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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Institutional relations'
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1
Lacatus, Corina. "The design of national human rights institutions : global patterns of institutional diffusion and strength." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3534/.
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“The Design of National Human Rights Institutions: Global Patterns of Diffusion and Strength” explores patterns of institutional design in the case of national human rights institutions (i.e. ombudsman, national human rights commission), seeking to understand why countries establish these bodies and give them certain mandated powers as reflected in their institutional design. The project answers two main questions about the global variation of institutional strength as a function of the design of these institutions: (1) What are the main global patterns of the institutional design of national human rights institutions? and (2) What explains variation in the institutional strength of national human rights institutions across borders? The project makes two main contributions to the scholarship on international organisation and cross-border diffusion: the dataset of institutional design features, which operationalizes and measures six different dimensions of an institutional design index on the basis of report-based and survey data, is the first global dataset of its kind. Institutional strength is the original dependent variable that represents an index of six design features, as a synthesis of main mandated functions: 1) de jure legal independence; 2) nature of the mandate; 3) autonomy from government control; 4) predominant de facto duties; 5) pluralism of representation; and 6) staff and financial resources. Institutional strength is a ranked categorical variable with three values (weak, medium, strong). An additional contribution is the explanatory framework, which derives a number of hypotheses about global and regional determinants of institutional design from four main mechanisms that draw respectively on domestic and international, as well as material and social, factors (socialisation, incentive-setting, cost & benefit calculations and domestic identity). The global analysis has found statistically significant evidence that participation in the United Nations-led peer-review process for national human rights institutions accreditation makes countries more likely to have stronger institutions. This is in line with recent work about the role of UN-led peer review processes and provides support for socialisation and acculturation explanations that are facilitated by a global network. At the regional level, social learning and acculturation across borders takes place in regions with high density of strong such human rights institutions (i.e. Europe and the Americas) and where more ‘early adopting’ countries are located. Countries with strong democratic identities, which established their human rights institutions prior to 1990, are both more likely to have strong institutions themselves and to motivate other governments to follow their lead. The analysis of global trends finds also that incentivesetting plays a role both at the global and the regional levels, as countries that receive higher amounts of Overseas Development Assistance from the United States or states that are subjected to EU membership conditionality are more likely to have stronger human rights institutions. The project follows a nested multi-method research design, which begins with a quantitative analysis of global trends as a backdrop for a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) focused on Europe, complemented by illustrative country institutional case studies. QCA finds two paths that are sufficient for European countries to establish strong institutions. Thirteen case studies present illustrative evidence of the QCA findings at the country/institution level.
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Phiri, Mphatso Jones Boti. "Institutional challenges to viable civil-military relations in Malawi." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FPhiri.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia ; Bruneau, Thomas. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 5, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available in print.
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Solheim, Karla Nyreen. "Institutional expansion, community relations, and the hospital next door." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33038.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-119).
Hospitals play many roles in a city: alternately, they may be caretakers of the sick, economic engines, intellectual hubs, major employers, and neighbors. This last role has evolved greatly over the last 45 years. The relationship between hospitals and the communities in which they are located has been affected by constantly changing economic, political, and social factors. During the early days of urban renewal in the 1950s and early 1960s, large teaching hospitals in Boston experienced a surge of political and economic power that allowed them to expand with few constraints, often to the detriment of their residential neighbors. Today, the same hospitals must broker complex deals with their neighbors if they wish to expand, offering up a host of community benefits. The process by which the hospital-community power dynamic has evolved has been shaped by the mediating entity of the Boston Redevelopment Agency, which is in turn influenced by the Mayor's Office in Boston. Despite their many roles in the city, it is their sheer physical presence that drives hospitals' relationships with their neighbors. The health care and employment benefits they can provide are not major bargaining chips in disputes over expansion; the important considerations are the tangible elements of power - money and land. The primacy of physical presence as a relationship driver can be illustrated by the differences in the negotiation process that hospitals directly bordering residential communities and extending into them experience, as opposed to hospitals that are not directly on the residential fringe.
by Karla Nyreen Solheim.
M.C.P.
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Nicolaïdès, Dimitri P. "GNSS-legal and institutional issues." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20224.
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Should civil aviation reach its promising full potential, it will inevitably be through the use and reliance upon Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS) and its innovative technologies. At present only one option seems clearly and 'directly' operational for the civil aviation challenge, and that is a---USA owned and controlled---GPS based GNSS.This thesis will critically discuss the legal and institutional issues of the GNSS. The issues considered will be based upon the discussions and conclusions recently reached within ICAO. The object of this thesis is to compare, contrast and criticise ICAO's international law-making propositions, related to GNSS, in the fight of the 'practical reality' varying from the users' demands and expectations, passing through the lack of practical experiences, to the USA monopoly as sole basic signal provider.
Whilst ICAO is undeniably a great contributor to global development of civil aviation, it seems that in the case of GNSS implementation, ICAO's role is limited by both its mandate, but equally a lack of political consensus upon potential 'solutions' to hypothetical problems.
The research is based on materials and documents available by the end of May 1997 and does not take into account the later developments in ICAO discussions.
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Sauder, Robert. "Continuity and dissonance: Institutional relations of a South African NGO." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6220.
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This thesis is a case study investigation of the institutional relations of a South African educational NGO. The literature on NGOs indicates that as institutions they can be problematic. They face three key issues, accountability, partnership and empowerment, which provide them with both institutional coherence as well as institutional contradiction. Most of the existing analysis of NGOs is descriptive and little of it attempts to place an analysis of these key issues within a larger institutional environment. This thesis attempts to do so using the framework of institutional theory. Institutional theory, as articulated by Scott and others, is used to analyze an NGO in order to understand them both from an internal perspective (based on the social constructions of the institutional participants) and an external perspective (based on the environment in which the NGO was situated). According to this theory, institutions are comprised of three inter-penetrated dimensions, the regulative, normative, and cognitive. The analysis of these dimensions was accomplished using the concepts of continuity and dissonance. The findings of the study are that while there was relatively high continuity in this institution, related to a large extent to a project of social transformation in South Africa, there was also significant dissonance. The NGO faced contested accountability, tensions around partnership, and contradictions in terms of empowerment. The implications of these conclusions for South African education and NGOs in sub-Saharan Africa are explored as are the contributions of the study to institutional theory.
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Culp, Derek. "Institutional vs. Non-Institutional Sources of Presidential Influence: Explaining Congressional-Presidential Relations in the Age of Polarization." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5784.
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This thesis examines the determinants of presidential success with Congress. Seven essential sources of presidential power in the current era of party polarization were derived from the extant literature, and these factors were delineated into the institutional (formal) and non-institutional (informal) policymaking tools of the presidency. Variables that explain presidential legislative success include: intraparty support in Congress, the use of veto bargaining, executive orders and signing statements (institutional factors); as well as public approval, 'going public,' and strategic lobbying of Congress (non-institutional factors). Case studies of the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush analyze the role of these policymaking tools in four key legislative battles of each presidency. Regression models were constructed to test the effect of these variables on presidential legislative success. The case studies elucidate the relationship between non-institutional factors and their subsequent impact on key presidential policy priorities, particularly the interaction between public approval and going public. Findings indicate a positive relationship between a president's strategic bargaining ability with Congress and subsequent legislative success. Findings also show no significant relationship between intraparty support and presidential success when focusing on only key legislative battles between the executive and legislative branches, contrary to the findings of prior research. Future research might examine the various relationships between these policymaking tools and how they affect the nature of presidential power in the current era of heightened party polarization and ideological homogeneity.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American and Comparative Politics
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Haastrup, Adetoun Antoinette Adeola. "Security as change? : an institutional view of contemporary EU-Africa relations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14228.
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Increased regional integration in Europe, Africa and Asia is a defining feature of the 21st century. This increase has been followed by the growth of region-to-region collaboration (inter-regionalism) as a means of international cooperation. In the past, EU-Africa relations mainly served as a medium for economic cooperation however, this is now changing with the inclusion of security cooperation in EU-Africa relations. This new relationship was explicitly outlined in the 2007 Joint Africa-EU Strategy (JAES). Within the new relationship, security cooperation through inter-regionalism is founded on the principles of equality, partnership and ownership. Despite these shifts, academic research has not caught up to examining the reasons and implications of security through inter-regionalism. The thesis therefore explores the extent to which security cooperation has contributed to changes in contemporary EUAfrica relations. In this context, the thesis specifically evaluates security cooperation between the EU and Africa primarily through the African Union (AU). The thesis develops institutionalised interregionalism as a framework through which this new type of international cooperation is best understood. It assesses two cases of EU support for new security initiatives in Africa. The first case study examines the efforts to create functional battle ready groups for peace missions. The second case study evaluates the European Union’s commitment to small arms control initiatives through the African Union. It does this by applying the historical institutionalism theoretical approach to the empirical concept of inter-regionalism. The thesis uses a multi-method qualitative approach including elite interviewing, non-participant observation, documentary and narrative analysis. The thesis finds that while the inter-regionalisation of security cooperation constitutes a shift in EU-Africa relations, changes to the institution are more likely when the EU is internally coherent, coordinated and employs a division of labour model to implement its support for the African Peace and Security Architecture. The lack of division of labour among EU actors has been impeded by lack of political will on the part of EU Member States as well as a ‘turf war’ or competition between the European Commission and Member States. The competition within the EU has been particularly detrimental to a region-to-region approach in EU-Africa relations. The lack of a single or streamlined approach undermined some of the AfricanUnion’s peace and security aims. In addition, the limited capabilities of the African Union, has negative implications for the implementation processes of the peace and security cooperation as it undermines the aspirations of ownership and partnership. This research thesis makes a substantive contribution to the literature on EU external relations generating new insights into the changing nature of international cooperation based on regionalism. It moves beyond the discourses on EU challenges in achieving common positions on security matters. Rather, it focuses on challenges (and opportunities) occurring in EU external relations despite the common positions. Additionally, it contributes to the debates in EU-Africa relations beyond the development focus of the literature to consider insights from the empirical reality of security cooperation. Finally, the thesis contributes to the burgeoning literature on burden sharing in international security through division of labour among international actors. The thesis is therefore relevant to current trends in the study and practice of international relations.
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Johnston, Seth Allen. "How NATO endures : an institutional analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711650.
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Fang, Yuanyuan. "Balance of Power in Regional Institutional Framework: Reassessment of the China-U.S.-Japan Trilateral Relationship." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3386.
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Relations among China, the United States, and Japan constitute some of the most complicated and dynamic relations in the contemporary era. Since the end of the second half of the twentieth century, all three nations, which were not in favor of regional multilateralism, have changed their strategy and have actively engaged in regional Asia-Pacific institutions. This research attempts to integrate realist discourse on the balance of power and liberal analysis of institutions to look at the China–U.S.–Japan interactions within regional institutions. This study explores why China, the United States, and Japan have increased their cooperative interaction in regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific region, despite having divergent interests and different visions of the future regional power structure.
By searching and analyzing archives documenting China–U.S.–Japan regional policies and policies directed at regional institutions and observing in detail China– U.S.–Japan interactions within Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), this dissertation argues that institutional balancing provides a framework that helps identify countries’ overlooked intention to check and balance targeted powers in regional institutions. Regional institutions not only provide an opportunity for participant countries to discover and address common interests but also provide an opportunity for participant countries to lobby for their own interests and to balance the gains and influences of the other powers. This dissertation explores conditions under which institutional balancing is an optimal choice for countries and notes key methods: controlling membership; shaping institutional norms, rules, and mechanisms; and pursuing balanced alliances that have been practiced by China, the United States, and Japan in regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Deng, Xiaoxiang. "1985-2016 : Le travail politique et les relations institutionnalisées——Recherche sur les changements institutionnels sur le marché chinois des voitures d'occasion." Thesis, université Paris-Saclay, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UPASN016.
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De la création du Marché de commerce des vieux véhicules automobiles en 1985 par le service administratif de Pékin à la mise en place des “Mesures de gestion des transactions des véhicules automobiles anciens” par le Ministère du commerce intérieur (devenu plus tard le Ministère du commerce) en 1998, le Marché de commerce des vieux véhicules automobiles a été créé en tant qu'institution officielle. Puis, en 2005, le Ministère du commerce a promulgué les “Mesures de gestion de la circulation des véhicules d'occasion” pour briser la position de monopole du centre de commerce de véhicules automobiles anciens sur le marché des voitures d'occasion. En 2011, l'essor du commerce électronique de voitures d'occasion et en 2013 la politique de restriction des voitures d'occasion a balayé le pays. Enfin, en 2016, le gouvernement central a publié "plusieurs avis sur la promotion des transactions de commodité des voitures d'occasion", le marché chinois des voitures d'occasion a connu des hauts et des bas dans les changements de politique depuis plus de 30 ans.Parallèlement aux changements de politique, l'industrie chinoise de l'automobile d'occasion a également connu des processus d'institutionnalisation, de désinstitutionalisation et de réinstitutionnalisation. L'étude de l'industrie fournit un moyen de relier le processus de réglementation, la structure industrielle et la légitimation. L'institutionnalisation dans l'industrie utilise le travail politique pour développer, maintenir ou perdre confiance dans l'utilité et la “dignité” des institutions. Ce type de travail politique ne se réfère pas seulement au lobbying occasionnel et au processus d'appel, mais le plus souvent, c'est l'activité quotidienne dans l'industrie. C'est aussi un lieu que l'institutionnalisme historique néglige souvent, c'est-à-dire le “problème public” sur lequel les instruments politiques ciblés ont généré dans l'action collective, c'est-à-dire sa définition. Un autre aspect est le processus de politisation du «problème public», le processus de légitimation et les instruments politiques qu'il génère. Indépendamment du fait que les gouvernements locaux aient emprunté le concept de protection de l'environnement lors de l'introduction de la politique de restriction des voitures d'occasion en 2013, ou que les parties prenantes de l'industrie des voitures d'occasion aient demandé l'annulation de la politique de restriction des voitures d'occasion empruntant les valeurs du développement industriel, ces travaux politiques est une mise en forme de la définition de ce "problème public" lui-même. Cette approche considère que de telles décisions sont le produit cumulatif de compromis sur les définitions des enjeux sociaux détenus par les praticiens concernés. En d'autres termes, le point de départ de l'analyse est que les «problèmes» collectifs et publics se construisent par la négociation, le compromis et, le plus souvent, le conflit. S'appuyant sur ces points d'une théorie générale, nos recherches sur l'industrie sont centrées sur le travail politique qui se déroule dans la multitude d'arènes et de processus qui, ensemble, contribuent à la définition des problèmes collectifs, publics et politiquesFrom the establishment of the old motor vehicle trading centre in 1985 by the administrative department of Beijing to the establishment of the "Old Motor Vehicle Transaction Management Measures" through the Ministry of Internal Trade (later changed to the Ministry of Commerce) in 1998, the old motor vehicle trading centre was established as a formal institution. Then in 2005, the Ministry of Commerce promulgated the "Used Vehicle Circulation Management Measures" to break the monopoly position of the old motor vehicle trading centre in the used car market. In 2011, the rise of used car e-commerce, and in 2013 the used car restriction policy swept across the country. Finally, in 2016, Central Government issued "Several Opinions on the Promotion of the Convenience Transactions of Used Cars", the Chinese used car market has experienced ups and downs in policy changes for more than 30 years.Along with policy changes, China's used car industry has also experienced the processes of institutionalization, de-institutionalization, and re-institutionalization. The study of the industry provides a means to link the process of regulation, industrial structure, and legitimation. The key to the study of the institutionalization process is to explore what we call "political work". Institutionalization in industry develops, maintains, or loses faith in the usefulness and "dignity" of the institution through political work. This kind of political work does not only refer to the occasional lobbying and appealing process, but more often, it is the daily activity in the industry. It is also a place that historical institutionalism often overlooks, that is, the "public problem" on which the targeted policy instruments generated in collective action, that is, its definition. Another aspect is the process of politicization of the "public problem", the process of legitimation, and the policy instruments it generates. Regardless of whether the local governments borrowed the concept of environmental protection when introducing the used car restriction policy in 2013, or the stakeholders of the used car industry appealed for the cancellation of the used car restriction policy borrowed the values of industrial development, these political works is a shaping of the definition of this "public problem" itself. This approach considers that such decisions are the cumulative product of compromises on the definitions of social issues held by the practitioners concerned. In other words, the starting point for analysis is that collective, and public 'problems' are constructed through negotiation, compromise and, more often than not, conflict. Building upon these points of a general theory, our research on the industry is centred upon the political work that takes place within the multitude of arenas and processes which together contribute to the definition of collective, public and political problems
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Lopez-Gonzalez, Jesus Alberto. "Politics of civil-military relations in Mexico : a historical and institutional approach." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2183/.
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Since the late 19th Century, the military in Mexico has been an important instrument of the executive branch of government to maintain political stability. In the 1880s, President Porfirio Diaz created the basis of a system of civil-military relations based on Presidential control (as opposed to civilian control). Since then, the Mexican armed forces have developed a unique bond with the President, remaining accountable and exclusively subordinated to this branch of power and no one else. Despite the Mexican Revolution in the first quarter of the 20th Century and the subsequent process of democratization after 1988, Diaz's basic principle has not been broken. In fact, the military's separation from the political arena after the Mexican Revolution inexorably strengthened its moral capital, gaining the population's approval to participate in areas that surpass its conventional duties. This has made the executive branch become increasingly reliant on the armed forces to make certain policy commitments seem trustworthy, especially in areas where civilian agencies have consistently underperformed, such as the combat of organised crime and ordinary policing. This is definitely a unique characteristic within Latin America, where democratization has rarely been accompanied by an increasing role of the armed forces on internal affairs. By using deductive reasoning and historical narrative, the argument will propose that the rules governing the system of civil-military relations in Mexico are counterintuitive with the idea of democratic consolidation. It will also suggest that the current system of civilian control has become even more vulnerable due to the capacity of the military to resist and even reverse civilian initiatives to improve supervision over their expanding roles. To test these hypotheses, the argument follows closely the military's counterinsurgency policy and its increasing participation in law enforcement institutions.
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Tockman, Jason. "Instituting power : power relations, institutional hybridity, and indigenous self-governance in Bolivia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/50912.
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Scholars have long observed that institutions and power relations are cyclically constitutive, as institutions shape a given polity’s power relations, and the latter influence the design of institutions. This dissertation unveils how indigenous agents interact with each other, and with the state’s bureaucrats and consultants to create divergent institutional trajectories in a new institutional environment: the construction of 11 pilot institutions of indigenous self-governance in Bolivia, as provided by the 2009 Constitution. The combinations of institutional forms have most significantly been shaped by local relations of power among differently identifying indigenous agents, and by the state-determined socio-territorial boundaries that are the site of institutional construction. Each new “indigenous autonomy” combines liberal and indigenous norms, constituting a hybrid model of indigenous autonomy. Within that model we can discern a bifurcation in which some institutions are more liberal and others are more communitarian.
These observations contribute to our understanding of democracy and citizenship in contemporary Latin America as states respond to popular pressures for more rights and inclusion, in what many have called “left turns.” In terms of democracy, this study illustrates how electoral representation is complemented by communitarian democratic forms in ways that enhance Bolivia’s historically exclusionary democracy, yet how elaboration of communitarian democracy is also constrained by the party-based system of representation. Meanwhile, the Constitution’s expansion of rights has contributed to what some observers have called “post- liberal” citizenship. This investigation indicates that state-society relations in Bolivia are not well-characterized as populist, liberal or corporatist; rather, they are concomitantly plural, cyclical and reactive – which I conceive of as interest intermediation by “contentious bargaining.”
The contradictions in the construction of these “indigenous autonomies” are a consequence the changing character of the ruling party. As the Movement toward Socialism and its leader, Evo Morales, have shifted from an oppositional force to elected government, they have contended with a complex correlation of social forces and pursued a development program of resource nationalism that responds to widespread calls for economic growth and poverty reduction. In Bolivia’s contentious context, the state’s disposition with regard to indigenous self- governance has been contradictory, simultaneously enabling and constraining indigenous rights.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Theuerkauf, Ulrike. "Ethno-embedded institutionalism : the impact of institutional repertoires on ethnic violence." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/535/.
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Hitherto, the relationships between political institutions and ethnopolitical (in)stability typically have been analysed by investigating the effects of single, formal political institutions such as electoral systems or state structures (see e.g. Reynolds 2002; Roeder and Rothchild 2005). My doctoral thesis criticises this research focus on two different yet equally relevant accounts: First, the tendency to single out the effects of individual institutions is based on the implicit – and as I claim: wrong – assumption that political institutions can be treated as separate entities and that it is only of secondary relevance of which broader set of institutions they form part. Second, despite studies which highlight the relevance of informal political institutions (see e.g. Sisk and Stefes 2005; Varshney 2002), they have received far less attention in the academic debate so far. ‘Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism’ describes a new approach to the study of institutional incentives for ethnic violence which goes beyond the mere focus on single, formal political institutions by highlighting the effects of both institutional combinations and informal political institutions on the risk of ethnic civil war. To test the relevance of ‘Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism’, I use a grievance-based explanation of intrastate violence and binary time-series-cross-section analysis based on a personally designed dataset that covers 174 countries between 1955 and 2007. I present statistical evidence that high levels of corruption on the one hand, and institutional combinations of presidentialism, a majoritarian electoral system for the legislature and a unitary state structure on the other increase the risk of large-scale ethnic violence. Overall, my thesis contributes to the academic debate in three relevant regards: i) by conceptualising and testing Ethno-Embedded Institutionalism; ii) by describing a grievance-based explanation of large-scale ethnic violence which clearly identifies the key values of political representation; and iii) by presenting the EEI Dataset as the first comprehensive data source for the systematic statistical analysis of institutional incentives for ethnic civil war.
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Wright, Ursula Tiershatha. "Institutional Ethnography: Utilizing Battered Women’s Standpoint to Examine How Institutional Relations Shape African American Battered Women’s Work Experiences In Christian Churches." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3188.
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The purpose of the collected papers dissertation was to critically examine the individual and institutional conditions that shaped battered women’s work experiences in church organizations. The studies in the collected papers shared the provision of using a methodological and analytic tool, institutional ethnography (IE), that offers a strategic and comprehensive means of investigating issues related to institutions and institutional processes that merge a macro and micro view. The first paper was a conceptual paper that emphasized the socio-political context in which adult vocation education is practiced and shared a practical means of using IE to uncover the interconnected and interdependent social processes that prohibit an individual’s ability to navigate structural and political subsystems that impact learning, teaching, and work. The second paper was an empirical paper that used IE to help us see how battered women’s needs as workers in Christian churches are evaporated behind institutional ideologies and actions that invalidate her concerns while preserving their ideals. The study revealed four ways that African American battered women entered into an institutional death process by direct disclosure or assumed disclosure: (a) invalidation, (b) overspiritualization, (c) inauthenticity, (d) and bifurcation. It was found, that once disclosure took place, women placed a different expectation upon the church to respond to their issue of domestic abuse. In summation, Study #2 highlighted the use of IE in uncovering the institutional relations that shaped women’s experiences as work in Christian churches. Overall, the findings elucidate ways that social workers, churches, adult educators, and HRD researchers and practitioners can engage in research that has implications for how to collaborate for implementable solutions. The findings provide ways for African American women to navigate oppressive regimes; and lends insight to how adult educators, HRD practitioners, and pastors who work with battered women can assist and intervene in the educational, emotional, and natural support areas for African American battered women working in Christian churches.
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Nandasiri, Ratnayake Mudiyanselage 1957. "Institutional constraints affecting county extension agents in Arizona." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277302.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the county extension agents' perceptions of institutional constraints to the performance of their duties within the Arizona Cooperative Extension System. Study population was 66 county extension agents in the state of Arizona. They were surveyed by mailed questionnaire. Study results indicated, on the average, most of the institutional constraints affect slightly on the county extension agents' work performance. Considerable variation observed among respondents in their perceptions of severity of the constraints. Some of the other important findings include; (1) 4-H agents perceived constraints more severe than Agriculture or Home Economic Agents. (2) County agents perceived more constraints in salary and promotion more severe than county directors. (3) County agents with more than 5 years of service perceived more of the constraints in the area of Personnel Evaluation more severe than agents with 5 years or less service.
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Wenlan, Zhang. "Essays on overlapping institutional investors along a supplier: customer relationship." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2014. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/80.
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This study consists of two essays. In the first essay, I examine whether the overlap in institutional investors between the supplier and its customer can be an efficient monitoring mechanism in the product market. Using a large sample of supplier–customer relationships for the period 1980–2011, I provide the following evidence. First, a high level of overlapping institutional ownership mitigates the adverse effect of asymmetric interdependence between supplier and customer on their firm performance. Second, relationship-specific investments and partnership duration are identified as underlying channels through which overlapping institutional ownership mitigates the adverse effect of asymmetric interdependence on partners’ performance. Third, overlapping institutional ownership is negatively associated with accounts receivable when the supplier is more financially constrained than the customer, suggesting that overlapping institutional ownership improves the efficiency of trade credit allocation. These findings survive out of a series of robustness checks. The findings of this study highlight that the overlap in institutional investors between supplier and customer plays as an efficient monitoring mechanism in the product market. In the second essay, I examine the informational role of overlapping transient institutional investors who hold stocks of both the firm and its customers in disseminating customer information to the firm’s bond market and document four findings. First, I find that overlapping transient institutional ownership significantly alleviates the prediction of lagged customer-portfolio bond returns to supplier bond returns even after controlling for the interaction effect between stock market and bond market. This finding survives out of a series of robustness checks. The alleviation effect is more pronounced for firms with high customer concentration and low customer industry competition, or with non-investment grade. Second, I find that overlapping transient institutional ownership represents more than a mere proxy for investor attention and leads to information advantage over overlapping institutional bondholders. Third, I find that current customer-portfolio return is significantly associated with the trading volume of overlapping transient institutional investors in the bond market, suggesting that overlapping transient institutional investors indeed take customer information into account when they trade bonds of suppliers. Fourth, I examine the real effect of customer information on bondholders and find that customer bond return is significantly related to the supplier’s future operating performance, which is an important predictor of credit risk. Overall, my results show that overlapping transient institutional shareholders take economically linked information into account when they trade in the bond market and improve the informativeness of bond price. Keywords: supplier–customer relationships, overlapping institutional investors, monitoring mechanism, bond price informativeness
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Kadlec, Amanda. "Libya's Transition to Democracy| Narrowing Institutional and Governance Gaps." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535555.
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Libya is a country in transition. By the official start date of the transition process on October 23, 2011, Libya was essentially devoid of the institutional capacities required to operate a functioning state in the traditional Weberian sense. The weak central state Qadhafi left behind has led some observers to anticipate the transition to democracy doomed, but this factor has in some sense facilitated a clearer break away from authoritarianism. Freedom from engrained institutional constraints has in many respects allowed Libya the unique opportunity to state-build from a tabula rasa; there are no preconceptions as to how that democratic state should be or the sequencing and methods it should employ to achieve it. It is precisely the combination of high uncertainty in the democratic experiment with institutional deficiencies at the state level that require flexibility in the manner in which the new Libya is to be created and its transition assessed. Taking into consideration its institutional weakness and the steps that the country's transitional bodies have taken thus far toward establishing a post-Qadhafi state, is Libya on a trajectory towards a successful transition to democracy? Is democracy even possible?
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Rodriguez, Pardo Luis Roberto. "The political economy of state-oil relations : institutional case studies of Venezuela and Norway." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326943.
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Homkes, Rebecca. "Analysing the role of public-private partnerships in global governance : institutional dynamics, variation and effects." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/269/.
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While the promotion and growth of global public-private partnerships (PPPs) is indisputable, the same enthusiasm has not fuelled their disciplined study; thus, their potential to deliver on their promise of being effective and legitimate governance entities is far from established. Addressing this lack, this work investigates the universe of transnational PPPs in form, functioning and effects. It suggests that as PPPs are institutional innovations, partnership analysis can benefit from applying theoretical constructs from international regime research complemented with adjacent literature from management and organisational studies. Building an analytical framework based on the notions of input and output legitimacy, the work analyses how variation in partnership inputs (focus, actors involved, organisational dynamics and institutionalisation) interacts with varying internal management processes to result in varying outputs. The thesis utilises the operational notion of effects rather than the more subjective notion of partnership effectiveness, and considers effects related to goal attainment and problem solving. Applying a systematic methodology, the work also defines and describes the universe of PPPs, creating a transnational partnership database (TPD) which pulls together all existing sources, thus encompassing 757 partnerships. The resultant analysis reveals a marked variation across the universe of transnational partnerships as well as distinct differences in their operational capacity. It also highlights that while highly institutionalised PPPs are more likely to produce tangible outputs and effects, the extent of these is highly dependent upon internal management. By building a cumulative understanding of these institutional models, the work furthers debates regarding the role of PPPs as legitimate and effective governing actors.
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Thaga, Laki Steven. ""Unpacking and rearranging the boxes" : the search for a new institutional matrix of democratic control of the military in Botswana /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FThaga.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Letitia Lawson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-68). Also available online.
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Baker, Kathryn Anne. "Organizational and institutional effects on safety and efficiency in nuclear power plants." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185405.
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This dissertation explores the extent to which organizational and institutional factors continue to influence the economic and safety performance of nuclear power plants. Although the importance of non-technological factors during the developmental period of nuclear power has been recognized after the fact, most contemporary research fails to recognize the continued importance of organizational and institutional factors for ongoing nuclear power plant operations. Moreover, a second generation of advanced nuclear reactors is now imminent but technological advances will not suffice to prevent many of the mistakes of this first era of nuclear power. The lessons learned from our experience with the current generation of nuclear power plants must include more than technological improvements. As yet a systematic investigation of the impact of organizational and institutional factors on nuclear power plant performance has not been conducted. This dissertation progresses us much further toward accomplishing this task, although much additional research is still needed.
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Dal', Magro Glenio Piran. "O comércio Brasil – Mercosul : análise do setor agrícola (1991 – 2012)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/130869.
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O Mercado Comum do Sul é uma união de cinco países em desenvolvimento da América do Sul, no qual o Brasil integra, constituindo um dos mais importantes mercados econômicos mundiais. A participação brasileira no bloco iniciou-se desde a sua formação em 1991 e atualmente caracteriza-se por quantitativos intercâmbios comerciais com os demais Estados Partes. O Objetivo deste trabalho é contextualizar o panorama da participação brasileira nas relações comerciais de produtos agrícolas no Mercado Comum do Sul. Para tal, utilizaram-se dados da CEPALSTAT, a fim de averiguar o fluxo comercial brasileiro intrabloco, conhecer e quantificar os principais produtos do setor agrícola importados e exportados, verificar o crescimento do comércio intra-indústria do bloco e analisar quais as relações institucionais eram desenvolvidas a fim de promover o setor agrícola no MERCOSUL. Como resultados observa-se que as relações comercias intrabloco são crescentes, ultrapassando 40 milhões de dólares em intercâmbio comercial no ano de 2012, tendo o Brasil como principal parceira a Argentina. Os principais produtos comercializados intrabloco, ou seja, que compõem os maiores valores de intercâmbio comercial possui um maior grau de tecnologia, se caracterizando como um comércio intrasetorial. Isto corresponde aos mesmos produtos de trocas comerciais, ou seja, são os mesmos produtos importados e exportados por todos os países, sendo nítido principalmente quando se analisa Brasil e Argentina. Já os principais produtos do setor agrícola comercializados nos dois anos avaliados foram o café, o trigo, a maçã, a soja, as carnes, o couro, o algodão, o milho, o arroz, os fertilizantes, o leite e derivados. Apesar da grande maioria desses produtos constituírem uma vantagem competitiva intrabloco com até mesmo um potencial de comércio, não se vislumbra um potencial de crescimento para o intercâmbio comercial de produtos agrícolas no MERCOSUL. Ademais, as relações institucionais promovidas por meio de acordos entre os Estados Partes, parecem beneficiar os setores da economia, relacionados com este comércio intrasetorial, tendo como exemplo o setor automobilístico.The Mercado Comum do Sul is a union of five developing countries of South America, which includes Brazil, constituting one of the most important global economic markets. The Brazilian participation in the block started since its formation in 1991 and currently characterized by quantitative trade with other States Parties. The objective of this study is to contextualize the panorama of Brazilian participation in trade of agricultural products in the Southern Common Market. For this, we used data from CEPALSTAT, to ascertain the Brazilian trade flow intrabloc know and quantify the main products imported and exported agricultural sector, check the growth of intra - bloc trade industry and analyze which institutional relationships were developed to promote the agricultural sector in MERCOSUR. As a result it is observed that the intra-bloc trade relations are increasing, surpassing 40 million in trade in 2012, with Brazil as its main partner Argentina. The main products sold bloc, making up the highest values of trade has a greater degree of technology, being characterized as a intrasectoral trade. This corresponds to the same products of trade, they are imported and exported products by all countries, being especially clear when looking at Brazil and Argentina. Already the main products of the agricultural sector traded in both years were evaluated coffee, wheat, apple, soybean, meat, leather, cotton, maize, rice, fertilizers, milk and derivatives. Although the vast majority of these products constitute a bloc competitive edge with even a potential trade, cannot glimpse a potential for growth in trade of agricultural products in MERCOSUR. Moreover, the institutional relations fostered through agreements among States Parties, seem to benefit sectors of the economy related to this intrasectoral trade, taking as an example the automotive industry.
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Hsu, Yun-Hsiang. "Training Externalities and Institutional Determinants: Assessing Rentention in Ohio Apprenticeship Programs." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366224121.
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Carrizosa, Santiago 1964. "Prospecting for biodiversity: The search for legal and institutional frameworks." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282221.
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For several decades, pharmaceutical companies have engaged in bioprospecting activities in developing countries. However, in many cases, these companies have failed to compensate local peoples for their knowledge used in the production of drugs. Consequently, these activities have been subject to intense scrutiny at the national and international level. This awareness has contributed to the elaboration of international laws and novel bioprospecting initiatives. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), laws that regulate access to genetic resources, and the International Cooperative Biodiversity Groups (ICBGs) are approaches that address unique issues pertaining to bioprospecting of genetic resources. However, these approaches are not flawless. They are experiments that need to be tested and analyzed. The main objectives of this dissertation are to: (1) analyze the relationship between these approaches and how they address the issue of bioprospecting; and (2) identify bioprospecting guidelines to facilitate the implementation of future bioprospecting projects. These objectives are addressed through the analysis of a conceptual framework for the implementation of the ICBGs. According to this framework implementation of the ICBGs should be made according to the following four factors: (1) the CBD, (2) contractual relationships between parties of bioprospecting groups, (3) contractual provisions of bioprospecting agreements, and (4) in-country laws, policies and the organizational structure of the government. These factors have and will continue to affect the implementation of the ICBGs and other bioprospecting groups. A thorough analysis of them in the context of the ICBGs and in comparison to other projects provides elements for the identification of valuable lessons for future bioprospecting initiatives.
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Cortés, Flores José Luis. "The crisis of civil-military relations in Venezuela : testing rational choice, cultural, and institutional theories /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA374450.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1999."December 1999". Thesis advisor(s): Thomas C. Bruneau, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-95). Also available online.
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MA, ZHINING, and victorma1972@yahoo com au. "An Institutional Study of Chinese Industrial Relations - Descriptions and Analyses Using a Six-party Taxonomy." Flinders University. Nationa Institute of Labour Studies, 2009. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20090924.150859.
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In the context of Chinas growing influence over the global economy, its newly developed labour market and the subsequent series of industrial relations issues have captured much attention. However, research on industrial relations and labour problems in China is relatively underdeveloped. The classic three-party industrial relations model, which was developed for western economies, has often been difficult to apply to Chinas circumstances. The biggest difference between China and western countries in the matter of labour issues lies in the different institutional settings of the industrial relations systems. As a sub-system of the broader social system, the industrial relations system of a country is significantly affected by the fundamental socio-political system in that particular country.
In view of this, Chapter One of this thesis will first review the relevant existing industrial relations theories and explore their applicability to China. The thesis then continues with the proposal of a new six-party taxonomy for the analysis of Chinese industrial relations. The new taxonomy takes into account distinctive industrial relations actors with Chinese characteristics as well as their inter-relationships which form at different social levels. This taxonomy provides a useful tool for drawing a broad picture of the evolving industrial relations in China, which constitute the main content of the later parts of this thesis: in Part One (Chapters Two to Four), we analyse the historical and current situation of the six Chinese industrial relations actors, namely the party-state, employers associations, the All China Federation of Trade Unions, grass roots unions, employers and employees; while in Part Two (Chapter Five and Six), we describe the interactions between each of these actors from a historical perspective.
With the new taxonomy and the analyses that follow, this thesis aims to provide a new insight into Chinese industrial relations and labour studies. It attempts to present to the readers a broad picture of the Chinese industrial relations system. We believe that the discussion will be valuable for those interested in Chinas social development (in particular, the development of modern industrial relations in the context of the Chinese political economy).
Limitations of length, however, preclude the detailed discussion in this thesis of all Chinese industrial relations issues. Various future research topics have been identified in the concluding chapter, and we recognize that they are undoubtedly important questions in need of enormous research efforts. Therefore, we see this thesis as the beginning of a series of related works, which aim to contribute to a better understanding of industrial relations in the context of Chinese political economy.
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Peláez, Tortosa Antonio J. "State-society relations and grassroots democracy in rural Vietnam : institutional adaptation and limited gramscian hegemony." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3778/.
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Cortes, Flores Jose Luis. "The crisis of civil-military relations in Venezuela : testing rational choice, cultural, and institutional theories." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/13423.
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The thesis analyzes the extent to which civil-military relations in Venezuela have deteriorated in the past decade. The thesis's central theme is that the civilian control over the military in Venezuela is far from ideal. The relations between the armed forces and the decision-makers are based only on the interactions of the President with the military. There are no other civilian institutions involved in the control of the military. However, the armed forces of Venezuela have shown very strong democratic principles and any increase in the presence of the armed forces in the political and economic arena is the result of civilians' request. The armed forces of Venezuela have not sought to tilt the balance of power in their favor. In addition, the thesis addresses how well each of the three major approaches of comparative politics to explain the Venezuela situation.
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Abdelqayoum, Ali Bashir A. "Non-governmental organizations and development in the Sudan : relations with the state and institutional strengthening." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42550.
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This dissertation is unique in looking at Sudanese NGOs and not at the INGOs in Sudan. Most of the literature concentrates on the role of INGOs in Sudan and neglect the contribution of Sudanese NGOs. The research offers a corrective to these stereotype created by the literature on Sudanese NGOs. This study focuses on important aspects of the voluntary sector in the Sudan. It describes informal traditional practices and indigenous associations, like communal labor, rotating savings and credit associations, and migrant associations. Although these social forms have been given some attention in the third world studies literature, the subject has never been dealt with systematically in the field of Sudanese studies. The study reveals the strengths and weaknesses of Sudanese NGOs. It doesn't, however exaggerate the role of Sudanese NGOs, given the local context. On the other hand we can not underestimate their contribution to poverty reduction efforts and peace process and in realization of rights in the last two decades. The study focuses on the present political situation in the Sudan, including the regime's institutions and its social organizations on the one hand and the position of social and political oppositions on the other. It shows how Islamic movement uses religion and power to sustain and protect a system which has lost its credibility and legitimacy among many Sudanese citizens. It focuses on the rise of the National Islamic Front (NIF), its growth and development from a small political party to the third political power, based on the election of 1986, and to a party of full ruling power as a result of the NIF military coup of 1989. It also discusses and analyzes the nature of the government organizations and the causes leading to the failure of the Islamic project in the country. The rise of Islamic movement in Sudan can be viewed as part of the decline of local initiatives as the center of the social capital. The rapid changing situation in Sudan since 1989 is gathering by new momentum with the government policies of control and restriction, on the one hand, and with the increasing numbers of civil society organizations seeking to legitimize their identity and recognition, on the other hand. The study discusses the NIF-NGO relations and concludes by raising issues of concern and discussing the way out as an alternative approach contributing to development process.
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Hudock, Ann Catherine. "Institutional interdependence : NGOs and capacity-enhancing initiatives in Sierra Leone and the Gambia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336277.
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Wessling, William T. "Institutional quality, economic development, and natural resource abundance| Towards and interactive model of development." Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525314.
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The study of institutions (i.e., "the rules of the game" in a society) has grown from a small fringe subject in the late 1980s to a massive pillar in the current study of International Political Economy. Two thing has become clear during the course of this growth and the involved research it entails: (1) institutional Quality (especially quality of governance and rule of law) has a determinant effect on the GDP development of a given countries economy and (2) institutional quality has a determinant effect on whether a country is either "cursed" or "blessed" with natural resource abundance (i.e., whether they are growth "winners" or "losers" in terms of GDP development. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the presence of abundant natural resources amplifies this determinant effect when controlled for nonresource abundant states, and if so to what extent. The study ultimately finds amplification of the effect of institutional quality on GDP per capita when controlling for natural resource abundance, ultimately suggesting that resource abundance can be either a "blessing" or a "curse" depending on preexisting institutional quality. Secondary findings indicate the existence of a "slippage" effect in institutional quality once natural resources are introduced to a given state's economy.
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Blanc, Emmanuelle. "The EU in quest for the recognition of its institutional identity : the case of the EU-US dialogues." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3784/.
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While the literature on the European Union’s foreign policy has heavily emphasized the EU’s marked preference for diplomacy and the conduct of dialogues, the rationale behind the salience of this practice has not yet been fully explored. Therefore, this thesis asks why the European Union promotes and conducts so many political dialogues with third countries in its external relations. The original contribution of this thesis is two-fold: theoretically, it contributes to the literature on the practice of dialogue in International Relations by moving away from theories stressing the rationality of the institutional actors involved in dialogical interactions. Instead, this thesis grounds itself in socio-psychology applied to institutions to conceptualize the practice of dialogue as a symbolically-framed interaction through which institutional identity is recognized and anchored. In doing so, this research demonstrates that the European Union promotes and conducts such an extraordinary number of dialogues with third countries in order to get recognition of its institutional identity as a distinct and relevant international actor. More specifically, the study sheds light on the mechanisms through which the dialogical interaction at the micro-level helps anchor the institutional identity of the EU at the macro-level. Empirically, the thesis contributes to a more nuanced and better understanding of one of the most complex and important relationships of our times – the transatlantic relationship — by presenting original findings on the multiple dialogical encounters occurring at different levels of representation: at the highest level of diplomatic meetings, at the interparliamentary level and at and the level of civil society. The present work thus departs from traditional perspectives on transatlantic relations by focusing on the micro-level of interaction and its symbolic implications at the macro-level. Through the conduct of interviews with European and American officials involved in these dialogues and several participant observations in the meetings, this study offers a fine-grained analysis of the dialogue as one of the most frequently tool of foreign policy used by the EU in its external relations.
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Tilton, Gregory E. "The political development of Japan's postwar economy." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596032.html.
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McGrath, Robert Joseph. "Strategic oversight and the institutional determinants of legislative policy control." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1161.
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This dissertation seeks to explain variation in legislative strategies to control policymaking across institutional contexts. Of these many strategies, I focus particularly on the use of statutory language meant to direct agency action and on the use of oversight hearings. I argue that while low levels of oversight activity need not imply that a legislature is helplessly abdicating policymaking responsibility to unelected agencies, this may be the case in some circumstances. With the goal of establishing when the lack of oversight may mean such normatively problematic abdication, I develop a signaling model of delegation and oversight which proposes that oversight depends on institutional features (such as legislative capacity, the existence of legislative term limits and a legislative veto), political features (such as policy conflict within the government and within the legislature and the policy preferences and activism of important judicial actors), and the legislature's initial delegation of policymaking discretion to an agency. Critically, the pursuit of either strategy depends on alternative strategies available as well as on the likely actions of other institutions with the power to affect policy outcomes. The dissertation extends our theoretical understanding of legislative-executive relations and provides one of the first large-scale empirical analyses of legislative policymaking.
In the first empirical chapter of this dissertation, I assess the predictions of the theory concerning congressional oversight activity from 1947-2006. I find that both the extent to which a congressional committee's ideology diverges from an agency's and the policy-specific expertise of said committee affect the number of oversight hearing days the committee holds, but only when policy disagreements are sufficiently conflictual. This last condition suggests, contrary to previous research, that the extent to which oversight should be necessary, to either legislative policymaking or democratic legitimacy, varies across preference arrangements. In the next empirical chapter, I switch my focus from the analysis of a single legislature over time to a cross-sectional study of the extent to which U.S. state legislatures delegate authority to bureaucratic agencies. Here, I find that the amount of discretion that a legislature delegates to an agency charged with implementing Medicaid policy is nonlinearly related to the extent to which state courts are likely to affect policy outcomes, as captured by a new measure of judicial activism. These analyses confirm that legislatures consider alternative methods of control as well as the likely actions of external institutions when crafting their policymaking strategies.
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Draguljic, Gorana. "The Politics of Choice and Institutional Development in Global Environmental Regimes." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/408385.
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Political SciencePh.D.
What factors account for variation in institutional development in the direction of greater or lesser regime complexity? To answer this question, this dissertation develops a distributive historical theory that connects the micro-foundations of state choice to the macro-processes of institutional development. I argue that distributive conflict over the terms of cooperation in a regime provides dissatisfied states with incentives to pursue institutional change. Yet there are centripetal forces that can bias regime development towards the status quo. The ways in which these forces of change and stability interact result in variations of institutional development and regime complexity. From the distributive historical theory, I derive and test a set of hypotheses through cross-case analysis of the regimes constructed to address ozone depletion, the overfishing of global stocks, and climate change. Across the cases, I find that dissatisfied actors continuously contest the status quo institutional arrangements to gain distributive advantages. Still, regimes tend to develop in a strongly path-dependent manner because institutions are resistant to change and because the status quo beneficiaries employ strategies that blunt the impact of the dissatisfied actors’ actions.
Temple University--Theses
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Schleifer, Philip. "Whose rules? : the institutional diffusion and variation of private participatory governance." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/938/.
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As a mode of global sustainability regulation, private participatory governance first emerged in the forestry sector in the early 1990s and from there spread rapidly and widely in the global economy. The literature on the topic points to a good fit with democratic norms, neoliberal norms, social movement pressure, and the entrepreneurial activities of civil society actors and progressive firms as the main drivers behind this process of institutional diffusion. Today, multi-stakeholder initiatives operate in many industry sectors, ranging from apparel manufacturing and diamond mining to aquaculture production and soybean farming. Drawing on new developments in the philosophy of democracy, some see these arrangements as part of a ‘deliberative turn’ in sustainability politics with the potential to democratise global governance institutions. However, the legitimacy of multi-stakeholder initiatives remains contested, and there is evidence to suggest that the diffusion of private participatory governance in the global economy has introduced variation in a key dimension of institutional design: whereas some schemes involve a wide range of actors in their governance and standard-setting activities, others are significantly less inclusive. In order to explore this puzzle, this dissertation unpacks the process of institutional diffusion. It develops an analytical framework that distinguishes three stages in the diffusion process: source selection, transmission, and adoption. For the different stages, hypotheses are formulated about the factors that “intervene” in the diffusion process, leading to more or less inclusive institutional outcomes. This framework is put to work in three case study chapters, examining the diffusion of private participatory governance in the biofuels, soy, and sugarcane sectors. A major finding of this study is that varying levels of coercive institutional pressures influenced the diffusion outcome in the cases studied. In environments characterised by strong coercive pressures (biofuels and soy), adopting a more inclusive approach served institutional designers as a strategy to gain political authority – that is, legitimate decision-making power – in these arenas. In comparison, in the low conflict environment of the sugarcane sector, no comparable process of ‘institutional fitting’ could be observed. Furthermore, this dissertation shows that ideas about private participatory governance are far from set in stone. While multi-stakeholder institutions diffuse in the global economy, late adopters learn from the experiences of prior adopters. Based on these experiences and the lessons they draw from them, they interpret, innovate, and de- and recontextualise the model, giving rise to institutional variation.
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Brito, Anna C. "Misuse of Executive Power as an Obstacle to Democratic Institutional Reform in Argentina." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1366.
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This thesis explores three different institutions that underwent proposed reforms during the President of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015): the intelligence sector, the judiciary, and the media. Though the stated purpose of these reforms was to make more democratic institutions that had suffered under the military junta, in reality they were generally unsuccessful. Furthermore these institutions would be further changed under her successor, Mauricio Macri, still with little improvement to democracy. When examining these changes in the context of hyper-presidentialism, it is apparent that the misuse of executive power is a serious impediment to meaningful institutional reform.
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Brown, Susan Carol. "The institutional evolution of the WTO Government Procurement Agreement : towards an understanding of the peripheries of domestic economic policies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3163/.
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The rules of the international economic order have traditionally sought to reduce trade barriers between national markets; domestic policy autonomy has been viewed as an inviolable sovereign freedom. The 1994 WTO Government Procurement Agreement requires Member States to introduce a series of administrative procedures for their tendering processes, as well as institutional avenues through which individual suppliers can invoke indirect "rights" they gain from these "common rules"; its positive disciplines represent a departure from the traditional, negative GAIT regulatory "methodology". This thesis involves a study of what these institutional changes have to say about economic policy-making and enforcement processes in an interdependent world. Part I presents an institutional history of the GPA and an analysis of how it works. Part II examines the kind of domestic intervention associated with the Agreement, concluding that the most significant interference with sovereigns' autonomy is neither strictly legislative nor administrative. The GPA's enforcement mechanism - in conjunction with the individual "rights" arising from its procedural obligations - "constitutionalises" the rights to national treatment it engenders. This implies a US style relationship between property and the state. Executive and legislative powers are separated and both are limited by law. Judicial-like entities, in turn, fulfill an arbitrator's role, charged with determining whether a government entity has acted in a manner consistent with its legally-delimited powers. The final section presents reasons why GPA Member States may have been willing to accept the "intervention" that is implicit in the Agreement, developing an argument that the GPA is a "means" to Members' "shared end" of facilitating the integration of markets and, most importantly, ensuring their subsequent integrity. States, in implementing the "common rules", act as agents on behalf of the economic order because, in a globalising world, cooperation is consistent with citizens' welfare. The way in which this cooperation is structured allows for heterogeneous political interests to be accommodated. To the extent that the GPA protects individual rights for "collective ends", it is not inconsistent with unitary state notions of sovereignty.
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Etchanchu, Helen. "The roles of discourse, legitimacy and power in enabling and hindering institutional change towards sustainability." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, Ecole supérieure des sciences économiques et commerciales, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ESEC0005.
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Cette thèse est basée sur trois essais distincts mais interconnectés qui soulignent le rôle important du discours, la légitimité et le pouvoir dans le changement institutionnel vers un développement durable. Dans deux chapitres de ma thèse, j'explore les dynamiques de (de)légitimation du gaz de schiste, en France et en Allemagne. L'exploitation du gaz de schiste par la fracturation hydraulique a déclenché une forte contestation dans ces pays en raison de ses implications socio-économiques, environnementaux et politiques. Le premier essai est une étude de cas comparative des débats publiques sur le de gaz de schiste, qui démontre le rôle important des institutions pour le succès des cadrages mobilisés. Le deuxième essai est une étude de cas portant sur la (de)légitimation des acteurs impliqués dans le débat sur le gaz de schiste français qui propose qu'il y ait une différence fondamentale dans légitimant un problème et légitimant un acteur. Le troisième essai théorique introduit le concept de parentalisme afin de mettre en évidence comment les acteurs contrôlent qui peut participer aux débats. En tout, cette thèse met en lumière comment les débats sur des enjeux sociaux et environnementaux sont influencés par des stratégies discursives en résonance avec le contexte institutionnel et l’identité des acteurs ainsi que par des stratégies de contrôle discursives et non discursives sur qui participe et comment dans la délibérationThis dissertation is based on three separate but interconnected essays which underscore the important roles of discourse, legitimacy and power in fueling or hindering institutional change towards sustainability. In two chapters of my thesis I explore the discursive legitimation dynamics in the contested issue field around shale gas, in France and Germany. The exploitation of shale gas via the hydraulic fracturing (or fracking) technique triggered strong contestation in these countries due to its socio-economic, environmental, and political implications which challenge the energy sector on a global scale. The first essay is a comparative case study of the public shale gas debates which surfaces the important role of institutions in influencing the success of certain arguments over others. The second essay is a single case study focusing on the (de)legitimation of the actors involved in the French shale gas debate which proposes that there is a fundamental difference in legitimating an issue and legitimating an actor. The third theoretical essay introduces the concept of parentalism in order to highlight how actors control who may participate in discursive struggles. On a whole this thesis surfaces how ongoing struggles in contested environmental and social issue fields are shaped by the fit of discursive strategies with the institutional context and contestants’ legitimate identities as well as by actors’ discursive and non-discursive controlling strategies of who participates and how in deliberation
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Balthasar, Dominik. "State-making in Somalia and Somaliland : understanding war, nationalism and state trajectories as processes of institutional and socio-cognitive standardization." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/572/.
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Although the conundrums of why states falter, how they are reconstituted, and under what conditions war may be constitutive of state-making have received much scholarly attention, they are still hotly debated by academics and policy analysts. Advancing a novel conceptual framework and analysing diverse Somali state trajectories between 1960 and 2010, this thesis adds to those debates both theoretically and empirically. The core issues examined are why and how Somaliland managed to establish state-run structures of governance, how far its development paralleled or diverged from past Somali state trajectories, and under what conditions violent conflict advanced or abridged the polities’ varied state-making projects. Drawing on diverse strands of literature on state-building, nationalism and warfare, the thesis develops an original analytical frame to better understand processes of state-making and state-breaking. It argues not only for the need of ‘bringing the nation back in’, but proposes to conceptualize state trajectories in terms of changing levels of institutional and socio-cognitive standardization. Scrutinizing received wisdom, the empirical research presented finds, amongst others, that Somali state trajectories have been less unique than commonly claimed, and proposes that Somaliland’s alleged state-making success between 1991 and 2010 hinged at least as much on autocratic governance, top-down policies and coercive means as on frequently emphasized elements of grassroots peace-making, ‘traditional’ reconciliation and ‘home-grown’ democracy. Conceptually, the project is located at the intersection of political-economy and historical and institutional approaches to state-making. Applying qualitative research framed in comparative case studies the thesis not only advances the theoretical debate surrounding issues of state fragility and state-making, but also offers novel insights into Somalia’s history and presents new empirical findings on the frequently romanticised case of Somaliland. Yet, the research results are significant beyond Somali boundaries as they provide relevant insights for our general understanding of state trajectories and the role of conflict in statemaking and state-breaking.
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Bawole, Justice. "Local government and NGO relations in Ghana : the paradoxes, rhetoric and the isomorphic forces." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-and-ngo-relations-in-ghana-the-paradoxes-rhetoric-and-the-isomorphic-forces(03c5035f-0dd1-480e-9b0e-3c7b72d4d9c7).html.
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In recent years, interest in the relations between government and NGOs and the implications of these relations for service delivery in developing countries has surged. This results from the increasing role of NGOs in many facets of development, especially in service delivery and poverty reduction. However, the focus of attention especially among researchers has been on the relations between central government and NGOs. Relations between local government and NGOs have received limited research attention, especially in developing country contexts. To contribute to opening the black box created as a result of the limited research interest, this study investigates the nature, driving forces and the implications of the relations between local government and NGOs for poverty reduction programme implementation in Ghana. The study adopts a qualitative research methodology, a multi-dimensional classification regime and a New Institutional Theoretical lens to investigate the phenomena. The study was conducted adopting semi-structured interviews and mini focus ground discussions; documentary reviews; and participant observations as the key data collection tools to document the nature, driving forces and the implications of local government and NGO relations in Ghana. This study establishes that the relations between local government and NGOs in Ghana are complex but fit into a four-dimensional classification typology of superficial and suspicious cordiality; tokenistic collaboration; friendly foes; and convenient and cautious partnerships. This typology is novel as previous studies have not classified the relations in this way. Further, it finds that a complex mix of forces drive the relations but in different directions - constraining and facilitating directions - contrary to conventional arguments that institutional isomorphic forces drive organisation into homogenisation. It adds that both the positive and the negative forces can be either beneficial or detrimental for poverty reduction programme implementation. In addition, the study establishes that the relations have more diverse implications for poverty reduction programme implementation than just the economic and efficiency arguments dominant in the extant literature. The relations have implications which are social, cultural, organisational, personality and political.
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McCarthy, Daniel R. "Power, information technology, and international relations theory : the institutional power of the Internet and American foreign policy." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/31d00cb8-faee-462c-bec6-394ca740d162.
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This thesis examines the place of information communications technology (ICT) as a form of power in International Relations (IR) theory. Through an examination of the dominant approaches to ICTs in IR I outline the need to introduce a concept of technological power which can account for agency and culture in the process of technological design and development. Turning towards the critical theory of technology of Andrew Feenberg, the thesis argues that conceptualizing technology as biased but ambivalent provides the space within which agency may be considered alongside the structuring characteristics of technology to provide a more theoretically balanced and analytically productive account of the politics of technology. Building upon this foundation, the thesis outlines ICTs as a form of institutional power in international politics, acting upon agents at a distance in both space and time. This form of power is enmeshed in, and supported by, structural power relations and the interrelated discursive and ideological forms of power which maintain these structures. I examine the utility of these concepts through an extending empirical illustration of the role of the Internet in American Foreign Policy. This analysis argues that the Internet, as a product of American technological development, expresses a bias towards liberal capitalist values which forces other states to either alter their social practices or enact costly filtering regimes. The open networks of the Internet thereby facilitate the pursuit of an Open Door foreign policy by the United States government. Accounting for the technologically embedded cultural norms of the Internet casts a different light upon the nature of power in international relations, and requires that we take the constitution of an global material culture into account in our theories of international relations.
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Akamanti, Jeanie. "An Ontological Explication of Electronic Benefit Transfer as an Institutional Mechanism of Reification and Relations of Ruling." OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/166.
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This study explicates Electronic Benefit Transfer (EBT) as a textually mediated discursive management tool. EBT is the mandatory method for food benefits and replaces the previous food stamp coupons, but the broad reaching significance is that this program is just a developmental infrastructure. The goal of the U.S. Treasury is for all government transactions, approximately $2.5 trillion a year, to be electronically conducted (National Performance Review 1993). To initiate the process, they set the first target as the 126 government benefit programs, including Social Security, Social Security, Veteran's Administration, Student Loans, Medicaid, Medicaid, Unemployment, even tax refunds. The food stamp program (now called SNAP) was selected to develop the foundational architecture of EBT. It is the forerunner of things to come. With every transaction, EBT collects data not about shopping activities or food purchases, but social and life activities that are used to construct an institutional hyperreality. EBT is to create invisible access to and uninterrupted use of data as hypertext to manufacture and orchestrate a discursive hyperreality and ideologically imagined users. These data are a social hypertext (Smith 1990, 1999). They are connected and arranged, and applied in very specific ways to communicate, activate, and articulate social and institutional relationships. They are used to represent not the lived experience but the institutional view. While they have meaning and use in their original form, hypertexts take on new proportion and significance in terms of social relations. Using institutional ethnography, I begin with the standpoint of the lived experiences of people with disabilities using EBT as the point of entry, then follow EBT's workings to reveal how it is shaping social relations and hegemonic restructuring. Topics covered include disability, age, welfare, privatization, data mining, data warehousing, and socio-technical systems and products. They lead to findings I conceptualize as hyperveillance: the use of data not just for surveillance and control, but to reify social constructs and orchestrate ruling relations. Hyperveillance is how data as hypertext are institutionally managed to invisibly insert and mediate power, mediate interdependent discursive linkages, and orchestrate social relations on both and individual and class level. To achieve this, I analytically explicate a five step Hyperveillance Circuit in terms of a digital dialectic. It begins with the swipe of the EBT card that generates the data (i.e., hypertext) and follows it through collection, analysis, ideological assemblage, and finally, its use to construct events in the institutional lens to reify hyperreality and sociological constructs. Along the hyperveillance circuit, I make analytical departure that informs broader social relations and hegemonic restructuring. This includes analytic indulgence to the fact that data as hypertext are mined, warehoused, and cross-matched with up to 2000 additional databases, and shared with other institutions and agencies for a virtually endless array of applications. At this point, I examine the implications of the ubiquitous and atemporal aspects of these practices of hyperveillance to include how they are changing social relations and how they contemporize foundational sociological concepts, especially objectification, interaction, and reification. Another analytical direction inculpates a hyperveillance industry: the government pays private companies to use the hypertext to manufacture socio-technical products that reify institutional ideology, then the companies further their profits and power by selling the products back to the government. These finding lead me to offer a Dynamic Model of Institutionalization as a research tool to explicate other digital discourses and socio-technical processes. It consists of three primary components - a target population, a dialectic of hypertext, and a legislated policy; ideology is used to unify and operationalize discursive workings. Throughout my work, the supporting analytical framework is digital discourse consisting of hypertext and what I conceptualize as hyperveillance. My research on EBT shows how hyperveillance is weaving itself into our social fabric as a way of life, and into ruling relations as an `improved' discursive approach. EBT has been uncontested and unrecognized as a discursive management tool and insertion of social and ruling relations. My research changes that, but what remains unanswered is the extent to which EBT, digital discourse, will ultimately change our social structure.
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Mathauer, Inke. "Institutional pluralism and interorganisational relations in local health care provision in Uganda : institutionalised pathologies or healing organisations?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2267/.
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This thesis is an examination of health care provision in Uganda by means of a case study in Kamuli District. In Uganda, the response to political and economic breakdown in the 1970s has been the spontaneous, decentralised emergence of a pluralist, but fragmented system made up of public, private and voluntary sector providers. While theorists and policy-makers previously placed almost exclusive emphasis on state health care provision, they now favour a system of institutional pluralism. This approach attempts to use the particular advantages attributed to each type of provider to meet diverse needs and conditions. The thesis undertakes a comparative performance analysis of each sector in relation to access, efficient use of resources and quality of care to determine each provider's relative strengths. While the public sector performs worst, the other two sectors also suffer from performance gaps. An institutional analysis is used to explain the differences in (mal-)performance. First, the thesis assesses the intraorganisational institutional mechanisms of each provider type and their ability of ensuring accountability, financial responsibility and appropriate staff incentives. Secondly, it examines the nature of interorganisational interactions and the effectiveness of the governance mechanisms for the co-ordination and regulation of the system as a whole and illuminates how these affect organisational performance. The study demonstrates that the intraorganisational institutional set-up, the governance mechanisms and the interorganisational interactions are characterised by a lack of accountability and therefore are constantly distorted through the operation of perversive incentives. These institutionalised pathologies, especially in the public sector, affect performance negatively. It is argued that a system characterised by institutional pluralism is superior. However, to benefit from its full potential and to heal organisations and put them in a position to heal, it is necessary to manage the intraorganisational and interorganisational dimensions simultaneously and to strengthen accountability mechanisms and the actors' capacities and willingness to co-operate.
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Broman, Matilda. "Taking advantage of institutional possibilities and network opportunities : analyzing Swedish strategic action in EU negotiations /." Lund : Department of Political Science, Lund University, 2008. http://www.svet.lu.se/Fulltext/Matilda_broman.pdf.
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Leung, Wai Man. "The exchange rate system of China : an empirical study with institutional factors." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/721.
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Blake, Daniel J. "Thinking Ahead: Time Horizons and the Legalization of International Investment Agreements." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1284993123.
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Braginskaia, Ekaterina. "Muslim Councils in Britain and Russia : challenges of cooperation and representation in contrasting institutional contexts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16456.
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Over the past two decades, both the British and Russian states have sought to institutionalise relations with their Muslim communities through Muslim councils. However, such attempts at institutionalisation raise challenges for these organisations, which need to balance state demands for incorporation into religious governance and Muslim community expectations for more inclusive representation. Challenges of integration and representation have received considerable coverage in Western and Russian studies. However, little comparative research has focused on the behaviour of Muslim councils and how this is affected by different institutional settings. In particular, theories of social movements and interest groups suggest that strategies for dealing with this tension between integration and representation vary between more corporatist and pluralist state-religion relations. Russia and Britain are taken as exemplars of the two traditions, and thus help us to understand how these tensions manifest themselves and are responded to in the two different contexts. The project provides a comparative analysis of the strategies and discourses used by the Muslim Council of Britain and the Russia Council of Muftis in 1997-2013. It explores the conditions under which the councils engage with or disengage from the state. It also examines how the two organisations respond to criticisms from Muslim communities and undertake internal reforms to improve their legitimacy. A detailed analysis of the councils’ engagement with state authorities and Muslim communities is used to unpack the challenges of Muslim collective representation. The thesis contributes to research by providing new empirical data and theoretical insights on Muslim national organisations. It offers an innovative analytical framework by revisiting the concepts of pluralism and corporatism and applying them to the institutional context of state-religion relations in Britain and Russia. It draws on social movement theories and institutionalist approaches to understand how Muslim organisations deal with the dual pressure of co-optation and representation. It examines how Muslim councils behave like interest group organisations and offers theoretical insights that can be extrapolated to other kinds of institutions. Finally, the thesis integrates Western and Russian scholarship on the role of interest groups in general and religious institutions in particular.
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Weinstein, Marc G. (Marc Glenn). "The remaking of the Polish industrial relations system : the institutional and ideational antecedents of firm-level employment practices." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10799.
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Koopa, Hlengiwe Precious. "Implications of intergovernmental relations for the Department of Human Settlements : an evaluation of the institutional arrangements and forums." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60499.
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The South African intergovernmental relations system is established and founded on the principles of cooperative government as set out in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Due to the relations between intergovernmental bodies being dynamic, complex, interactive and interdependent, the Constitution provided the establishment of structures and institutions to promote and facilitate intergovernmental relations and provide for appropriate mechanisms and procedures to facilitate settlement of intergovernmental disputes.
The core research objective of the study is the analysis of the intergovernmental relations environment within the Department of Human Settlements and the functionality of the Committee of Minister and the Members of the Executive Council and the Technical MinMec, the Committee of the Director-General and the Provincial Heads of Human Settlements, as the highest formal IGR structures for the objectives against which it was established. These objectives include raising matters of national interest related to human settlements with provincial governments and, if appropriate, organised local government, as well as to hear their views on those matters; to consult provincial governments and, if appropriate, organised local government on the development of national policy and legislation relating to matters affecting human settlements. The research methodology employed in the study is a qualitative approach and the method of data tool used is the interviews.
The study establishes that the Human Settlements MinMec and its supporting structure the Technical MinMec are yet to have in place and adopt rules to govern the Committee?s proceedings as is required by the IGRF Act; in terms of the institutional arrangements the study establishes that the Department of Human Settlements is not properly structured to reap the anticipated benefits of coordination; and the voice of organised local government is missing in the MinMec forum partly because there is no appreciation of the statutory requirement of its presence at MinMec. The IGRF Act however, provides that organised local government is entitled to participate through a representative with full speaking rights where the relevant matter is discussed. The study recommends that the MinMec and Technical MinMec Committees adopt rules to govern their proceedings and the rules be in accordance with the specifications of Section 33 of the IGRF Act. The study also recommends that the voice of organised local government is strengthened in line with IGRF Act and that in terms of the institutional arrangements; the Intergovernmental Relations Unit is capacitated on a progressive basis and that activities related to intergovernmental relations be coordinated more efficiently in order to reap the anticipated benefits of coordination.Dissertation (MAdmin)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
MAdmin
Unrestricted