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Journal articles on the topic 'Institutionalized democracy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

OTTEMOELLER, DAN. "Popular Perceptions of Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 1 (1998): 98–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031001005.

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This essay examines the potential for liberal democracy in Uganda by analyzing four sources: (a) results of recent national elections, (b) survey data about how Ugandans define democracy, (c) survey data about Ugandans' democratic attitudes, and, in a more theoretical vein, (d) Guillermo O'Donnell's notion of “informally institutionalized” polyarchy. Most of the survey data suggest that Ugandans hold democratic attitudes that should support a liberal democratic system. However, election results, as well as a survey of popular definitions of democracy, suggest that Ugandans do not endorse the f
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2

Smith, Graham, and Corinne Wales. "Citizens' Juries and Deliberative Democracy." Political Studies 48, no. 1 (2000): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00250.

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In the face of widespread dissatisfaction with contemporary democratic practice, there has been a growing interest in theories of deliberative democracy. However theorists have often failed to sufficiently address the question of institutional design. This paper argues that recent experiments with citizens' juries should be of interest to deliberative democrats. The practice of citizens' juries is considered in light of three deliberative democratic criteria: inclusivity, deliberation and citizenship. It is argued that citizens' juries offer important insights into how democratic deliberation
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Ortmann, Stephan. "Contentious politics and democratization in Hong Kong." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 4 (2019): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2018-0064.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why many activists in Hong Kong have shifted from demanding democracy to independence while, at least for a short time, there have been more aggressive tactics which culminated in the Fishball Revolution of 2016. Design/methodology/approach Based on event analysis, participant observation in recent protests, as well as interviews with participants and non-participants in various pro-democracy protests, this paper traces the changes of the democracy movement from 1997 until 2018. Findings The paper demonstrates that the inability of the democracy
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Cameron, Maxwell A. "Making Sense of Competitive Authoritarianism: Lessons from the Andes." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 2 (2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.3.

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AbstractScholarly attention has increasingly shifted from diminished subtypes of democracy to hybrid regimes, particularly competitive authoritarianism. Such regimes retain democracy’s formal features while failing to meet its minimum standards. When properties of distinct concepts like democracy and authoritarianism are combined, however, confusion, inaccuracy, and mischaracterization of cases may occur. By disaggregating political systems into electoral institutions, surrounding rights and freedoms, constitutionalism, and the rule of law, this article complicates the binary distinction betwe
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Guérot, Ulrike, and Michael Hunklinger. "European Democracy after COVID-19." Democratic Theory 7, no. 2 (2020): 160–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070219.

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In the past 70 years, situations that featured a lack of solidarity were always followed by the communitization of structures in the European Union. This contribution reflects on possible consequences of the COVID-19 crisis for the European Union. Even though the initial response from the EU looked unpromising and was driven at the nation-state level, the crisis may lead to new forms of solidarity through communitization. We argue that the EU needs equality for all EU citizens as well as institutionalized solidarity in order to finally become a real European democracy.
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Schmitter, Philippe C. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (2010): 887–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001325.

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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientis
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della Porta, Donatella. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (2010): 890–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001337.

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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientis
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Warren, Mark E. "Democracy and Distrust." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (2010): 892–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001349.

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Pierre Rosanvallon is one of the most important political theorists writing in French. Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust is a book about the limits of conventional understandings of democracy. Rosanvallon argues that while most theories of democracy focus on institutionalized forms of political participation (especially elections), the vitality of democracy rests equally on forms of “counter-democracy” through which citizens dissent, protest, and exert pressure from without on the democratic state. This argument is relevant to the concerns of a broad range of political scientis
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9

Jones, Mark P. "Weakly Institutionalized Party Systems and Presidential Democracy: Evidence from Guatemala." International Area Studies Review 14, no. 4 (2011): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400402.

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Klicperova-Baker, Martina, and Ivo K. Feierabend. "Democracy—institutionalized conflict resolution: Social psychological explanation of its decline." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 26, no. 2 (2020): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000438.

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Offe, Claus. "Referendum vs. Institutionalized Deliberation: What Democratic Theorists Can Learn from the 2016 Brexit Decision." Daedalus 146, no. 3 (2017): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00443.

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This essay proceeds in three steps. First, it will briefly outline the often invoked “crisis” of representative democracy and its major symptoms. Second, it will discuss a popular yet, as I shall argue, worryingly misguided response to that crisis: namely, the switch to plebiscitarian methods of “direct” democracy, as advocated, for example, by rightist populist forces in many European Union member states. The United Kingdom's Brexit referendum of June 2016 illuminates the weaknesses of this approach. Third, it will suggest a rough design for enriching representative electoral democracy with n
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12

Bester, Deretha, and Bojan Dobovšek. "State capture: Case of South Africa." Nauka, bezbednost, policija 26, no. 1 (2021): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo26-32346.

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"Grand corruption" and "state capture" are two intertwined concepts of corruption that have become systemic and institutionalized in many transitional countries around the world. "State capture" can simply be defined as "the payment of bribes at high levels of government in order to extract or plunder significant amounts of money from the state". The following paper will argue that when state capture occurs in transitional countries, it runs the risk of becoming socially embedded and institutionalized, which in turn makes it difficult to maintain the principles of democracy and threatens the o
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Fakih, Farabi. "Strategies of Rent Seeking during The Sukarno Period: Foreigners and Corruption, 1950–1965." Lembaran Sejarah 13, no. 1 (2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.33523.

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This articles tries to analyze the corruption strategy that was becoming institutionalized during the Liberal Democracy (1950-1957) and Guided Democracy (1957-1965) period and how the state dealt with these challenges through managerial strategies. Corruption here is seen as a discourse that are often used by new state elite entrant to discredit old elites, especially those with connection to the financial or economic policy makers. The position of foreigners here are central because they provide opportunities for asset transfer or the creation of new assets. By looking at the financial transi
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Vetta, Theodora. "Revived nationalism versus European democracy." Focaal 2009, no. 55 (2009): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.550106.

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Following the Belgrade riots after Kosovo's proclamation of independence in February 2008 and the rise of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party in elections since 2001, several analysts have portrayed Serbia as a highly divided and confused nation unable to choose between a European, urban, and cosmopolitan democrat identity and a patriarchal, peasant, and collectivists nationalist one. This article historicizes this widespread culture-talk by ethnographically grounding it in particular processes that constitute Serbia's trajectory toward free market economy and liberal democracy. The concept
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Qian, Yijiang Karina. "The Institutionalization of Democratic Civil Society in Taiwan: A Case Study of NGOs Working on the Hsi-Chih Trio Case." Asian Survey 49, no. 4 (2009): 716–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.4.716.

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A young democracy, Taiwan lacks agencies of horizontal accountability and aspects of a thick rule of law. This paper examines how an institutionalized, democratic civil society has held the antiquated judiciary vertically accountable for violations of due process in the famous Hsi-Chih Trio death penalty case.
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Arsovski, Dusan. "Deliberative democracy and legitimacy." Theoria, Beograd 62, no. 1 (2019): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1901119a.

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In this paper I approach the issue of the legitimacy of deliberative democracy according to how the problem between deliberation and participation is resolved. The assumption is that the decision arrived at through deliberation is legitimate if all those impacted by this decision have parttaken in its making. However, it is believed that the deliberation of all whom the decision concerns is impossible. The representative model of deliberative democracy, proposed by John Parkinson, offers a solution to this problem, commonly named mini-forums strategy. The critique of all attempts at developing
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Simon, William H. "Economic Democracy and Enterprise Form in Finance." Politics & Society 47, no. 4 (2019): 557–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219880372.

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This article considers the relative advantages of alternative enterprise forms in finance from the point of view of public accountability. The business corporation is compared to the state agency or authority, the cooperative, the state corporation, and the charitable nonprofit. These forms can be distinguished according to whether they aspire to enhance general electoral democracy or stakeholder democracy and whether their democratic controls operate directly or indirectly. The article suggests that the indirect democratic forms may be more promising than the direct ones. It also argues that
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18

Bernhard, Michael, Allen Hicken, Christopher Reenock, and Staffan I. Lindberg. "Parties, Civil Society, and the Deterrence of Democratic Defection." Studies in Comparative International Development 55, no. 1 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-019-09295-0.

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AbstractThe third wave of democratization has given way to a reverse wave of autocratization. A critical question is what can be done to prevent democratic breakdowns and make democracy endure. A large body of historical-narrative and small-N comparative scholarship has suggested that an active mobilized civil society and institutionalized political parties can be mobilized to protect democracy from authoritarian takeovers. We provide the first rigorous set of empirical analyses to test this argument using data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project for the period from 1900 to 2010. W
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Sjoberg, Gideon. "Democracy, Science, and Institutionalized Dissent: Toward a Social Justification for Academic Tenure." Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 4 (1998): 697–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389663.

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Braithwaite, Jessica Maves, and Amanda Abigail Licht. "The Effect of Civil Society Organizations and Democratization Aid on Civil War Onset." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 6 (2019): 1095–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719888684.

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A growing literature identifies both situations where aid promotes peace and those where aid encourages violence. Specifically, research shows lower probability of conflict onset in democratizing states receiving high levels of democracy assistance. However, theorizing has overlooked important actors who have agency in spending such aid: civil society organizations (CSOs). We posit that the status of civil society within recipient states conditions the effect of democracy aid inflows on conflict probability. Using an instrumental variables approach to account for endogeneity between aid alloca
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Feng, Yi. "Democracy and Growth: The Sub-Saharan African Case, 1960-1992." Review of Black Political Economy 25, no. 1 (1996): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02690054.

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This article conducts a cross-national analysis of forty sub-Saharan African countries during the years 1960-1992. It examines the long-run relationship between political democracy and economic growth, taking advantage of the availability of large economic and political data sets. The conclusion from this study is that the economy grows faster under a regime that enjoys a higher level of institutionalized democracy. It is also found that a positive feedback relationship exists between democracy and growth; while democracy promotes growth, growth leads to a higher level of democratization. In a
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ZYBOROWICZ, Stanisław. "Demokracja dyskursywna w myśleniu politycznym." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.3.10.

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The paper concerns one of the concepts of democracy. Each democracy assumes that the people who live together in society need certain procedures/institutions to make binding decisions that take into consideration everybody’s interests. The notion of a deliberative democracy is used to describe a system of political decisions based on the decision-making process perceived as a combination of consensus and representative democracy. Discursive democracy is a theoretical model of a political system propagated by Jurgen Habermas and Jon Elster, and also by Joshua Cohen, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thomp
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Hyde, Susan D., and Nikolay Marinov. "Information and Self-Enforcing Democracy: The Role of International Election Observation." International Organization 68, no. 2 (2014): 329–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000465.

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AbstractThis article argues that when democracy is not yet institutionalized, leaders have little incentive to push for clean elections, in part because they are likely to face accusations of fraud from domestic opposition groups regardless of their true behavior. Reputable international election observers can facilitate self-enforcing democracy by providing credible information about the quality of elections, thus increasing citizens’ ability to coordinate against the regime when election fraud occurs, and discrediting “sore loser” protests. Patterns of postelection protests are consistent wi
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Glencross, Andrew. "Post-democracy and institutionalized austerity in France: budgetary politics during François Hollande’s presidency." French Politics 16, no. 2 (2018): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41253-017-0053-6.

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Bonvin, Jean-Michel, Francesco Laruffa, and Emilie Rosenstein. "Towards a Critical Sociology of Democracy: The Potential of the Capability Approach." Critical Sociology 44, no. 6 (2017): 953–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517701273.

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The aim of this article is to lay down the foundations of a critical sociology of democracy and participation. Based on Amartya Sen’s capability approach, we identify four major pitfalls of classical theories on justice and deliberative democracy: 1) an excessive emphasis on the procedural dimension of democracy at the expense of its substantial value; 2) an ideal of deliberation that does not sufficiently account for the inequalities that characterize actual participative practices; 3) an ideal approach to rationality which is inconsistent with the plurality of reasons to value and arguments
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Moraski, Bryon. "Electoral System Reform in Democracy's Grey Zone: Lessons from Putin's Russia." Government and Opposition 42, no. 4 (2007): 536–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00235.x.

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AbstractBesides seat maximization, what factors motivate an incumbent regime in the grey zone between democracy and dictatorship to alter a relatively institutionalized parliamentary electoral system? To answer this question, this article seeks to uncover the rationale guiding the 2005 changes to Russia's electoral system. It presents evidence to suggest that the same strategies that allowed Russia's current party of power to use the existing electoral system to its advantage in the 2003 Duma election, threatened to spoil the fruits of that advantage in the years to come. Yet it also points ou
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Wilkinson, Steven I. "Where’s the Party? The Decline of Party Institutionalization and What (if Anything) that Means for Democracy." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (2015): 420–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.5.

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Strong institutionalized parties are often seen as vital for healthy democracies. The Indian case, therefore, represents a strange paradox: many parties are weak, corrupt and personalistic, yet democracy as a whole seems to be thriving, with increasing turnout and apparently strong popular support for democratic procedures and norms. This article explores some of the reasons for this strange outcome and suggests that the existing literature on party institutionalization might need some revision.
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Davis, Diane E. "Undermining the Rule of Law: Democratization and the Dark Side of Police Reform in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 1 (2006): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00338.x.

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AbstractThis article asks whether democratization, under certain historical conditions, may relate to the deteriorating rule of law. Focusing on Mexico City, where police corruption is significant, this study argues that the institutionalized legacies of police power inherited from Mexico's one-party system have severely constrained its newly democratic state's efforts to reform the police. Mexico's democratic transition has created an environment of partisan competition that, combined with decentralization of the state and fragmentation of its coercive and administrative apparatus, exacerbate
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Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Income Inequality, Democracy, and Public Sector Size." American Sociological Review 70, no. 1 (2005): 158–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240507000108.

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This study synthesizes and tests explanations of how public sector size and democracy affect income inequality. The results, based on unbalanced panel data for 64 developing and developed countries and a total of 341 observations from 1970 to 1994, show that a strong interaction between democracy and public sector development explains withincountry income inequality. Public sector expansion translates into worse distributional outcomes in nondemocracies or limited democracies because the state is more inclined to support the development of particular core industries or client populations in ur
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de Moor, Joost, and Soetkin Verhaegen. "Gateway or getaway? Testing the link between lifestyle politics and other modes of political participation." European Political Science Review 12, no. 1 (2020): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000377.

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AbstractMany have depicted a steady rise in lifestyle politics. Individuals are increasingly using everyday life choices about consumption, transportation, or modes of living to address political, environmental, or ethical issues. While celebrated by some as an expansion of political participation, others worry this trend may be detrimental for democracy, for instance, by reducing citizens to consumers. Implicit in this common critique is the notion that lifestyle politics will replace, rather than coexist with or lead to, other forms of political participation. We provide the first detailed l
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Spiro, Peter J. "Social Movements for Global Democracy. By Jackie Smith. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008. 286p." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (2009): 380–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090926.

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World government is once again being taken seriously. For decades the target of ridicule, some form of institutionalized global decision making may be inevitable. As the proposition wins broader acceptance, scholars are coming to more closely explore the modalities of world government and the place of democracy within it. The enhanced profile of new actors in globalization's wake has magnified the challenge. Amid conditions of deep instability, isolating elements of a new decision-making architecture is a formidable theoretical task.
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STOCKTON, HANS. "Political Parties, Party Systems, and Democracy in East Asia." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 1 (2001): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034001004.

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Institutionalized parties and party systems have traditionally been viewed as necessary conditions for democracies to function effectively. Although this area of research is germane to all democracies, most analyses have been divided by regional investigation. Seeking to bridge the gap, this article applies concepts and measures of institutionalization from the study of Latin America to Pacific Asia's two most prominent cases of democratic transition, South Korea and Taiwan. An effort is made to apply the approaches of Dix and Mainwaring and Scully on party and system institutionalization in L
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DIX, ROBERT H. "Democratization and the Institutionalization of Latin American Political Parties." Comparative Political Studies 24, no. 4 (1992): 488–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092024004004.

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In this article, the author assesses the prospects for the consolidation of democracy in Latin America in the 1990s, compared with the failure to achieve that goal in the 1960s, by examining the institutionalization of political parties in the two time periods. Samuel Huntington's criteria of institutionalization (adaptability, complexity, autonomy, and coherence) are used and employ a variety of indicators (some empirical, some more judgmental) to assess the degree of change between the 1960s and the 1980s. He concludes that, although there is significant variation among countries, for the ma
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Schaffer, Johan Karlsson. "The co-originality of human rights and democracy in an international order." International Theory 7, no. 1 (2015): 96–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971914000426.

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This paper analyses Jürgen Habermas’s claim that democracy and human rights are co-original and its implications for his international theory. A central argument in his theory, the co-originality thesis suggests that human rights and democracy are not only both fundamental and mutually supportive, but also ‘equi-primordial’ and internally related. Reconstructing Habermas’s argument as it has developed over two decades, I argue that his account of constitutional democracy has difficulties accounting for the enmeshment of constitutional and international human rights, while his three-tiered mode
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Mainwaring, Scott. "From Representative Democracy to Participatory Competitive Authoritarianism: Hugo Chávez and Venezuelan Politics." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (2012): 955–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002629.

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The study of Latin American politics has always generated great new research questions, and within Latin America, no country's experience has generated more interesting questions than Venezuela since the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Contemporary Venezuela raises fascinating questions about the collapse of a highly institutionalized party system and the erosion or breakdown of what had been the third-oldest democracy outside of the advanced industrial democracies. What accounts for these stunning developments? What can we learn from them? These issues go to the core of important development
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Dahal, Girdhari. "Democratic Practice and Good Governance In Nepal." Journal of Political Science 17 (February 6, 2017): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v17i0.20511.

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Nepal was declared Federal Democratic Republic after the mass movement of 2006, which was institutionalized by the Constitution of Nepal promulgated through Constitutional Assembly (CA) in 2015. The Constitution of Nepal is the people’s constitution. It was a dream of people to draft their constitution from CA since 1951. Nepal has a long history of democratic movements. Democratic movements in Nepal started from the period of autocratic Rana regime back in 1940s. Nepal Praja Parisad (the first political party of Nepal) had started organized democratic movement in Nepal. Thereafter many democr
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Pinheiro, Jair, and Maria Angélica Paraizo. "POPULISMO E AUTONOMIA RELATIVA DO ESTADO." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 2 (2020): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n2p672-688.

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Este artigo visa examinar as principais acepções do conceito de populismo encontradas na literatura para, ao final, propor uma acepção alternativa segundo a qual o populismo constitui um efeito típico da estrutura do Estado capitalista. Faz uma análise que possui um caráter teórico e, por meio de uma apreciação materialista da bibliografia corrente sobre o populismo, busca demonstrar a maneira de interpretar esse fenômeno político como específico da estrutura jurídico-política das formações sociais capitalistas e, com isso, apontar os limites das abordagens que tomam por referência a oposição
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Gudžinskas, Liutauras. "The Sunset of Social Democracy in East-Central Europe: Case Study of Hungary." Politologija 97, no. 1 (2020): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.97.4.

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The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – “Fidesz,” led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organi
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Hao, Shinan, and Qiqi Gao. "EAST ASIAN PATHWAYS TOWARD DEMOCRACY: A QUALITATIVE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF “THE THIRD WAVE”." Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (2016): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2016.2.

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AbstractWhat drove the East Asian tide of democratization during the “Third Wave?” Instead of focusing on a single-factor explanation, we perform qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) on fourteen cases in the region of East Asia from 1980 to 2000 and find three parallel pathways: (1) overthrow model, which features the positive effects of mass mobilization against authoritarianism under a deinstitutionalized authoritarian regime; (2) urban pressure model that works under an institutionalized authoritarian regime; and (3) inside-out model, in which democratization is triggered by the joint for
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Praznik, Katja. ""The crucial question seems to me how is democracy institutionalized…": A conversation with Darko Suvin." Extrapolation 53, no. 2 (2012): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/extr.2012.11.

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Iglesias Alonso, Ángel H., and Roberto L. Barbeito Iglesias. "Participatory Democracy in Local Government." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 20, no. 2 (2020): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.20.2.3.

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In 2015, the local government of the city of Madrid (Spain) introduced an electronic participation system. This initiative stemmed mainly from the social movements that had occupied the squares of many Spanish cities since 2011. As a result of the local elections in 2015, many of those same activists gained institutional power, took citizens’ participation very seriously, and decided to use the possibilities offered by the internet for political and administrative participation. In this article, we seek to assess the impacts of the Madrid city government with the e-democracy experiment – based
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Yashar, Deborah J. "Democracy, Indigenous Movements, and Postliberal Challenge in Latin America." World Politics 52, no. 1 (1999): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100020037.

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Scholars of democratic consolidation have come to focus on the links between political institutions and enduring regime outcomes. This article takes issue with the conceptual and analytical underpinnings of this literature by highlighting how new political institutions, rather than securing democratic politics, have in fact had a more checkered effect. It delineates why the theoretical expectations of the democratic consolidation literature have not been realized and draws, by example, on the contemporary ethnic movements that are now challenging third-wave democracies. In particular, it highl
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43

Lechner, Norbert. "Marktgesellschaft und die Veränderung von Politikmustern." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 24, no. 97 (1994): 549–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v24i97.979.

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The article investigates the effects of extensive enforcement of the market society on the pattems of politics in the example of the Latin American countries. The institutionalized politics as well as the »political« (the symbolic representations of the collective order) undergo a transformation, during which the context and the meaning of democracy is changed. Instead of politics being trapped within the mere market logic and only reacting to challenges, a policy which tries toregulate social processes with the aim of a collective order for the collectivity is necessary.
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44

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (2018): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000190.

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This is a particularly rich crop of books on Greek history. I commence with two important volumes on citizenship in archaic and classical Greece. Traditional narratives of Greek citizenship are based on three assumptions: that citizenship is a legal status primarily linked to political rights; that there was a trajectory from the primitive forms of archaic citizenship to the developed and institutionalized classical citizenship; and that the history of citizenship is closely linked to a wider Whig narrative of movement from the aristocratic politics of archaic Greece to classical Athenian demo
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45

Óskarsdóttir, Stefanía. "Public committees and corporatism: How does Iceland compare to Scandinavia?" Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 14, no. 1 (2018): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2018.14.1.8.

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This paper compares the number of corporatist public committees, appointed by central government, in Iceland and Scandinavia (Denmark, Norway, Sweden). Its main aim is to shed light on where Iceland stands compared to these countries in term of corporatist practices. Scholars view corporatist public committees as the core expression of Scandinavian corporatism and thus well suited for the measurement of corporatism. This study shows that the functional representational channel is an important feature of Icelandic democracy. In Iceland various interest groups are integrated into the democratic
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.

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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than i
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Pappas, Takis S. "Political Leadership and the Emergence of Radical Mass Movements in Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 8 (2008): 1117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007302344.

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The perception of liberal democracy as a solidly institutionalized system in which opposition forces moderately compete with legitimate authority is so fixed that people are often surprised when mass radicalism emerges. Why, when, and how do radical mass movements emerge in pluralist (or semipluralist) political systems? The article, by linking radical action at the mass level with strategic choices at the elite level, argues in favor of an explanation based on symbolic framing processes. Radical mass action is best explained by the symbolic-cum-strategic action of individual political entrepr
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Medir, Lluís. "Understanding local democracy in Catalonia: From formally institutionalized processes to self-organized social referenda on independence." International Journal of Iberian Studies 28, no. 2 (2015): 267–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.28.2-3.267_7.

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Choi, Joon Nak, and Ji Yeon Hong. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AS A POLITICAL RESOURCE: REVISITING THE KOREAN DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (2020): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.37.

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AbstractIn this paper, we study how political parties react to democratic transitions. We find that the structure of legislators’ social networks plays a critical role in shaping their political interactions during the transition period, and consequently, the post-transition party systems that emerge. We focus on the Korean case, where the incumbent authoritarian party merged with one of its pro-democracy opponents to create a powerful and enduring conservative party under democratic rule. Using a novel individual-level dataset on all legislative members during the transition, we find that the
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Rose-Ackerman, Susan. "From Elections to Democracy in Central Europe: Public Participation and the Role of Civil Society." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (2007): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297132.

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The new European Union member states in Eastern Europe do not have fully consolidated democracies. True, popularly elected legislatures are responsible for lawmaking, and citizens can challenge the case-by-case implementation of the law. But most statutes are not self-implementing. Before they can be put into effect, governments need to issue general regulations and guidelines that add specificity to the statutory scheme. At present, this type of government policy making often is not democratically accountable. Procedures inside government lack transparency and accountability, and organized ci
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