also explores how the university, public or private, affects these relationships. Design/Methodology/Approach- Data were collected from 376 faculty members across public and private universities in Pakistan using a structured survey. The study utilized structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the proposed hypotheses and analyze the impact of organizational politics on faculty outcomes. Findings- The results indicate that perceptions o
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24

Theriault, Sean M. "Party Politics during the Louisiana Purchase." Social Science History 30, no. 2 (2006): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001347x.

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The powerful personalities of Thomas Jefferson and Napoléon dominate Louisiana Purchase narratives. Such a focus obscures the important institutional, electoral, and partisan dynamics that help explain the transfer of Louisiana to the United States. This article offers new insight into relationships between the Federalists and the Republicans as well as the institutional relationship between Congress and the president. During the purchase, both political parties at times sacrificed the consistency of their issue positions on the altar of electoral politics. The politicians’ actions were based
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25

Cheng, Peter P. "Japanese Interest Group Politics: An Institutional Framework." Asian Survey 30, no. 3 (1990): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644564.

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26

Durant, T. Clark, and Michael Weintraub. "An institutional remedy for ethnic patronage politics." Journal of Theoretical Politics 26, no. 1 (2013): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629813488986.

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27

Westlake, Martin. "Integrating European Informal Politics and Institutional Change." European Political Science 9, no. 4 (2010): 544–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2010.58.

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28

Fasenfest, David. "Race and the Politics of Institutional Violence." Critical Sociology 41, no. 6 (2015): 823–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920515594764.

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29

Caselli, Francesco, and Nicola Gennaioli. "Economics and Politics of Alternative Institutional Reforms*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 123, no. 3 (2008): 1197–250. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/qjec.2008.123.3.1197.

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30

Davidson, Douglas V., and Frederick S. Weaver. "Black Studies, White Studies, and Institutional Politics." Journal of Black Studies 15, no. 3 (1985): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193478501500307.

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31

Cheng, Peter P. "Japanese Interest Group Politics: An Institutional Framework." Asian Survey 30, no. 3 (1990): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1990.30.3.01p03655.

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32

Bowman, Michael. "Teaching politics: Intellectual work and institutional critique." Text and Performance Quarterly 11, no. 1 (1991): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10462939109365994.

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33

Wegrich, Kai. "Which Results? Better Regulation and Institutional Politics." European Journal of Risk Regulation 6, no. 3 (2015): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00004773.

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How can one not applaud the renewed better regulation agenda launched by the First Vice President Timmermans? Finally this fuzzy reform field is in the hands of a strong executive politician with the authority to make substantial progress on an agenda that always appeared good on paper, but somehow did not deliver against the expectations it defined for itself. ‘Better regulation for better results’ not only promises tangible results, but it combines this with the ambition of ‘changing how we work at the European level’. This ambition should provide us – as citizens, stakeholders and scholars
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34

Delreux, Tom. "Integrating Europe: Informal politics & institutional change." Acta Politica 46, no. 4 (2011): 425–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2011.23.

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35

Feinberg, Richard, Steven Levitsky, and Maria Victoria Murillo. "Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 6 (2006): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032180.

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36

Sandholtz, Wayne. "Integrating Europe: Informal Politics and Institutional Change." West European Politics 34, no. 5 (2011): 1143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2011.591126.

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37

Rabitz, Florian. "Explaining institutional change in international patent politics." Third World Quarterly 35, no. 9 (2014): 1582–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2014.970860.

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38

Kyryushko, M. I. "Institutional manifestations and social causes of Islam politicization." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1712.

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Politics in Islam is not divorced from the system of beliefs in the supernatural, Islam is not an isolated factor, it forms an inseparable complex with political phenomena, which is very unusual for people raised within the Christian tradition, where the separation of politics and religion is common and desirable. With regard to the situation in Crimea, the most important manifestations of the interconnection between Islam and politics in the peninsula are the following: the Muslim component of the Majlis foreign policy; the role of Islam in the Majlis nationalist project; Islam as a means of
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39

Doroshenko, Volodymyr. "Tendencies of Institutional Transformations of Social Politics in European Countries." International Relations: Theory and Practical Aspects, no. 1 (May 2, 2018): 183–93. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-745x.1.2018.142000.

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Main objective of the article is to investigate traits of the institutional process in social politics of the European countries, which compiled an advanced experience in this aspect. Relevance of the study is accounted by the fact that for the first time in the Ukrainian scientific literature the complex research is used as to the essence of social politics concepts and institutional formations on the basis of foreign historiography providing the institutional analysis broadening. Such an approach contributes to perception of social politics as a public institution, which formation and develo
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40

Pilapil, Gene Lacza. "Some Arguments for an Institutional Approach to Philippine Politics." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (2006): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701004.

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This paper presents some arguments for the usefulness of developing an institutional approach to the study of Philippine politics. It argues that such an approach could address some of the blind sides of the more dominant society-based approaches currently used in making sense of the dynamics of Philippine politics. In addressing these blind sides, the paper argues that the institutional approach fulfills two seemingly contradictory requirements that any new conceptual approach to Philippine politics must fulfill. First of all, it is holistic enough to grasp most of the crucial forces shaping
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41

Foryś, Grzegorz. "Przekraczanie granic polityki zinstytucjonalizowanej. Ruchy społeczne jako aktorzy polityki nieinstytucjonalnej – od teorii do praktyki." Teoria Polityki 7 (June 30, 2023): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.23.002.17515.

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Artykuł jest próbą konceptualizacji polityki pozainstytucjonalnej, a także ukazuje jej rosnącą rolę we współczesnej polityce. W artykule przyjęto tezę, że wspólnym elementem przyczyn wzrostu znaczenia polityki pozainstytucjonalnej, który zbliża, a nawet włącza politykę pozainstytucjonalną do polityki konwencjonalnej, jest protest. Stanowi on centralną kategorię analityczną, wokół której można zbudować teoretyczne uzasadnienie przyjętej tu tezy, zgodnie z którą polityka pozainstytucjonalna stała się współcześnie częścią tzw. polityki tradycyjnej. Argumenty przemawiające za tą tezą można po- dzi
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42

Carpenter, Daniel. "Institutional Strangulation: Bureaucratic Politics and Financial Reform in the Obama Administration." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (2010): 825–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710002070.

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The politics of financial reform represent a genuine test case for American politics and its institutions. The Obama administration's proposed reforms pit common (largely unorganized) interests against well-organized and wealthy minority interests. I describe how the withering and unfolding of financial reform has occurred not through open institutional opposition but through a quieter process that I call institutional strangulation. Institutional strangulation consists of much more than the stoppage of policies by aggregation of veto points as designed in the US Constitution. In the case of f
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43

DZIUDA, WIOLETTA, and ANTOINE LOEPER. "Dynamic Pivotal Politics." American Political Science Review 112, no. 3 (2018): 580–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000187.

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We analyze a dynamic extension of a parsimonious model of lawmaking in which preferences evolve over time and today’s policy becomes tomorrow’s status quo. Unlike in existing models of pivotal politics, policy makers’ voting behavior depends on the institutional environment and on their expectations about future economic and political shocks. Relative to sincere voting, the equilibrium behavior exhibits a strategic polarization effect, which increases with the degree of consensus required by the institution, the volatility of the policy environment, and the expected ideological polarization of
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44

Harrison, Kathryn, and Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom. "The Comparative Politics of Climate Change." Global Environmental Politics 7, no. 4 (2007): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2007.7.4.1.

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The authors use a comparative politics framework, examining electoral interests, policy-maker's own normative commitments, and domestic political institutions as factors influencing Annex 1 countries' decisions on Kyoto Protocol ratification and adoption of national policies to mitigate climate change. Economic costs and electoral interests matter a great deal, even when policy-makers are morally motivated to take action on climate change. Leaders' normative commitments may carry the day under centralized institutional conditions, but these commitments can be reversed when leaders change. Elec
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45

Carboni, German. "European Virtual Politics." Politeja 16, no. 6(63) (2019): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.63.10.

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Hooghe and Marks’ update of Rokkanian European cleavages recognises the existence of a European political arena with opposite poles. The paper first contrasts rhetorics on a European level by two European Council members at opposite poles, the French President E. Macron and the Hungarian President V. Orbán, then it compares their immigration policies on a national level. While a vast difference can be detected in the rhetorical dimension, their national regulations and executive decisions on immigration are stunningly similar. Such discrepancies are explained through an institutional analysis
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46

Zulfazli, Muhammad Adam, and Mukhlis Yunus. "Implementation of Islamic Work Ethics, Organizational Climate, and Organizational Political Perceptions on Institutional Strengthening, Organizational Commitments as Mediations." International Journal of Scientific and Management Research 05, no. 03 (2022): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37502/ijsmr.2022.5315.

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This study aims to examine the effect of Islamic Work Ethics, Organizational Climate, Perception of Organizational Politics, Organizational Commitment, and Institutional Strengthening. This research was conducted on members of the Pidie Regency People's Representative Council (DPRK Pidie), Indonesia. The intended population was a total of 40 people. The sample was taken using a census technique where the population was used as a sample. Data were analyzed using the Partial Least Square (PLS) method. The results show that Islamic Work Ethics affects Commitment, Organizational Climate affects Co
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47

Siavelis, Peter M. "Crisis of Representation in Chile? The Institutional Connection." Journal of Politics in Latin America 8, no. 3 (2016): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1600800303.

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This article analyzes the challenges to democratic representation in contemporary Chile, with an institutional focus. I argue that the post-authoritarian model of politics was deeply constrained by institutions and practices inherited by democratic authorities and reinforced by the model of transitional politics and its series of informal institutions, which first facilitated, but then hindered democratic performance. While this does not point to a regime-threatening crisis, there are deep challenges to representation and a desire for a different model of politics that is more capable of resol
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48

Cavalcanti, Bianor Scelza, and Guilherme R. Garcia Marques. "Institutional Development beyond the Crisis." Developments in Administration 1, no. 1 (2016): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46996/dina.v1i1.5053.

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This paper argues that, despite the current crisis in Brazil, many steps have been taken to strengthen its institutional capacity regarding the way of doing business and dealing with public-private partnerships as concerns fiscal and budgetary responsibility, as well as making politics in the country more transparent, accountable and focused on the common good
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49

Bowen, Bernadette. "Requirement Politics." Art/Research International: A Transdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 1 (2023): 205–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18432/ari29637.

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In this article, which includes a feminist micro-chapbook, the author has chosen poems written both prior to and following their recollection of and subsequent therapeutic struggle to work through their lifelong experiences of sexual harassment and assault. Situated within the neoliberally co-opted #MeToo campaign, Betsy Devos’s 2020 Title IX cross-examination mandate, and post-Trumpian, ongoing COVID U.S. landscape, this work performs an ethnographic autopsy on the body politic: displaying the fleshy lived consequences of an unjust legal system. By continuing Faulkner’s work on poetic inquiry
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50

Shepsle, Kenneth A., and Barry R. Weingast. "The Institutional Foundations of Committee Power." American Political Science Review 81, no. 1 (1987): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960780.

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Legislative committees have fascinated scholars and reformers for more than a century. All acknowledge the central strategic position of committees in legislatures. The consensus, however, centers on empirical regularities and stylized facts, not on explanations. We seek to explain why committees are powerful. We formulate an institutionally rich rational-choice model of legislative politics in which the sequence of the legislative process is given special prominence. Committees, as agenda setters in their respective jurisdictions, are able to enforce many of their policy wishes not only becau
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