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1
SOUZA, GUSTAVO SANT ANNA DE. "VOICE INSURRECTION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=30175@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar os elementos não-lexicais, todavia produtores de sentido, na performance vocal dentro do campo da canção. Tomam-se como norte epistemológico os estudos do suíço Paul Zumthor, que, ao falar sobre voz poética, afirma que ela transcende a linguagem simbólica e manifesta suas qualidades materiais no tom, timbre, intensidade e demais elementos não linguísticos, porém expressivos e instauradores de presença. A pesquisa se desenvolve em torno de alguns desses elementos, buscando entender melhor como atuam, de que maneira se organizam e por meio de que parâmetros produzem diferenças e semelhanças que afetam diretamente a produção de sentido no âmbito da língua em seu estado musical. Paralelamente, adotou-se como conceito teórico-empírico a proposição do compositor e linguista brasileiro Luiz Tatit, para quem, no universo da palavra cantada, a eficácia da linguagem poética provém das potências da entoação. Assim, buscamos na investigação de aspectos sonoros relacionados à fala e à oralidade os elementos materiais que dão subsídio a nossas elucubrações teóricas e proposições estéticas.
The purpose of this work is to identify and investigate non-lexical elements, however producers of meaning in vocal performance in the song field. We take as a starting point the studies of Paul Zumthor, a Swiss linguist, who, when speaking of poetic voice, states that it transcends the symbolic language and expresses its material qualities in tone, timbre, loudness and other sound elements that in spite of being called non-linguistics are significant and responsible for creating presence. We have developed our research around some of these elements, trying to comprehend how they act, organize and create similarities and differences that affect directly the creation of meaning in the language in its musical state. At the same time, we adopted as a theoretical and empirical concept the proposition of Luiz Tatit, a Brazilian songwriter and also a linguist, who advocates that the efficacy of the poetic language in the universe of song lyrics comes from the characters of the intonation. In this investigation of the sound elements, we intend to find sufficient material to subside our theoretical reflections and aesthetical propositions.
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Malay, Armando. "Maoisme, loi martiale et insurrection aux Philippines, 1966-1980." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375949355.
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Moran, James Michael. "The drama of Easter 1916 : mythologizing and demythologizing an insurrection." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615899.
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Darrieux, Eric. "Résister en décembre 1851 en Ardèche : essai d’histoire sociale d’une insurrection." Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2007/darrieux_e.
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En décembre 1851, le président de la République, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, prolonge son mandat par un coup d’État. Cet événement parisien eût des répercussions dans les campagnes de plusieurs départements de province. Les réactions engendrées par ce coup d’État sont décrites comme « des insurrections pour la République » pour la défense du principe républicain et de la constitution violée à Paris par le président en exercice. La thèse s’intéresse ainsi aux résistants du département de l’Ardèche et s’attache à rechercher les motivations de leur action en adoptant les méthodes de l’histoire sociale fine, résolument centrées sur les acteurs de l’insurrection observés au sein de leur communauté villageoiseIn December 1851, following a Coup d’État, French President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte extended his mandate. This event, which took place in Paris, had repercussion on different rural parts of the province. The way people reacted to this Coup were described as being “Republican Risings” supporting the Republic and its constitution which had been flouted by the President in office. Resorting to the minute methodology used in Social History that concentrates on the actors of these insurrections within their community, in their daily life, this thesis therefore focuses on the resistants in the Ardèche region and on what motivated their actions
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Darrieux, Eric Mayaud Jean-Luc. "Résister en décembre 1851 en Ardèche essai d'histoire sociale d'une insurrection /." Lyon : Université Lumière Lyon 2, 2008. http://demeter.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2007/darrieux_e.
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Ravindran, Santhanam. "Secessionist guerrillas : a study of violent Tamil insurrection in Sri Lanka, 1972-1987." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28269.
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In Sri Lanka, the Tamils' demand for a federal state has turned within a quarter of a century into a demand for the independent state of Eelam. Forces of secession set in motion by emerging Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the resultant Tamil nationalism gathered momentum during the 1970s and 1980s which threatened the political integration of the island. Today Indian intervention has temporarily arrested the process of disintegration. But post-October 1987 developments illustrate that the secessionist war is far from over and secession still remains a real possibility.
This thesis focuses on the phenomenon of Tamil armed secessionism. To better understand the forces responsible for the armed secessionist insurrection, this, thesis analyzes the preconditions leading to the violent conflict between the minority Tamils and the majority Sinhalese in Sri Lanka. The consistent failure of the political system to accommodate the basic Tamil demands has contributed to the emergence of Tamil armed secessionism. Further, diverse factors have given impetus to the growth of Tamil secessionist movements. However, the three main political actors in the secessionist struggle — the Sri Lankan government, the Indian central government together with the state government of Tamil Nadu and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam — have had a major impact on the vicissitudes of the Tamil secessionist insurrection.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Giesecke, Margarita. "The Trujillo Insurrection, the APRA party and the making of modern Peruvian politics." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261846.
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Plath, Lydia. "Performances of honour : manhood and violence in the Mississippi slave insurrection scare of 1835." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2789/.
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In early July, 1835, rumours of a slave insurrection swept central Mississippi. Deviant white men, with bad characters and dishonourable motives, were—or so the residents of the small towns along the Big Black River in Madison County believed—plotting to incite the slaves to rebellion so that during the resulting panic they could rob the banks and plunder the cities. These rumours were entirely unfounded, but within a few weeks, groups of white citizens calling themselves ‘committees of safety’ had examined and tortured an unknown number of men (both white and black) whom they thought to be involved in the conspiracy, and by the end of July about a dozen white men and around twenty or thirty slaves had been put to death in Mississippi. As a moment during which white men not only articulated their notion of what it meant to be a ‘man,’ but also demonstrated and violently enforced it, the insurrection scare is an opening, a window, into the lives of men in the antebellum South. Through this window, we can see how Southern white men conceived of their identity as white men and constructed a notion of manhood—one of honour—to which all white men, regardless of class, could aspire. While Northerners emphasised restraint, and inner feelings of honour, Southern manhood was defined almost entirely by public display. Honour had to be performed. Further, because all white men could attempt to give a performance of honour, there existed in the South a sense of equality amongst all white men—a herrenvolk democracy—despite the vast differences in wealth and status that existed. African Americans, on the other hand, could make no claims to honour in the eyes of white men because to have honour was to have power.
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Senaratne, Jagath P. "Tamil secessionist insurrection and counterinsurgency in Sri Lanka, 1977-1994 : an analysis of government policies." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2014. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/8828/.
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Lafon, Jean-Marc. "Le paradoxe andalou (1808-1812) : contre-insurrection, collaboration et résistances dans le midi de l'Espagne." Montpellier 3, 2004. http://www.numeriquepremium.com/content/books/9782847361896.
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Ce travail s'efforce d'expliquer le changement d'attitude opéré en Andalousie durant la Guerre d'Indépendance. À la mobilisation et à la violence extrême qui triomphèrent des forces de Dupont pendant l'été 1808 succédèrent la soumission du printemps 1810 et une guérilla embryonnaire et mal dégagée du brigandage, malgré un contexte géopolitique très favorable. En revanche, la collaboration tant militaire que civile y connut une audience indéniable. Outre le programme novateur de contre-insurrection impulsé par Soult, c'était l'effet des ambiguïtés de l'insurrection et des contradictions de la société méridionale. Cependant, le tour de vis fiscal imposé par l'occupant, pour subvenir aux besoins de l'Armée du Midi et financer son programme industrialo-militaire, rendait difficile toute pacification à longue échéance. Disette, exode rural et brigandage généralisé marquèrent la dernière phase de l'occupationThis work strives to elucidate attitude changes in Andalusia during the Peninsular War. Despite a propitious geopolitical context, mobilization and extreme violence, which overcame the Dupont forces during the summer of 1808, were followed by the surrender of Spring 1810 and the makings of a Guerrilla associated with plunder. On the other hand, both military and civil collaboration were undeniably present. Over and above the innovative program of counter-revolt stimulated by Soult, there existed the effect of the ambiguities of the revolt itself along with the contradictions of meridional society. The fiscal restrictions, howewer, imposed by the Occupant to provide for the needs of the Southern Army and finance its military and industrial program, made long-term pacification difficult. Poverty, rural exodus and plunder marked the last phase of the Occupation
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Carlson, Ted W. "The Philippine Insurrection the U.S. Navy in a military operation other than war, 1899-1902." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1288.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.U.S. naval doctrine has been dominated by the Mahanian concept of massing large capital ships for over one hundred years. Yet, it was a Cyclone-class patrol craft, a USCG cutter, and an Australian frigate that pushed up the Khor-Abd-Allah waterway and opened up the port of Umm Qasr, Iraq, during the Second Gulf War. They continue to protect it and the surrounding oil infrastructure from attack from insurgents and terrorists today. With the navy's current interest in transformation, the question arises, is the navy as presently configured well suited for today's threats? This thesis explores the question of how should the navy meet threats to national interests. This is accomplished through historical analysis of an event that is similar to the situation today: The Philippine Insurrection (1899-1902). This episode showcases the shortcomings of the navy's conventional approach to military operations other than war, and the need for change. In today's asymmetric environment, the past provides insight into effective means for handling these types of threats. This thesis concludes that the navy needs to diversify itself to incorporate different ship platforms, platforms that incorporate the utility of old with the technology of new.
Lieutenant, United States Navy
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Carlson, Ted W. "The Philippine Insurrection : the U.S. Navy in a military operations other than war, 1899-1902 /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FCarlson.pdf.
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Bédée, Estelle. "L’Insurrection dans le roman du XIXe siècle : de Prosper Mérimée à Lucien Descaves." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100163/document.
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Le travail construit un corpus autour de romans canoniques consacrés au thème de l'insurrection. Il s'agit d'étudier les représentations de la foule, les portraits d'insurgés, la place du référent historique, ainsi que la dimension idéologique de ces textes. L’étude typologique amène donc à réfléchir sur des questions génériques : roman historique, roman à thèse, et dans une certaine mesure, roman d'aventure. Les interactions de l’écriture romanesque avec les autres formes d’expression artistiques et médiatiques permettent d’interroger sur le rapport au contexte, en s’appuyant également sur l’histoire littéraire. La thèse est donc divisée en deux parties : la première approfondit le contexte du XIXe siècle,en France et à l’étranger, afin de comprendre la relation à l’évènement et les idéologies de l’époque, qui se retrouvent intégrés à la fiction. La seconde se concentre sur l’écriture, (les personnages, motifs et discours), pour tenter de répondre à la question suivante : le roman d’insurrection est-il un genre à part entière ? L’insurrection en tant que thème apparaît alors comme le moyen d’exprimer son rapport au monde, une modalité d’expression à la fois ancrée dans le réel et soumise à une vision subjective qui ne peut s’affranchir de l’idéologie ; le roman d’insurrection devient alors un fragment de la chronique et une ouverture sur l’histoire contemporaineWork builds a corpus around canonical novels devoted to the topic of the insurrection. It is about studying crowds’pictures, insurgents’ portraits, place of the historical referent, as well as the ideological dimension of these texts. The typology study thus brings to reflect on generic questions: historical novel, Romance with thesis, and to a certain extent adventure’s stories. The interactions of the writing with other artistic and media forms of expression make it possible to question on the report with the context, while being also based on the literary history. So the thesis is divided into two parts: the first looks further into the context of the 19th century, in France and abroad, in order to understand the relation with the event and the ideologies of the time, which are found integrated into the fiction. The second concentrates on the writing, (characters, reasons and speech), to try to answer the following question: is the novel of insurrection a kind except for whole? The insurrection as a topic then seems the means of expressing his report in the world, a method of expression at the same time anchored in reality and subjected to a subjective vision which cannot be freed from the ideology; the novel of insurrection becomes then a fragment of the chronicle and an opening on the modern history
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Lafaye, Christophe. "Le génie en Afghanistan : adaptation d'une arme en situation de contre-insurrection (2001-2012) : hommes, matériels, emploi." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1041.
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Cette recherche doctorale en histoire immédiate, s'inscrit dans une réflexion plus large sur l'étude de nouveaux conflits, la culture et l'emploi des forces armées françaises sur le terrain, en prenant l'exemple de son engagement en Afghanistan. Elle porte particulièrement sur l'emploi de l'arme du génie dont nous postulons à la grande importance de ses savoir-faire sur le terrain, en situation de contre-insurrectionThis doctoral research takes part on the study of the new conflicts, by taking the example of the French engineers in Afghanistan. We postulate for the big importance of these combat support units in situation of counterinsurgency
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Doyle, Rosie. "The pronunciamiento in nineteenth-century Mexico : the case of Jalisco (1821-1852)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3099.
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The pronunciamiento was a political practice with its origins in early nineteenth-century Spain. It was a form of political petitioning usually undertaken by coalitions of military and civilian actors to make demands against regional and national governments and negotiate political change. The petitions were generally accompanied with the threat of the use of military force should the demands not be met. As such, pronunciamientos have been defined by Will Fowler as “forceful negotiations.” The pronunciamiento developed as a political practice in a context of institutional disarray and contested legitimacy as a response to the constitutional crisis in Spain (1812-1820), and it became a particularly popular political tool in early independent Mexico (1821-1876) in a context in which successive governments experimented with new political systems. The fact that the institutions these governments created needed to acquire a political legitimacy that was stable enough to replace that of the Ancien Regime would prove problematic. It would be this context of uncertain legitimacies that would allow the pronunciamiento to develop a legitimacy of its own. It was an extra-constitutional, subversive form of political participation. It was used as a last resort by political actors who believed that, in the particular circumstance of having constitutional routes closed to them or of the government having broken the social pact, they had a right to insurrection to protect the people from the abuses of unjust or tyrannical government. As it developed in early independent Mexico, the pronuciamiento became one of the most used practices for effecting political change. Pronunciamientos were used at one time or another by political actors of all social classes and political persuasions. They preceded most of the major political changes of the period on both a regional and national scale, be they changes in government, the introduction of new laws or a change of political system. Pronunciamientos have often been referred to in the historiography of early independent Mexico as military revolts or coups. The pronunciamiento has thus been seen as a cause of instability and evidence of praetorianism in the political life of nineteenth-century Spain and independent Mexico. However, recent and current research on the subject, including the project at the University of St Andrews “The Pronunciamiento in Independent Mexico 1821 – 1876” of which this PhD is a part, has resulted in a revision of this narrow view of pronunciamientos as revolts and coups. The project and its affiliated researchers have developed a picture of the pronunciamiento as a political practice which was much more intimately involved with the newly developing constitutional institutions than previously thought. This PhD is a contribution to that revision which uses regional history to analyse the nature and evolution of the pronunciamiento. It is a study of the dynamics of and political actors involved in pronunciamientos in the state of Jalisco in western Mexico between 1821 and 1852. Jalisco in the early national period was a geopolitically important state and a popular place from which to launch pronunciamientos. Many political actors from within and without the state chose to launch pronunciamientos from Jalisco some of which had a significant impact on regional and national politics. To date there has been no thoroughgoing study of the phenomenon of the pronunciamiento as it developed in Jalisco. This analysis of the pronunciamientos which took place in Jalisco shows that pronunciamientos were used by all political actors to effect political change and had a very real effect on the lives of those directly involved as well as those of the general public who witnessed pronunciamientos on the streets of their towns and cities. It shows how pronunciamientos became closely interconnected with the newly developing constitutional institutions and how, while most pronunciamientos were recognized by all political actors as potential bearers of instability, the pronunciamiento was also considered to be a legitimate form of political participation given the extraordinary circumstance of a lack of recognised or legitimate government. The research demonstrates that pronunciamientos launched in Jalisco had a central part to play in the development of the new political order in the “age of democratic revolutions” and during the transition Mexico underwent from having a traditional corporate society and polity to acquiring a modern liberal one. The findings of this study provide an insight into the way in which political culture developed in Jalisco in the early national period. Alongside regional studies into the pronunciamientos launched in the San Luis Potosí and Yucatán in a similar period carried out by Kerry McDonald and Shara Ali, this research helps to develop a picture of how Mexican pronunciamientos worked at a local level allowing for more accurate generalisations to be made regarding the pronunciamiento as a practice on a national scale. The study also contributes to an understanding of how politics worked in Mexico in periods of institutional disarray, uncertain legitimacy and political transition and how insurrectionary political forms became legitimised.
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François, David. "La violence dans le discours et les pratiques du PCF de 1920 à la Seconde guerre mondiale." Thesis, Dijon, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012DIJOL004.
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La place de la violence dans l'histoire du XX° siècle est l'objet de nombreuses études depuis la publication des ouvrages de l'historien américain George L. Mosse. Si cet intérêt s'est longtemps concentré sur l'étude des mouvements d'extrême-droite, depuis une décennie la recherche historique se penche sur l'étude des relations qu'entretient le communisme, avec la violence. C'est dans cet environnement historiographique que notre étude vise à éclairer la place tenue par la violence dans la vie du PCF de sa naissance, en 1920, à son interdiction en septembre 1939. Dans un premier temps, après avoir analysé la place de la violence dans le mouvement socialiste et ouvrier avant 1914, il s'agit de percevoir la nouveauté introduite par l'idéologie bolchevique dans cette relation au moment où la société française est confrontée à la Grande Guerre et ses séquelles et de déterminer le rôle de la violence dans la naissance du PCF et dans son développement jusqu'à la fin des années 1920. Nous analysons ensuite la période « classe contre classe » où le PC développe pleinement les potentialités contenues dans la culture de guerre civile qu'il cultive depuis sa naissance. Il essaye alors d'inscrire cette guerre civile dans la réalité française. Le discours qui s'appuie sur la simplification de la perception des réalités politiques, économiques et sociales, décryptée au prisme de la culture de la guerre civile se durcit pour marquer l'imminence de la parousie révolutionnaire. Le PCF prône alors la confrontation directe avec les forces de l'ordre dans le but de conquérir la rue tout en essayant de mettre sur pied une force paramilitaire. L'abandon de l'activisme violent à la fin de 1931 entraîne une période d'hésitation sur la place de la violence dans la stratégie communiste, hésitation qui prend fin à partir de 1934 avec le tournant vers le Front populaire qui fait l'objet de notre troisième et dernière partie. La culture de guerre civile, que porte en lui le communisme, s'intègre alors à la culture républicaine sous le signe de l'antifascisme. Ce processus, qui participe aux succès que connaissent alors les communistes, entraîne une atténuation de la place de la violence dans la politique du PCF, mais non sa disparition. Sa trace se retrouve dans la politique interne de vigilance révolutionnaire, l'usage de la force contre les fascistes et les renégats et le rôle des communistes français sur le front espagnol durant la guerre civileThe place of violence in history of XX ° century is the object of many studies since the studies of the American historian George L. Mosse. If this interest has concentrated for a long time on the study of the far-right movements, for decade historical research leans over the study of relations communism, with violence. It's in this historiographic environment that our study aims at lighting the place held by violence in the life of PCF since its birth, in 1920 to its ban in September, 1939. At first, having analysed the place of violence in socialist and working movement before 1914 and the novelty introduced by the bolchevik ideology in this relation at the time when the French society is confronted with First World War and its consequences to determine the role of violence in the birth of PCF and in its development during 1920s. We analyse the period «class against class» where the PC develops entirely potentialities contained in the culture of civil war which it cultivates since its birth. He tries to register this civil war in French reality. The speech which leans on the simplification of the perception of political, economic and social realities, having read in prism of the culture of civil war to mark the imminence of the revolutionary parousie. PCF search direct confrontation with police force in the intention of winning the street, while trying to set up a paramilitary force. The end of violent activism at the end of 1931 draws away a period of hesitancy on the place of violence in communist strategy, hesitancy which comes to end from 1934 with turn towards the Popular Front which makes the object of our third and last part. The culture of civil war, that hits in him communism, integrates then with republican culture under the sign of antifascism. This process, which participates in the successes which know then the communists, draws away an alleviation of the place of violence in the policy of PCF, but not its disappearance. Its trace is in the internal policy of revolutionary alertness, the usage of force against the fascists and the renegades and the role of the French communists on the Spanish front during civil war
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Souza, Coletty Viviana de. "Territoire esthétique et territoire politique corps et insurrection à travers l’art : une étude d’après l’oeuvre de Tatsumi Hijikata." Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080147/document.
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La présente étude s’établit dans le but d’approfondir compréhensions de la relation entre dynamiques de création de territoires politiques et la création de langages artistiques, à partir de l’analyse de l’oeuvre de Tatsumi Hijikata.Les questions centrales de ce travail émergent d’un parcours d’étude interdisciplinaire qu’implique fondements de la philosophie, esthétique, phénoménologie et sémiotique. Parmi les auteurs étudiés figurent principalement Bergson, Bachelard, Deleuze, Guattari, Uno, Tancelin et Greiner.Tout en se basant dans les concepts de déterritorialisation et reterritorialisation de Deleuze et Guattari, l’hypothèse est que devant un type de déterritorialisation que met un groupe de sujets dans une situation brusque de changement de contexte, il y aurait une conséquente reterritorialisation. Entre autres formes cette reterritorialisation pourrait se manifester à partir d’une insurrection des subjectivités vers le monde. Cette insurrection, dans certains cas, serait établie à travers l’actualisation de territoires esthétiques.Une fois ces manifestations partagées avec le public, il y aurait l’insurrection d’un nouveau territoire esthétique. Cette idée de territoire esthétique nous la développons pour nous aider dans l’évolution de la pensée de cette étude.A travers le butô et une vaste production écrite, Hijikata remet en question le concept du corps et la fonction de l’art, d’une manière qui semble confluer dans plusieurs aspects avec concepts crées et/ou développés par Deleuze et Guattari, relativement à la même époque. Concepts comme le corps sans organes, le devenir, et le plan d’immanence, sont mis en analyse dans le parcours de cette étude, avec les propositions développées par Hijikata.Au-delà des résonances esthétiques d’une période de crise dans une culture, ce que nous analysons sont des possibles échos dans le panorama politique à long terme, provoqués à partir d’expériences esthétiquesThe present study comes with the intention of deepening understandings of relations between political dynamics of territorial creation and the creation of artistic languages, from the analysis of the Tatsumi Hijikata’s work.The central question of our work come into sight through an interdisciplinary study that implicates foundations of philosophy, aesthetics, phenomenology and semiotics. Among the studied authors represent mainly Bergson, Bachelard, Deleuze, Guattari, Uno, Tancelin and Greiner.Based in concepts of deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation of Deleuze and Guattari, our hypothesis is that in front of a type of deterritorialisation, which puts a group of people in an abrupt changing contexts situation, there would be a consequent reterritorialisation. Between other forms this reterritorialisation could manifest itself through the insurrection of subjectivities towards the world. This insurrection, in certain cases, would be established through the actualisation of aesthetic territories.When these manifestations are shared with public, it would be as if the insurrection of a new aesthetic territory comes to light. This idea, of an aesthetics territory, we developed during this study, to help with our thought’s évolution.Through butô and a large written production, Hijikata questions the concept of the body, and the functions of art, in a way which seems to meet in a several ways with concepts created and/or developed by Deleuze and Guattari, relatively at the same epoch. Concepts as body without organs, devenir, and immanence plan, are brought into analysis in the course of this study, with proposals developed by Hijikata.Beyond the resonances of a period of crisis in a culture, what we want to analyse is possible resonances into political panorama in long term, provoked by aesthetics experiments
O presente estudo surge com a intenção de aprofundar compreensões da relação entre dinâmicas de criação de territórios politicos e a criação de linguagens artísticas, à partir da análise da obra de Tatsumi Hijikata.As questões centrais deste trabalho surgem de um percurso de estudo interdisciplinar que implica fundamentos da filosofia, estética, fenomenologia e semiotica. Entre os autores estudados figuram principalmente Bergson, Bachelard, Deleuze, Guattari, Uno, Tancelin e Greiner.Baseando-se nos conceitos de desterritorialização e reterritorialização de Deleuze e Guattari, nossa hipótese é de que em frente a um tipo de déterritorialização que coloca um grupo de sujeitos em uma situação brusca da modificação de contexto, haveria uma consequente reterritorialização. Entre outras formas, essa reterritorialização pode se manifestar através de uma insurreição da subjetividade em relação ao mundo. Esta insurreição, em certos casos, seria estabelecida por meio da atualização de territórios estéticos.Uma vez ques estas manifestações são compartilhadas com o público, haveria uma insurreição de um novo território estético. Este conceito, nos o desensoveremos para nos ajudar na evolução do pensamento deste estudo.Através do butô e de uma grande produção escrita, Hijikata problematisa o conceito do corpo, e a função da arte, de uma maneira que parece confluir em vários aspectos com conceitos criados e/ou desenvolvidos por Deleuze e Guattari, relativamente à mesma época. Conceitos como o corpo sem órgãos, o devir, e plano de imanência, são colocados em análise com propostas desenvolvidas por Hijikata no decorrer deste estudo.Além das ressonâncias estéticas de um período de crise em uma cultura, o que analisamos é a possível ressonância no panorama político à longo prazo, produzida à partir de experiências estéticas
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Anders, Carole. "Incident or insurrection?, a ceremonial procession of artisans of Aix-en-Provence in 1730 : a study of attitudes towards authority." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ57646.pdf.
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Anders, Carole Carleton University Dissertation History. "Incident or insurrection? A ceremonial procession of artisans of Aix-En-Provence in 1730; a study of attitudes towards authority." Ottawa, 2000.
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Ravelomanana, Dama Herizo. "Histoire de l'évolution de l'écriture à Madagascar et relecture de la résistance de Menalamba à travers les manuscrits malgaches du XIXème siècle : "les diary fahizay" (1863-1905)." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014VERS021S.
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Quand on évoque le terme « résistants », les Malgaches pensent avant tout aux résistants de 1947 « ny Mpitolona 1947 » et, seulement, dans une moindre mesure aux Menalamba. Premiers maquisards et premiers résistants à la colonisation ils sont, pourtant, toujours l’objet d’inspirations idéologiques et à l’origine des idées fondatrices de tous les mouvements politiques, nationalistes, à Madagascar et ailleurs. Le but de cette thèse est de revisiter l’histoire des Menalamba, en utilisant les sources primaires originales en langue malgache, relues par des méthodes différentes des procédés antérieurs. Les Malgaches ont, en effet, au XIX° siècle, consigné par écrit leur histoire personnelle et familiale dans les Diary fahizay, sources méconnues et insuffisamment exploitées sur le plan scientifique. Elles constituent le point de départ de ce travail. La civilisation malgache est décrite comme une civilisation essentiellement orale. La première partie de cette thèse étudie le passage de cette civilisation orale à celle de l’écrit. Les résultats scientifiques, historiques, archéologiques et même génétiques, les plus récents, ont complètement bouleversé l’historiographie. Jusqu’ici, elle s’est essentiellement focalisée sur l’antagonisme colonial et anticolonial. L’histoire de Madagascar est, ainsi, décrite comme une succession de dominations et de soumissions, de guerres et de conquêtes. Les nouvelles découvertes font réfléchir et imposent d’autres orientations : l’étude des échanges culturels et de la multi-culturalité sont incontournables. La seconde partie de cette thèse analyse les Diary fahizay, des journaux personnels. Comme son nom l’indique, il vient du mot anglais, diary. Fahizay signifie du temps « des nôtres » ou « de nos ancêtres ». Leur étude permet de comprendre le parcours de leurs auteurs, mais également l’évolution du contexte historique, à Madagascar au XIXème siècle. Les Malgaches n’évoquent, jamais, le mot Diary sans se référer au passé ancestral « sacré », à sa famille, son ascendance et sa descendance. Si jusqu’à là, l’écrit a été utilisé dans le cercle restreint des érudits dans le but d’asseoir le pouvoir traditionnel, le sorabe, désormais il va conduire à une occidentalisation de chaque famille, le soratra. C’est l’écrit qui a été le vecteur de la mutation sociale. Si certains travaux se sont intéressés aux Diary fahizay des principaux dignitaires du XIXème siècle plus particulièrement ceux de Raombana, de Rainilaiarivony, de Rainandriamampandry et de Rakotovao, et ceux écrits par les résistants Menalamba restent insuffisamment exploités. Une étude descriptive des Diary de Rabezavana, de Rabozaka et des manuscrits concernant Rainibetsimisaraka, la trilogie Menalamba, a également été nécessaire. La troisième partie de cette thèse concerne l’apport scientifique des Diary fahizay dans la compréhension des conséquences économiques et sociales de la colonisation à Madagascar. C’est surtout dans le domaine économique que les Malgaches ont le plus abandonné leur héritage ancestral. L’or et les mines, l’élevage du Zébu, l’exploitation des rizières et les terres des anciens sont les exemples choisis dans ce travail, afin d’illustrer cet abandon. Il s’agit d’une étude comparative des modes d’exploitation ancestrale (gérée par les mythes - angano -, par les traditions – fomba -, et par les tabous ou interdits - fady) et de la conquête économique entreprise par le biais de la modernisation coloniale. Sur le plan social, l’étude des effets de la colonisation sur l’évolution du genre présente également un grand intérêt scientifique, car la société malgache passe avec le temps, d’une société matrilinéaire harmonieuse et pacifique, à une société coloniale patriarcale. Cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence l’histoire multiculturelle de la société malgache. Elle souligne l’importance des sources primaires en langue locale, parmi lesquelles les Diary fahizay, longtemps sous-estimées, tant du point de vue de leur traduction, que de leur interprétation. Il nous a donc semblé important de les relire avec les méthodes propres à l’historien. Cette thèse ouvre, ainsi, des perspectives de recherche nouvelles et inédites sur l’histoire de MadagascarWhen the term "resistance" is mentioned , Malagasy people think automatically about the resistance of 1947 "ny Mpitolona 1947 " and only to a lesser extent about their predecessors the Menalamba. They were the first guerrillas and first rebels against colonization, the latter are still the object of ideological inspiration and original source of founding ideas and political movements, particulary the nationalists , in Madagascar and elsewhere. The aim of this thesis is to use primary sources in Malagasy language, reading them with new approaches and specific methods, to revisit Menalamba history. The Malagasy have, in fact , in the nineteenth century , recorded their personal and family history in the “Diary fahizay”. These primary sources are generally unknown scientifically and insufficiently exploited. They are the starting point of this work. Malagasy civilization is described essentially as an oral culture. The first part of this thesis examines the transition from the oral culture to a written one. Recently, historical , archaeological and even genetic research results have completely changed the historiography. So far, mainly, it has focused on the colonial and anti-colonial antagonism. The history of Madagascar was described as a succession of domination and submission , wars and conquests. Now, the new findings and discoveries suggest the importance of other directions : the study of cultural exchange and multiculturalism are essential. The second part of this thesis analyzes “Diary fahizay”. As these terms suggest, it comes from the English word diary. Fahizay means "our times" or " time of our ancestors. " This study provides an understanding of the life of their authors, but at the same time the evolution, the historical context in Madagascar in the nineteenth century. Malagasy people seldom evoke the word Diary without reference to the ancestral,the "sacred past" of his family, in other words his ancestry, his ascendants and his descendants. In the past, writing was used only in the restricted royal circle, in order to sit traditional power (e. G. , the Sorabe) , now it will lead to a westernization of each family (the Soratra). Writing has became the vector for social change. While some studies have already examined the Diary fahizay of the principal dignitaries of the nineteenth century especially those Raombana , Rainilaiarivony, Rainandriamampandry and Rakotovao , those written by the resistants Menalamba remain underused. A descriptive study of “Diary of Rabezavana, Rabozaka and Rainibetsimisaraka” manuscripts concerning the Menalamba is also necessary. The third part of this thesis concerns the scientific contribution of the “Diary fahizay” in understanding the economic and social consequences of colonization in Madagascar. It is especially in the economic field that the Malagasy have abandoned their ancestral heritage. Gold and mining, farming Zebu , exploitation and rice lands are ancient examples chosen in this work to illustrate this abandonment. It is a comparative study of ancient operating modes (managed by the myths - Angano - by tradition - fomba - and taboos or forbidden - fady ) and economic and business conquest through western and colonial modernization. In the social consequence of colonization, this thesis considers impacts on gender evolution. This study demonstrate that Malagasy society passes, from an harmonious and peaceful matrilineal society, to a patriarchal colonial society. It makes a significant scientific contribution to the understanding of the malagasy society
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Henry, Mélanie. "Le "trésor" révolutionnaire : insurrections et militantismes à Alexandrie en 1946 et 1977, Egypte." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0167.
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Avec le soulèvement de 1946 (février-mars) débute en Égypte une crise politique qui dure jusqu’à la mise en place du système nassérien (1952-1954) où se mêlent velléités de changement social et d’indépendance. Les 18 et 19 janvier 1977, l’insurrection spontanée, contre la diminution des subventions publiques sur vingt-cinq produits de consommation, révèle le rejet massif du nouvel ordre moral que Sadate souhaite imposer. Les manifestants rappellent le Président de la République aux promesses nassériennes que la défaite de 1967 dans la guerre contre Israël a fait voler en éclat. Réflexion sur les façons de vivre et de transmettre l’expérience révolutionnaire, cette thèse présente, depuis Alexandrie, les épisodes insurrectionnels de 1946 et de 1977 qui ont secoué les grandes villes d’Égypte. Au travers d’une enquête orale auprès de militants alexandrins et des sources de nature diverses, les événements sont présentés tantôt sous l’angle du temps court, tantôt dans leur conjoncture.C’est à distance de la chronologie, dans les interstices des différents registres d’énonciation (témoignages et discours politiques, récit d’histoire ou de fiction, etc.), que cette thèse explore les traces du « trésor » : expérience collective de la liberté chère au poète René Char, « rejetée » par ceux qui la vivent une fois qu’elle se termine. On voit se dessiner des notions, des institutions et des expériences collectives au travers desquels se forgent, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, l’idée du changement social, de ses limites et les moyens par lesquels des personnes ordinaires peuvent y participerThe uprising of 1946 (February-March) initiates a political crisis in Egypt that lasts until the implementation of the Nasserian system (1952-1954) and involves both hopes of social change and national independence. The spontaneous uprising that happens in January 18th and 19th 1977 against the reducing of price subsidies of 25 consuming products, reveals a massive rejection of the new moral order that Sadat wishes to impose. The demonstrators remind their President to the Nasserian promises that the 1967’s defeat in the war against Israel demolished.This thesis seeks to develop a reflexion on the ways of living and transmitting the revolutionary experience based on the events of the Egyptian urban uprisings of 1946 and 1977 from the point of view of Alexandria. It presents the events in the short time and in their conjunctures through an oral inquiry among Alexandrian activists and sources of several natures, as part of constant concern for documenting the effects of scale between individual history and collective history, as well as the historicity of insurrection.Away from linear chronology, in the interstices between the categories of expression (testimonies, stories and political discourses, history and fiction, etc.), this research explores the tracks of the “treasure”, a word that the poet Rene Char uses to describe a collective experience of liberty, rejected by whom lives it as soon as it ends. It reveals a network of notions, institutions and collective experiences which defines social change, its limits and the ways by which ordinary people get involved in it, through the second part of the XXth century
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Dirou, Armel. "Guerre totale et concept de partisan pendant la guerre de 1870-1871." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040031.
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Après la défaite française de Sedan le 2 septembre 1870 et la chute de l’Empire, la France s’engage dans la poursuite de la guerre contre son envahisseur. Ses armées défaites, le pays doit se réorganiser pour se reconstituer militairement. Aux côtés des armées régulières, Gambetta appelle de ses vœux l’armement du peuple au sein d’unités irrégulières et à la mobilisation de toutes les ressources du pays. Au-delà de l’aspect incantatoire de la levée en masse qu’il proclame, il renonce finalement à l’emploi de ces unités irrégulières. Il pense en effet que toute bascule révolutionnaire de certaines d’entre elles pourrait ternir l’image et menacer la restauration républicaine à laquelle il aspire. Ainsi, contrairement à ce qu’ont écrit Moltke ou Colmar von der Goltz, Gambetta savait ce qu’il pouvait militairement attendre de ces unités irrégulières ; il voulait la victoire de la France mais pas à tout prix. Il n’était pas prêt politiquement à prendre tous les risques. Face à l’insurrection qui se développe considérablement à partir du mois d’octobre 1870, les Prussiens et les Allemands consacrent 25% de leurs troupes à la sûreté de leurs arrières. Se fondant sur la loi du 4 juin 1851 sur l’état de siège, ils exercent une répression d’une implacable dureté. Les francs-tireurs ne sont pas un ennemi à respecter puisque ces combattants irréguliers n’ont aucune existence légale. Ils sont tel un parasite qu’il convient d’éradiquer. Cette guerre apparaît finalement comme l’aboutissement d’une réflexion prussienne sur la terreur qui s’est étoffée et a mûri tout au long du XIXe siècleAfter the French defeat at Sedan on 2nd September 1870 and the fall of the Empire, France continued to wage war on the invading armies. In order to recover its military capability after the defeat of its army, the country was obliged to undertake a radical reorganization of its armed forces.Alongside the use of regular armed forces, Gambetta advocated arming the population in units of irregulars and mobilizing all the country's resources. The magic spell of the mass uprising which he was proclaiming aside, he finally abandoned the use of irregular units as he believed that any revolutionary change of direction amongst any of them could tarnish their image and threaten the restoration of the Republic to which he aspired. Thus, contrary to what was suggested by Moltke or Colmar von der Goltz, Gambetta knew what he could expect from his irregular units in military terms; he sought a French victory but not at any price. He was not ready to take all the political risks involved.From October 1870 onwards, the insurgency gained considerable strength forcing the Prussians and Germany to deploy 25% of their troops to secure their rear areas. Using the 4th June 1851 Law on the state of siege, they undertook a brutal and relentless campaign of repression: the snipers were not an enemy worthy of respect since irregulars had no legal status. They were parasites which had to be eradicated. This war seems in fact to be the result of Prussian thinking on the use of terror which evolved and matured throughout the nineteenth century
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Ordoñez, Martinez Gustavo Eduardo. "Reconversion des doctrines militaires de lutte contre la subversion dans le cadre de la lutte contre le crime organisé transnational en Amérique Latine : ruptures et continuités." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU10006/document.
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Dans un contexte marqué par l’impunité persistante d’une puissante criminalité organisée alimentée, entre autres, par le narcotrafic, ainsi que par une crise de légitimité et d’efficacité des forces de police, il existe une tendance, dans un grand nombre de pays d’Amérique latine, et plus particulièrement au Mexique et en Colombie, à affecter des forces militaires à des tâches de police. Au nom de la défense de la « Sécurité nationale », les forces armées latino-américaines sont ainsi déployées sur leur territoire national pour lutter contre le crime organisé et une de ses formes spécifiques qu’est le narcotrafic. Si les forces terrestres sont les plus mobilisées, elles ne sont pas les seules à être engagées dans ces missions de « sécurité nationale ». En effet, tant au Mexique qu’en Colombie, la Marine de guerre joue un rôle décisif dans la mise en œuvre d’opérations contre le narcotrafic. Elle doit ainsi, apprendre à se coordonner avec les forces de sécurité publique qui détiennent, en théorie, la primauté opérationnelle. Cette interprétation imprécise de la notion de « sécurité » a entraîné une confusion qui empêche de circonscrire avec précision les contours de la sécurité nationale et, par conséquent, de déterminer les différences entre « Défense » et « sécurité intérieure ». Ainsi, dans la pensée latino-américaine, la sécurité nationale fait-elle allusion à la sécurité et à la défense de la structure même de l’Etat qui seraient remises en question par des phénomènes comme la subversion, le terrorisme, le narcotrafic et la délinquance organisée. À l’heure actuelle, les cadres juridiques comme doctrinaux des forces armées latino-américaines prévoient différents types de missions, et ce, selon les caractéristiques de chaque pays : la défense du territoire face à un ennemi extérieur, la protection des infrastructures stratégiques, les opérations contre le narcotrafic et l’éradication des cultures illégales. Et c’est précisément sur ce type de missions, qui fait l’objet de nombreux débats à l’heure actuelle, que porte le présent travail de recherche afin de comprendre sous quelles modalités se base l’élaboration du cadre normatif et opérationnel de ladite « doctrine de la sécurité nationale »In a context of widespread powerful organized crime and drug trafficking groups, as well as illegitimate police forces, there is a general tendency in Latin America, particularly in Mexico and Colombia, to assign military personnel to policing tasks. In the name of the “National Security”, Latin American armed forces are now deployed in their national territory to fight organized crime and drug trafficking. While the ground forces are the most mobilized, they are not the only ones engaged in these internal-security missions. In Mexico and Colombia, the Navy also plays a decisive role in the implementation of counter-narcotic operations and must coordinate with the public security forces which, in theory, hold operational primacy. This imprecise interpretation of the concept of "security" has led to confusion that makes it difficult to clearly conceptualize the outlines of the national security, and thus, the differences between “Defense” and “internal security”. Latin American internal order means the security and defense of the State, which is threatened by phenomena such as subversion, terrorism, drug trafficking and organized crime. However, each country has a different concepts of internal order and different levels of intervention by the armed forces such as : the defense of the territory against an external enemy, the protection of strategic infrastructures and counter-narcotics operations and eradication of illicit crops, in which this research work is concentrated to understand the continuity of the missions of the armed forces within the framework of the said national security doctrine
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Dominique, Josie. "Machines de guerre et Appareils d’État : sociologie historique des forces armées à Madagascar." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH175.
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Notre travail de recherche se propose de faire une sociologie historique des forces armées pour comprendre les relations civilo-militaires prévalant à Madagascar. Ces forces contribuent, tout autant, à y instituer les pouvoirs politiques qu’à les défaire. Pour saisir cette tension, nous avons choisi de nous inspirer de l’approche relative à la théorie de la machine de guerre et de l’appareil de capture de Gilles Deleuze et de Félix Gattari. Pour ce faire, notre principal hypothèse pose que, depuis le XIXe siècle que l’Etat se forme et se reproduit dans la confrontation entre son appareil de capture et les différentes machines de guerre. Nous proposons de tester cette hypothèse sur trois cas qui sont : premièrement, la situation des guerriers Mainty, serviteurs royaux et premiers fonctionnaires militaires et la conquête de Madagascar par l’armée royale de Madagascar au XIXe siècle ; deuxièment, la non reconnaissance des forces armées malagasy tirailleurs par l’État dans la guerre insurrectionnelle de 1947; troisièment, la formation des officiers à l’Académie militaire d’Antsirabe. À partir du traitement spécifique de ces trois cas, des intelligibilités générales seront construites pour nous permettre de modéliser les relations civilo-militaires qui prévalent depuis le XIXe siècle. À travers l’analyse des continuités et les ruptures de cette histoire militaire, la thèse éclaircit le lien des forces armées malgaches à l’appareil d’État en partant de l’époque précoloniale jusqu’ à la période républicaine actuelle. Ce travail de recherche s’appuie sur des documents d’archives récoltées en France et à Madagascar, ainsi que des données empiriques recueillies suite à des séries d’entretiens avec des officiers militairesOur research work aims to develop a historical sociology of the armed forces in order to understand the civil-military relations prevailing in Madagascar. These forces contribute as much to the establishment of political powers as they do to their defeat. To understand this tension, we have chosen to draw inspiration from the approach relating to the theory of the war machine and the capture device of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Gattari. To do this, our main hypothesis is that, since the 19th century, the State has been forming and reproducing itself in the confrontation between its capture apparatus and the various war machines. We propose to test this hypothesis on three cases: first, the situation of Mainty warriors, royal servants and first military officials and the conquest of Madagascar by the Royal Army of Madagascar in the 19th century; second, the non-recognition of the Malagasy armed forces by the State in the insurrectional war of 1947; third, the training of officers at the Antsirabe Military Academy. Based on the specific treatment of these three cases, general intelligibilities will be built to allow us to model the civil-military relations that have prevailed in Madagascar since the nineteenth century. Through the analysis of the continuities and ruptures of this military history, our research clarifies the link between the Malagasy armed forces and the State apparatus from the pre-colonial period to the current republican period. This research work is based on archival documents collected in France and Madagascar, as well as empirical data collected following a series of interviews with military officers
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Rodrigues, João Paulo [UNESP]. "O levante “Constitucionalista” de 1932 e a força da tradição: do confronto bélico à batalha pela memória (1932-1934)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103139.
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Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão “tenentista”, concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos “estrangeiros”. Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país.
This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it’s possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by “tenentista” invasion, stiring up expulsion of “foreigners”. After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn’t a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.
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Dirou, Armel. "Guerre totale et concept de partisan pendant la guerre de 1870-1871." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040031.
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Après la défaite française de Sedan le 2 septembre 1870 et la chute de l’Empire, la France s’engage dans la poursuite de la guerre contre son envahisseur. Ses armées défaites, le pays doit se réorganiser pour se reconstituer militairement. Aux côtés des armées régulières, Gambetta appelle de ses vœux l’armement du peuple au sein d’unités irrégulières et à la mobilisation de toutes les ressources du pays. Au-delà de l’aspect incantatoire de la levée en masse qu’il proclame, il renonce finalement à l’emploi de ces unités irrégulières. Il pense en effet que toute bascule révolutionnaire de certaines d’entre elles pourrait ternir l’image et menacer la restauration républicaine à laquelle il aspire. Ainsi, contrairement à ce qu’ont écrit Moltke ou Colmar von der Goltz, Gambetta savait ce qu’il pouvait militairement attendre de ces unités irrégulières ; il voulait la victoire de la France mais pas à tout prix. Il n’était pas prêt politiquement à prendre tous les risques. Face à l’insurrection qui se développe considérablement à partir du mois d’octobre 1870, les Prussiens et les Allemands consacrent 25% de leurs troupes à la sûreté de leurs arrières. Se fondant sur la loi du 4 juin 1851 sur l’état de siège, ils exercent une répression d’une implacable dureté. Les francs-tireurs ne sont pas un ennemi à respecter puisque ces combattants irréguliers n’ont aucune existence légale. Ils sont tel un parasite qu’il convient d’éradiquer. Cette guerre apparaît finalement comme l’aboutissement d’une réflexion prussienne sur la terreur qui s’est étoffée et a mûri tout au long du XIXe siècleAfter the French defeat at Sedan on 2nd September 1870 and the fall of the Empire, France continued to wage war on the invading armies. In order to recover its military capability after the defeat of its army, the country was obliged to undertake a radical reorganization of its armed forces.Alongside the use of regular armed forces, Gambetta advocated arming the population in units of irregulars and mobilizing all the country's resources. The magic spell of the mass uprising which he was proclaiming aside, he finally abandoned the use of irregular units as he believed that any revolutionary change of direction amongst any of them could tarnish their image and threaten the restoration of the Republic to which he aspired. Thus, contrary to what was suggested by Moltke or Colmar von der Goltz, Gambetta knew what he could expect from his irregular units in military terms; he sought a French victory but not at any price. He was not ready to take all the political risks involved.From October 1870 onwards, the insurgency gained considerable strength forcing the Prussians and Germany to deploy 25% of their troops to secure their rear areas. Using the 4th June 1851 Law on the state of siege, they undertook a brutal and relentless campaign of repression: the snipers were not an enemy worthy of respect since irregulars had no legal status. They were parasites which had to be eradicated. This war seems in fact to be the result of Prussian thinking on the use of terror which evolved and matured throughout the nineteenth century
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Rost, James Stanley. "The Oregon Volunteers in the Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection : the annotated and edited diary of Chriss A. Bell, May 2, 1898 to June 24, 1899." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4117.
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This thesis is an annotated and edited typescript of a primary source, the handwritten diary of Chriss A. Bell, of the Second Oregon Volunteer Infantry state militia. The diary concerns the events of Oregon's National Guard state militia in the Spanish-American war in the Philippines, and the Philippine Insurrection that followed. The period of time concerned is from the beginning of May, 1898 to the end of June, 1899.
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Hachi, Idir. "Histoire sociale de l'insurrection de 1871 et du procès de ses chefs (Constantine, 1873)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0061.
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À partir de l’étude du procès des chefs de l’insurrection algérienne de 1871 jugés en 1873 aux assises de Constantine, la présente thèse reconstitue la fresque judiciaire d’un soulèvement que d’aucuns reconnaissent comme la plus grande séquence insurrectionnelle que l’Algérie ait jamais connue au XIXe siècle. L’analyse de la riche documentation exhumée des archives d’Outre-mer d’Aix-en-Provence, de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) et des archives du tribunal de Constantine aurait pu permettre de rétablir la société colonisée dans son droit au chapitre de la parole et de renouveler la compréhension du soulèvement de 1871 mais c’était sans compter sur la complexité des enjeux politiques qui ont transformé le procès d’une insurrection en un théâtre où devait se solder le conflit civils-militaires. Le premier grand procès civil d’Algérie allait transformer une insurrection majeure en délits de droit commun justifiant une étonnante physionomie des peines. En abordant les questions relatives aux causes et aux acteurs de l’insurrection, le présent travail s’est investi dans l’analyse de l’histoire sociale des élites algériennes du XIXe siècle et de leurs caractéristiques, à travers leur implication dans le soulèvement et l’interrogation, aux côtés de diverses sources historiques, de matériaux de nature anthropologique. Tandis que les différentes historiographies attribuaient tour à tour à l’élite nobiliaire des djouads ou à celle confrérique de la rahmaniyya la paternité de la révolte, la présente thèse s’est attachée à mettre en évidence la matrice anti coloniste d’une insurrection populaireStarting with the study of the 1871 trial of the Algerian insurgency leaders judged in 1873 at the Constantine criminal court, this thesis reconstitutes the judicial saga of an uprising that some recognize as the greatest insurrectionary sequence Algeria ever knew in the nineteenth century.The analysis of the rich documentation exhumed from the Overseas Archives of Aix-en-Provence, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) and the archives of the tribunal of Constantine could have reinstated the colonized society’s right to speak and to renew the understanding of the 1871 uprising, but it was without counting the complexity of the political challenges which transformed an insurrection trial into a theater, where the civil-military conflict had to be resolved. The first great civil trial of Algeria was going to transform a major insurrection into common law offenses justifying astonishing forms of sentences.In addressing issues related to the causes and actors of the insurgency, the present work Involved in the analysis of the social history of the nineteenth century Algerian elites and their characteristics, through their involvement in the uprising and the investigative questioning of various historical sources and anthropological materials. While the various historiographies attributed to the djouads’ noble elite or the rahmaniyya confraternity the authorship of the revolt, the present thesis endeavored to highlight the anti-colonist matrix of a popular insurrection
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Мозговий, Іван Павлович, Иван Павлович Мозговый, and Ivan Pavlovych Mozghovyi. "Січневе повстання в Польщі і Україна." Thesis, Українська академія банківської справи національного банку України, 2014. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/53257.
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В статті аналізуються причини, передумови й обставини антимосковського повстання в Польщі в 1863–1864 рр. Акцентується увага на підтримці повстання українським населенням на Правобережній Україні, ролі релігійного фактору в цьому процесі. З’ясовуються причини розходжень між основними “крилами” повстанців. Показується значення повстання для розвитку добросусідських відносин українського й польського народів, єднання їх зусиль у боротьбі зі спільним ворогом-загарбником.The paper analyzes the reasons, prerequisites and circumstances of anti-Moscow uprising in Poland in 1863–1864. Attention is focused on supporting of the uprising by Ukrainian population in Right-Bank Ukraine, the role of religious factor in the process. Causes of the differences between the main “wings” of the rebels are investigated. Values for insurrection of good neighborly relations between Ukrainian and Polish peoples and unity of efforts in the fight against the common enemy invaders are showed.
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Gonzaga, Juliane de Araujo [UNESP]. "Novo feminismo: acontecimento e insurreição de saberes nas mídias digitais." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154483.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Dans le monde actuel, le retour du féminisme présente des indices d’une supposée nouveauté, puisqu’il est décrit comme étant un « nouveau féminisme ». Dans le rapport entre les sujets et l’actualité, on voit s’entrecroiser des événements hétérogènes, qui créent des conditions de possibilité pour la production des vérités à cette époque, comme par exemple : la société a un « réveil féministe »; le féminisme a de nouveaux sujets et le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est nouveau. En ce sens, cette thèse analyse des discours portant sur le féminisme, qui sont produits par les médias digitaux et qui s’inscrivent dans ces derniers, afin de problématiser comment de nouveaux sens émergent et afin d’exposer des vérités qui circulent, considérées comme étant naturelles et évidentes. De cette façon, on problématise le retour du féminisme à partir des questionnements suivants : pourquoi le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est-il énoncé comme étant « nouveau »? En quoi consiste sa nouveauté? Pour comprendre l’émergence de cet objet et la provenance de « nouvelles » subjectivités féministes, on s’interroge : i) Quelles sont les transformations historiques qui permettent, aujourd’hui, des changements dans la manière de mettre le féminisme en discours? ii) Quels présents rapports de forces configurent des luttes entre les sujets pour la condition de vérité du féminisme? iii) Comment les sujets, en dialoguant avec les savoirs qui prolifèrent dans les médias digitaux, se définissent et développent des stratégies de résistance? Situés dans une Analyse du Discours issue de la pensée de Michel Foucault, on utilise une approche archégénéalogique qui s’interroge sur les conditions historiques de formation et de mutation des pratiques discursives et sur les jeux de savoir-pouvoir qui définissent ce que nous disons, faisons et sommes aujourd’hui. Dans le champ de l’ontologie historique, on recherche les usages des savoirs féministes dans l’actualité pour comprendre comment ils permettent des inversions des rapports de pouvoir. En ce sens, la thèse identifie un mouvement d’insurrection de savoirs dominés. De savoirs soumis à quelqu’un ou à une identité, les savoirs féministes du monde actuel sont utilisés de façon à créer sujetions et à définir les règles de disibilité e t de conduites dans les domaines de la sexualité, de la morale, des médias, de la politique et de l’économie. Le corpus de cette recherche se compose d’énoncés verbaux et visuels de médias alternatifs trouvés, entre autres, dans les médias suivants : Escreva Lola Escreva; Blogueiras Feministas; Feminismo na Rede; Feminismo Sem Demagogia; Diários de uma feminista; Lugar de mulher; Ventre feminista. En fonction de la dispersion des discours sur le féminisme dans les médias digitaux, on analyse aussi des énoncés des médias corporatifs, tels que Revista Isto é; Revista Época; Revista TPM; Revista M de Mulher; Revista Elle. Enfin, on soutient la thèse selon laquelle l’apparition d’un « nouveau féminisme » produit des effets de sens singuliers; il s’agit donc d’un événement discursif. Pourtant, l’affirmation de la « nouveauté » ne signifie pas que le féminisme d’aujourd’hui est « originel » ou « neutre ». Cela signifie plutôt que la nouveauté est un indice de la force de la rémanence du féminisme, de discours antérieurs sur le féminisme et, surtout, de mutations dans les règles de ce qu’on peut et doit dire sur le féminisme d’aujourd’hui
Na história do presente, o retorno do feminismo apresenta indícios de uma suposta novidade, sendo inclusive enunciado como “novo feminismo”. Na relação dos sujeitos com a atualidade, vemos entrecruzar-se acontecimentos heterogêneos, que criam condições de possibilidade para a produção de verdades para esta época, tais como: a sociedade está tendo um “despertar feminista”; o feminismo tem novos sujeitos e o feminismo de hoje é novo. Nesse sentido, esta tese se volta para os discursos sobre feminismo produzidos nas e pelas mídias digitais para problematizar como se produzem os sentidos de novidade e “desmontar” verdades que circulam como naturais e evidentes. Assim, problematizamos o acontecimento da volta do feminismo: por que o feminismo hoje é enunciado como novo? Em que consiste sua novidade? Para compreender a emergência deste objeto e a proveniência das “novas” subjetividades feministas, atentamos para as seguintes questões: i) Quais transformações históricas possibilitam mudanças no modo de colocar o feminismo em discurso hoje? ii) Quais relações de força no presente configuram lutas entre os sujeitos pela condição de verdade do feminismo? iii) Como os sujeitos se relacionam com a atualidade e os saberes que proliferam nas mídias digitais para a constituição de si e para estratégias de resistência? Situados em uma Análise do Discurso que pensa com Michel Foucault, assumimos uma abordagem arquegenealógica, que interroga sobre as condições históricas de formação e mutação das práticas discursivas e os jogos de saber-poder que definem aquilo que dizemos, fazemos e somos hoje. No cerne da ontologia histórica, investigamos os usos dos saberes feministas na atualidade para compreender como possibilitam inversões e deslocamentos de relações de poder. Nesse gesto, a tese identifica um movimento de insurreição de saberes dominados. De saberes sujeitados a alguém ou a uma identidade, os saberes feministas hoje são utilizados de modo a instaurar sujeições e definir regras de dizibilidade e condutas na sexualidade, na moral, nas mídias, na política, na economia. O corpus de pesquisa se constitui de enunciados verbais e visuais de mídias alternativas tais como: Escreva Lola Escreva; Blogueiras Feministas; Feminismo na Rede; Feminismo Sem Demagogia; Diários de uma feminista; Lugar de mulher; Ventre feminista, entre outras. Dada a dispersão desses discursos nas mídias digitais, analisamos também enunciados de mídias corporativas como: Revista Isto é; Revista Época; Revista TPM; Revista M de Mulher; Revista Elle. Por fim, a tese que sustentamos é a de que o surgimento de um “novo feminismo” produz efeitos de sentido singulares e, portanto, se dá na instância do acontecimento discursivo. Entretanto, a afirmação da “novidade” não significa que o feminismo hoje seja “original” nem “neutro”. E sim, que ela é indício da força da remanência de discursos anteriores sobre o feminismo e do feminismo e, sobretudo, de mutações nas regras do que se pode e se deve dizer sobre feminismo hoje.
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Audran, Marie. "Monstres : insurrection de la Chair et Révolution du Voir dans la Nueva Narrativa Argentina : lecture des mutations du monstrueux chez Ariana Harwicz, Fernanda García Lao, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, Mariana Enríquez et Samanta Schweblin." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN20040.
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Depuis la crise de 2001 une nouvelle génération d’auteur·rices, la Nueva Narrativa Argentina, émerge en Argentine au sein d’un contexte traversé par une révolution féministe qui fait irruption dans une Histoire prise dans la intemperie des crises néolibérales. Cette littérature est peuplée de monstres : de corps qui reviennent comme les fantômes, les revenant·s, les zombis ; de corps queer, dissidents, révoltés ; de corps démembrés, transplantés, amputés, mutilés, brûlés ; de corps précaires, abjects, contaminés, dépossédés. Notre travail invite à examiner les monstres et le devenir monstrueux de laNNA depuis une perspective de genre au sein d’un corpus constitué des romans de cinq autrices - Ariana Harwicz, FernandaGarcía Lao, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, Samanta Schweblin et Mariana Enríquez – afin de saisir les bouleversements que cette « insurrection de la chair » génère dans le champ littéraire et dans les représentations canoniques et hétéronormatives tout en examinant les déplacements et les réappropriations de la figure du monstre comme figuration, revendication et savoir positif dans la littérature, le féminisme et le champ académique de ces dix dernières années.Nous envisagerons donc la littérature de l’extrême contemporain comme un espace de performance et de déplacements desreprésentations ainsi que d’exploration des métamorphoses du présent où le monstre constitue autant un signe/symptôme qu’un dispositif pour saisir ce qui se tend, ce qui se transforme ; mais aussi pour déconstruire ce qui se cristallise ; et pourexpérimenter et explorer ce qui reste dans le domaine de l’impensé. En ce sens, le monstre inscrit dans la littératurecomme dans la société une « révolution du voir » qui répond à une urgence contemporaine de se réapproprier et d’investir lesespaces et les dispositifs de perception, et de déplacer les catégories et les représentations canoniques et hétéronormatives : de la captive à la monstre, la NNA trace des trajectoires d’émancipation qui reconfigurent l’articulation entre l’écriture, le corps des femmes et le corps social, et invente des façons (individuelles et collectives ; textuelles et corporelles) de devenir inappropriable dont l’enjeu saute de la littérature au réel dans la redistribution du visible que génère la révolution féministe qui crie « ahora sí nos ven »Since the 2001 crisis, a new generation of authors, Nueva Narrativa Argentina, has emerged in Argentina in a context of a feminist revolution that erupts in a history taken in the midst of neoliberal crises. This literature is filled with monsters: bodies that return like ghosts, undeads, zombies; queer bodies, dissidents, revolted; dismembered bodies, transplanted, amputed, mutilated, burned; precarious bodies, abjects, contaminated, dispossessed. Our work invites us to examine the monsters and the monstrous fate of the NNA from a gender perspective in a corpus of five authors novels - Ariana Harwicz, Fernanda García Lao, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, Samanta Schweblin and Mariana Enríquez - in order to understand the upheavals that this "Insurrection of the Flesh" creates in the literary field and in the canonical and heteronormative representations, while examining the movement and reappropriation of the monster figure as a figuration, claim and positive knowledge in the literature, feminism and academic field of the last decade.The literature of the extreme contemporary will therefore be considered as a space of performance and movement of representations and of exploration for the metamorphoses of the present, where the monster is as a sign/symptom as a device for understanding what is going on, which is transforming; but also to deconstruct what crystallizes; and to experiment and explore what remains in the field of the unthinkable. In this sense, the monster writes in both literature and society a "Revolution of the Vision" that meet with a contemporary urgency of reclaiming and investing spaces and perception devices, and of oving the categories and canonical and heteronormative representations: from captive to monster, the NNA draws emancipation aths that r econfigure the articulation between writing, women's body andsocial body, and invent ways (individual and collective; textual and corporal) to become inappropriable, the stakes of which jump from literature to real in the redistribution of the visibility generated by the feminist revolution, which shouts "ahora sí nos ven"
Desde la crisis de 2001, una nueva generación de autorxs, la Nueva Narrativa Argentina, emerge en Argentina en un contexto atravesado por una revolución feminista que irrumpe en una Historia dejada a la intemperie de las crisis neoliberales. Esa literatura se puebla de monstruos: cuerpos que retornan como fantasmas, revenants, zombis; cuerpos queer, disidentes, revueltos; cuerpos desmembrados, trasplantados, amputados, mutilados, quemados; cuerpos precarios, abyectos, desposeídos, contaminados. Nuestro trabajo invita a examinar los monstruos y el devenir monstruoso de la NNA desde una perspectiva de género en un corpus conformado por novelas de cinco autoras – Ariana Harwicz, Fernanda García4Lao, Gabriela Cabezón Cámara, Samanta Schweblin y Mariana Enríquez – con el objetivo de asir las transformaciones que genera esta “insurrección de la carne” en el campo literario y en las representaciones canónicas y heteronormativas examinando paralelamente los desplazamientos y las reapropiaciones de la figura del monstruo como figuración, reivindicación y saber positivo en la literatura, el feminismo y el campo académico de los diez últimos años. Contemplaremos la literatura de lo extremo contemporáneo como un espacio de performance y de desplazamientos de las representaciones así como de exploración de las metamorfosis del presente donde el monstruo constituye no solo un signo/un síntoma sino también un dispositivo para asir lo que se tensa, lo que se transforma; pero también para deconstruir lo que se cristaliza; y para poner en crisis y experimentar lo que aún queda impensado. En este sentido, el monstruo inscribe en la literatura una “revolución del ver” que responde a una urgencia contemporánea de reapropiarse y ocupar los espacios y dispositivos de percepción, y de desplazar las categorías y representaciones canónicas y heteronormativas : de la cautiva a la monstrua, la NNA traza las trayectorias de emancipación e inventa maneras (individuales y colectivas) de devenir inapropiable cuya apuesta salta de la literatura a lo real en la redistribución de lo visible que genera la revolución feminista afirmando “ahora sí nos ven”
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Rodrigues, João Paulo. "O levante "Constitucionalista" de 1932 e a força da tradição : do confronto bélico à batalha pela memória (1932-1934) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103139.
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Orientador: Zélia Lopes da SilvaBanca: Tânia Regina de Luca
Banca: Milton Carlos Costa
Banca: Sandra de Cássia Araújo Pelegrini
Banca: Marcos Antonio da Silva
Resumo: Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão "tenentista", concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos "estrangeiros". Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país.
Abstract: This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it's possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by "tenentista" invasion, stiring up expulsion of "foreigners". After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn't a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.
Doutor
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Tenenbaum, Élie. "Une odyssée subversive : la circulation des savoirs stratégiques irréguliers en Occident (France, Grande-Bretagne, États-Unis) de 1944 à 1972." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0015.
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Longtemps en marge des pratiques militaires occidentales, la guerre irrégulière fut réintroduite au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale sous l’impulsion de la stratégie indirecte adoptée par la Grande-Bretagne. Les réseaux de coopération interalliés permettent alors à ces nouvelles conceptions de se diffuser auprès d’acteurs français et américains, formant ainsi le creuset d’une nouvelle communauté stratégique. L’émergence de la « menace subversive » au début de la guerre froide favorise le renouvellement de cette communauté et le développement des savoirs stratégiques irréguliers tels que la guérilla ou la guerre psychologique. Tantôt dans la coopération, tantôt dans la rivalité, les alliés tissent leur communauté de pratiques, d’abord en Asie du Sud-Est, face à la menace maoïste, puis dans l’ensemble du Tiers-Monde. Au cours des années 1960, ce sont les États-Unis qui prennent la tête de la croisade contre les « guerres de libération nationale » et développent en réponse une stratégie intégrée sous le nom de « contre-insurrection ». L’échec de sa mise en œuvre au Vietnam, ainsi que ses dérives politiques conduisent pourtant au rapide déclin de la stratégie irrégulière en Occident jusqu’à sa réapparition au début du XXIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur un grand nombre de sources primaires et en adoptant les nouvelles méthodes de l’histoire connectée, ce travail met en lumière les structures, les réseaux et les vecteurs qui contribuèrent à la circulation des savoirs associés à la guerre irrégulière. Il en explore également les motivations, ainsi que les limites et tente de proposer un narratif global permettant d’appréhender l’évolution des concepts de guerre irrégulièreAfter being marginalized for centuries by the Western military model, irregular warfare was reintroduced during the Second World War through the indirect strategy adopted under British leadership. These new concepts then spread to the French and the American allies, thus contributing to forge the crucible of a new strategic community. The emergence of a "subversive threat" at the beginning of the Cold War allowed the renewal of such a community and the development of strategic knowledge such as irregular guerrilla or psychological warfare. Sometimes in cooperation, sometimes in rivalry, Western allies weaved their community of practice, first in Southeast Asia, facing the Maoist threat of people’s war, and then throughout the whole Third World. In the 1960s, the United States took the head of the crusade against the "wars of national liberation" and thus developed an integrated strategy, known as "counterinsurgency". The failure of its implementation in Vietnam and its political excesses yet lead to the rapid decline of irregular strategy in the West until its reappearance in the early twenty-first century, in the context of the global war on terror. Based on a large number of primary sources and adopting new methods of connected history, this work highlights the structures, networks and vectors which contributed to the circulation of strategic knowledge associated with irregular warfare. It also explores the motivations and limitations for such a circulation and attempts to offer an global narrative to apprehend the evolution of irregular warfare concepts
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Perez, Espinoza Anaximandro. "El poder del espacio. La construcción de la contrainsurgencia en la guerra civil de Nueva España (1810-1821) a través del Ejército del Sur y la División del rumbo de Acapulco." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0006.
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Cette thèse problématise les dynamiques de construction de la contre-insurrection dans le conflit indépendantiste de la Nouvelle-Espagne de 1810 à 1821, à travers deux démarcations territoriales de l'armée vice-royale (l’Armée du Sud et la Division de la région de Acapulco). Elle analyse des éléments de la guerre déployée par le gouvernement de Mexico, tels que : la violence idéologique, l'espionnage, les projections stratégiques sur l'espace, l'organisation des troupes, l'exercice de la répression, l'administration fiscale-militaire des forces armées et les conditions matérielles qui compliquaient la tactique. Ces problématiques sont abordées selon les perspectives impériale, vice-royale et régionale. Ainsi, la guerre contre les insurgés américains peut être comprise dans le cadre de la crise de l'Empire espagnol de 1808. Il est possible d'élucider comment, en raison de cette même rupture impériale et du facteur de la distance qui séparait la métropole de cette colonie américaine, des solutions militaires presque exclusivement vice-royales ont dû être mises en œuvre avec les ressources du pays. La considération de la contre-insurrection à une échelle régionale permet d'observer toutes ses mutations militaires, ainsi que de souligner à quel point les facteurs matériels (humains, économiques, géographiques, climatiques, entre autres) du conflit ont conduit à une concentration de pouvoirs autonomes entre les mains des officiers et des soldats du roi qui combattaient l'insurrection. Cela a permis de faire coïncider les dispositifs de la violence avec les objectifs politiques et de détruire progressivement les guérillas américaines sur les scènes régionales. Cependant, bien que la contre-insurrection ait été efficace, l'adaptation de l'armée aux impératifs locaux de la répression lui a donné la possibilité d'agir de manière indépendante sur ce terrain hispano-américain. L'agent répressif pouvait décider subjectivement, en toute liberté, qui était l'ennemi, comment il serait traité, quelles mesures étaient les plus appropriées dans sa tactique et quels moyens utiliser pour financer ses opérations. Ainsi, ma thèse démontre que la contre-insurrection a été un processus d'adaptation des forces armées, qui a pu les amener à décider elles-mêmes de ce qui leur convenait le mieux, sans avoir besoin d’attendre des ordres du vice-roi ou des supérieurs militaires. Cela a pu conditionner la formation du mouvement militaire qui a rendu la Nouvelle-Espagne indépendante en 1821This thesis problematizes the dynamics of counterinsurgency construction during New Spain’s independence conflict from 1810 to 1821, focusing on two territorial demarcations within the Viceroyalty's army (the Army of the South and the Division of the region of Acapulco). It examines elements of the warfare deployed by the government of Mexico, namely, ideological violence, espionage, strategic projections over space, troop organization, the exercise of counter-guerrilla repression, the fiscal-military administration of armed forces, and the material conditions that hindered tactics. These issues are approached from imperial, viceregal, and regional perspectives. Thus, the war against the American insurgents can be contextualized within the framework of the Spanish Empire's crisis in 1808. It is possible to elucidate how, due to this imperial collapse and the geographical distance between the metropolis and its American colony, almost exclusively viceregal military solutions had to be implemented in situ with the resources available to the government. Considering counterinsurgency within its regional contexts allows observing all its military mutations from the grassroots level, emphasizing to what extent material factors (human, economic, geographical, climatic, among others) of the conflict led to a concentration of autonomous powers in the hands of the king's officers and soldiers combating the insurrection. This allowed aligning military means with political ends and progressively dismantling the American guerrillas in regional theaters of war. However, despite the effectiveness of counterinsurgency, the adaptation of the army to local repression imperatives allowed it to act independently in this Spanish American territory. Each repressive agent could subjectively decide, with full freedom, who the enemy was, how to treat them, what measures were most suitable in their tactics, and what resources to use to finance their operations. Hence, this disertation demonstrates that counterinsurgency was an adaptive process for the armed forces, enabling them to independently decide what suited them best without needing to appeal to the viceroy or their superior commands. This could have influenced the formation of the military movement that led to the independence of New Spain in 1821
Esta tesis problematiza las dinámicas de construcción de la contrainsurgencia en el conflicto independentista de Nueva España de 1810-1821, a través de dos demarcaciones territoriales del ejército virreinal (el Ejércto del Sur y la División del rumbo de Acapulco). Son analizados elementos de la guerra que desplegó el gobierno de México, a saber: la violencia ideológica, el espionaje, las proyecciones estratégicas sobre el espacio, la organización de las tropas, el ejercicio de la represión contraguerrillera, la administración fiscal-militar de las fuerzas armadas y las condiciones materiales que dificultaron la táctica. Tales problemáticas son tratadas desde las perspectivas imperial, virreinal y regional. Así, la guerra contra los insurgentes americanos puede circunstanciarse en el marco de la crisis del Imperio español de 1808. Es posible elucidar de qué manera, debido a esa misma quiebra imperial y al factor de la distancia que separaba a la metrópoli de esa colonia americana, tuvieron que implementarse soluciones militares casi exclusivamente virreinales in situ y con los recursos que el gobierno de México tuvo a mano. La consideración de la contrainsurgencia en sus regiones permite observar desde abajo todas sus mutaciones militares, así como destacar hasta qué punto los factores materiales (humanos, económicos, geográficos, climáticos, entre otros) del conflicto llevaron a una concentración de poderes autónomos en manos de los oficiales y soldados del rey que combatían la insurrección. Lo anterior permitió empatar los medios bélicos con los fines políticos y destruir progresivamente a las guerrillas americanas en los teatros regionales. Sin embargo, a pesar de que la contrainsurrección fue efectiva, la adecuación del ejército a los imperativos locales de la represión le dio la posibilidad de actuar de manera independiente en este espacio hispanoamericano. El agente represor podía decidir subjetivamente, con libertad plena, quién era el enemigo, cómo lo trataría, qué medidas eran las más adecuadas en su táctica y qué recursos utilizaría para financiar sus operaciones. Por ello, mi tesis demuestra que la contrainsurgencia fue un proceso de adaptación de las fuerzas armadas que las pudo llevar a decidir por sí mismas lo que mejor les conviniera, sin tener la necesidad de apelar al virrey o a sus mandos superiores. Esto pudo condicionar la formación del movimiento militar que independizó a Nueva España en 1821
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "Expériences de guerre et retours à la vie civile des combattants irlandais, 1914-1928." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040200.
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Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattanteThis research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience
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Taillat, Stéphane. ""L'impuissance de la puissance ?" : l'action des militaires américains en Irak (2003-2008)." Phd thesis, Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier III, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00834637.
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L'invasion et l'occupation de l'Irak ont montré les capacités des Etats-Unis de renverser un ordre politique, et les difficultés d'en construire un à leur profit. Le postulat de départ de la présente recherche consiste à s'interroger sur les effets produits par la présence américaine en Irak. Ceux-ci ne peuvent être analysés indépendamment des logiques qui en sont à l'origine ni de l'interaction avec de multiples acteurs. C'est donc à une analyse stratégique que cette interrogation invite : analyse du raisonnement, de l'articulation entre fins, voies et moyens, mais aussi de l'interdépendance entre les actions américaines et celles des acteurs irakiens. A cette aune, l'histoire militaire devient l'occasion d'une étude sociologique de l'utilisation de la force ainsi que des rapports entre sphères politiques et militaires. D'autre part, l'inscription des actions militaires dans un contexte sociopolitique dynamique porte à se poser la question du rôle joué par la coercition dans l'établissement d'un ordre politique au niveau local. Plus largement enfin, cette thèse interroge les prétentions des Etats occidentaux et de la communauté internationale à promouvoir un ordre libéral dans un contexte de consolidation de l'Etat.
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Quesnay, Arthur. "Ordres partisans, politiques identitaires et production du social : le cas de Kirkouk, Irak (2003 - 2018)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01D009.
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Régulièrement décrite comme le fruit d'un conflit identitaire déclenché par des interventions extérieures, la guerre civile irakienne est d'abord le résultat d'une intense compétition partisane. À travers une enquête de terrain menée de 2010 à 2017 au sein du gouvernorat de Kirkouk, cette thèse montre la manière dont les partis irakiens pénètrent l'État et produisent la société. En particulier, notre travail interroge la manière dont les partis captent les ressources étatiques qui leur permettent la mise en place de politiques d'ingénieries démographiques, la violence étant par ailleurs une modalité d'action centrale du jeu politique. En conséquence, une nouvelle hiérarchie communautaire s'installe qui modifie les structures socio-économiques et la vie quotidienne de la population. À partir de 2011, les inégalités qui résultent de ces transformations encouragent des protestations unanimistes (et non communautaires), mais la violence interdit le développement de ce mouvement et la marginalisation des Arabes sunnites facilitera finalement l'émergence de l'État islamique. Entre 2014 et 2017, la guerre contre l'EI radicalise encore les projets politiques de l'ensemble des partis, mais aboutit paradoxalement à un renforcement de l'État qui revient par le biais d'une politique de décharge milicienne et parvient à reprendre Kirkouk aux partis kurdes irakiens en octobre 2017Regularly described as the result of an identity conflict triggered by external interventions, the Iraqi civil war is first and foremost the result of intense partisan competition. Through an investigation conducted from 2010 to 2017 in the Kirkuk governorate, this thesis demonstrates how Iraqi parties penetrate the state and produce society. In particular, my work questions how parties capture the state resources that enable them to implement demographic engineering policies, violence being also a central modality of action in the political game. As a result, a new identity hierarchy is emerging that is changing the socio-economic structures and daily lives of the population. From 2011, the inequalities resulting from these transformations will encourage unanimous (and not sectarian) protests, but violence ultimately prohibits the development of this movement and the marginalization of Sunni Arabs will ultimately facilitate the emergence of the Islamic State. Between 2014 and 2017, the war against lS further radicalizes the political projects of all political parties, but paradoxically leads to a strengthening of the State, which returns through a devolution of power in favor of militias and, in October 2017, manages to take Kirkuk back from the Iraqi Kurdish parties
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Alexander, Andrew. "The mutiny on the Meermin." Bachelor's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11794.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-85).During February and March of the year 1766, Dutch slaving vessel, the Meermin, be the site of an act of violent resistance, murder and an abortive bid for freedom. Approximately 140 Madagascan slaves revolted against the VOC crew manning the vessel and assume control of the ship; they were subsequently deceived by a Dutch crew desperate for their lives, transported to a region far from the island kingdoms that they regarded as home, and ultimately violently defeated on the coast of a foreign land, a land where many were to remain and die, recaptured by those over whom they had, for a brief moment, won such a devastating victory. Their grasp for liberty thwarted by an almost fantastic mixture of cunning, firepower and luck, they were ultimately to submit to the authority of the cause of their oppression, and to remain in the land from which their attempts at flight had been directed.
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Baca, Damian. "Border insurrections How IndoHispano rhetorics revise dominant narratives of assimilation /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Thome, Nilson. "A Formação do homem do Contestado e a educação escolar : Republica Velha." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252397.
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Orientador: Jose Luis SanfeliceTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T12:30:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thome_Nilson_D.pdf: 2482714 bytes, checksum: 8a776a90f2df497d6ff0b28c961004ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: Esta tese tem por objetivo contribuir para os estudos sobre a formação do homem do Contestado, habitante desde os tempos mais remotos do Centro-Oeste do Estado de Santa Catarina, com a descrição dos fatos mais marcantes do processo sócio-cultural relacionado com a evolução durante o período da Primeira República (1889-1930) e, paralelamente, contribuir para as investigações sobre a educação escolar nesta região. A pesquisa investiga as múltiplas e complexas relações presentes na formação da Região do Contestado, analisando seus determinantes políticos, econômicos, sociais, culturais e educacionais. Narra a história regional, destacando como seus principais pontos referenciais a Lei de Terras de 1850, o coronelismo, a Guerra do Contestado (1913-1916), a Questão de Limites entre Paraná e Santa Catarina (1853-1917). Assim, o estudo trata do espaço livre e da formação do Território Contestado, inserindo a evolução histórica da educação escolar na República Velha, apresentando a formação do homem regional e analisando as contradições entre as classes dominante (fazendeiro) e dominada (caboclo), entre os interesses do Estado oligárquico e dos monopólios e as necessidades da população, e entre o uso do ensino para fins políticos e a busca de instrução pelas classes subalternas. O período histórico não tem preocupações com limitações de início e adentra ao momento em que a primeira fase da modernização vem se impor à sociedade agrária tradicional, preparando o território para a sociedade moderna, industrial e urbana. Articulando as categorias de ocupação, colonização, imigração e povoamento, a pesquisa trata da formação do território a partir da ação coordenada dos homens sobre o espaço livre. O rompimento das relações antigas de um espaço geográfico amplo e de um território livre deu-se com a ação do Estado intervencionista e de investimentos de capitais estrangeiros, dentro do pressuposto da incorporação da terra ao capital. O Território Contestado viveu o processo de expropriação e de exploração, quando o mercado abateu as estruturas velhas e realizou a incorporação progressiva da população na esfera moderna, numa transição que revelou uma época de pouca escolarização, pela ausência de política governamental educacional direcionada à população
Abstract: This thesis has for objective to contribute for the studies on the formation of the man of the Contested one, inhabitant since the times most remote of the Center-West of the State of Santa Catarina, with the description of the facts very important of the partner-cultural process related with the evolution during the period of First Republic (1889-1930) e, parallel, to contribute for the inquiries on the pertaining to school education in this region. The research investigates the multiple and complex relations gifts in the formation of the Region of the Contested one, analyzing its determinative politicians, economic, social, cultural and educational. It tells regional history, detaching as its main basic and important points the Land Law of 1850, the relations of domination and dependence (coronelismo), the War of the Contested one (1913-1916), the Question of Limits between Paraná and Santa Catarina (1853-1917). Thus, the study it deals with to the free space and of the formation of the Contested Territory, inserting the historical evolution of the pertaining to school education in the Old Republic, presenting the formation of the regional man and analyzing the contradictions between the ruling classes (farmer) and dominated (caboclo), it enters the interests of the oligarchical State and the monopolies and the necessities of the population, e enters the use of education for ends politicians and the search of instruction for the subordinates classrooms. The historical period does not have concerns with limitations of beginning and in enters to the moment where the first phase of the modernization comes to impose itself to the traditional agrarian society, preparing the territory for the modern society, urban industrial and. Articulating the categories of occupation, settling, immigration, the research deals with the formation of the territory from the coordinate action of the men on the free space. The disruption of the old relations of ample a geographic space and a free territory was given with the action of the interventionist State and foreign investments of capitals, inside of the estimated one of the incorporation of the land to the capital. The Contested Territory lived the exploration and expropriation process, when the market abated the old structures and carried through the gradual incorporation of the population in the modern sphere, in a transistion that disclosed a time of little few schools, for the absence of educational governmental politics directed the population
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação
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Taylor, Eric Robert. "If we must die : a history of shipboard insurrections during the slave trade." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Love_Diss_02.
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Frederiksen, Kasper Opstrup. "The way out : invisible insurrections and radical imaginaries in the UK underground 1961-1991." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2014. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/68/.
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This thesis explores a 'hidden' cultural history of experiments to engineer culture to transform humanity. Through a mixture of ideas drawn from artistic avant-garde movements as well as new social and religious movements, it examines the radical political and hedonist imaginaries of the experimental fringes of the UK Underground. Even though the theatres of operation have changed more than once since 1991 with the rise of the internet and a globalised finance economy, these imaginaries still raise questions that speak directly to the contemporary. My central inquiry examines the relations between collective practices with an explicit agenda of cultural revolution and discourses of direct revolutionary action, cultural guerrilla warfare and patchwork spirituality, all aiming to generate new forms of social life. These expanded practices blurred the lines between inner and outer, the invisible and the material. Four singular concatenations of aesthetics, politics, education and mysticism in the period from 1961 to 1991 are the objects of my examination: the sigma project, London Anti-University, Academy 23 and thee Temple ov Psychick Youth. At the core of these imaginaries is an idea about a new type of 'action university', a communal affair which would improvise a new type of social relation into existence by de-programming and de-conditioning us without any blueprints for the future besides to 'make it happen'. The goal of its production would be to produce new subjectivities, new commons and new social relations, thus realising another world 'in the shell of the old' through simple acts of pooling resources, sharing knowledge and building international channels for the exchange of information. Instead of being turned upside down, the world was to be changed from the inside out. Besides historicising and contextualising parts of the 1960s underground which has been relegated to footnotes, the thesis promotes a reading which is neither solely aesthetic (artistic avant-garde) nor political (revolutionary communism) but argues that those tendencies are dependent upon each other. Instead, the case studies can be fruitfully examined as examples on cultural engineering, speculative techniques for igniting an invisible insurrection with cultural means. Thus, it contributes to a discussion of art, medias, politics and radical education in the contemporary.
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Branco, João Francisco Migliari. "Movimento docente, insurreição popular e propostas coletivas de educação alternativa em Oaxaca." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-11062015-153719/.
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Essa pesquisa relata os acontecimentos em Oaxaca durante o ano de 2006, quando uma onda de protestos populares levou à tomada da capital do Estado pelos manifestantes, à dissolução do poder político e à violenta ação de desocupação imposta pelo Governo Federal do México. Segundo relatos, o papel que os professores da rede pública de Oaxaca, por meio da Seção XXII do Sindicato Nacional dos Trabalhadores da Educação do México (SNTE,) desempenharam antes e durante a revolta popular de 2006 foi fundamental para nascer a Comuna de Oaxaca. A partir de uma análise crítica dos acontecimentos e das atividades políticas conduzidas pelos professores de Oaxaca nas duas últimas décadas, período de forte efervescência política no Estado e de destacada atuação sindical docente, pretende-se localizar e descrever quais as práticas pedagógicas propostas pelos docentes da Seção XXII. Seu objetivo é compreender, a partir desse levante popular, as concepções de Educação Alternativa e Autônoma que nasceram no Estado de Oaxaca e a elaboração coletiva de uma proposta de gestão comunitária das políticas educativas, caracterizadas pelo envolvimento dos trabalhadores da Educação na construção dessas políticas. Para tanto, o estudo abordará também as concepções políticas de movimentos docentes e de movimentos indígenas no México. A análise destas práticas docentes passará pela pesquisa e descrição do contexto sociopolítico local, pelo estudo da relação que os docentes da Seção XXII estabeleceram com as comunidades indígenas, rurais e setores populares urbanos da sociedade oaxaquenha, assim como a investigação da atuação política e sindical desses professores, sempre a partir de relatos de suas práticas, experiências e propostas educativas.This research reports the events that happened in Oaxaca during the year 2006, when a wave of popular protests led to the protesters to assume the power of the State capital, the dissolution of political power and the violent eviction action imposed by the Federal Government of Mexico. According to the records, the teachers of Oaxaca public system, through the XXII Section of the Mexican National Syndicate of Education Workers, played a fundamental role in the creation of Oaxacas Comuna before and during the 2006 popular revolution. Through a critical evaluation of the events and the political activities conducted by Oaxacas teachers in the last two decades, that represent a period of strong political unrest and memorable actuation of the teachers trade union, it is intended to describe which are the pedagogical practices proposed by the teachers of the section XXII. Its aim is to comprehend, through this popular uprising, the conceptions of the Autonomous and Alternative education that emerged in Oaxaca State, and also the collective elaboration of a community management proposal of educational policies, characterized by the involvement of the education workers in the construction of these policies. Moreover, this study will address the political conceptions of teachers and indigenous movements in Mexico. The analysis of those teaching practices will be made through the research and description of the local socio-economic context, by the study of the relation established by the professors of Section XXII with indigenous and rural communities and with Oaxacan popular urban sectors. In addiction, the teachers political and syndical actuation, always from their practical narrative, experiences and education proposals will be investigated.
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Croguennec-Massol, Gabrielle. "Presse, littérature et société, à Cuba au temps des guerres d'Indépendance, 1868-1898." Toulouse 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU20036.
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Les deux guerres cubaines d'Indépendance marquent deux tentatives de rupture avec la métropole espagnole et la constitution de Cuba comme Etat nation. Ce lent processus est présent et analysé dans la presse du temps, qui grâce au progrès technique de l'époque, connaît un formidable essor, devient un moyen privilégié d'information, de diffusion des idées et de la culture. La littérature, à travers la presse, reçoit de nombreuses influences étrangères, et s'affirme peu à peu comme littérature nationale. Elle participe au processus de construction identitaire de Cuba, et propose une lecture et une représentation de la société en prise avec les événements. Sur le plan politique, la presse véhicule le processus de formation identitaire, avec ses réticences, ses contradictions, et ses interrogations, dans une société qui connaît de nombreux clivages, dus à l'esclavage et à la présence d'une population de couleur, rejetée d'abord, puis considérée comme une alliée possible à la fin du siècleThe two cuban Independance wars are two attempts to separate with the Spanish metropole and with Cuba becoming a state nation. This slow process is present and analysed in the press of the time, which, due to the technical development occuring in this period, is growing rapidly, becoming a privileged information media, and a way to spread ideas and culture. The literature, found in the press, includes many influences from other countries, and soon becomes a national literature. It is involved in the building process of the Cuban identity and delivers a representation of the society directly related to the daily events. From a political point of view, press conveys the identity building process, with its reticences, its contradictions and its interrogations in a society exhibiting numerous divisions coming from slavery and the presence of coloured people, rejected in a first time, then knowing attempts of seduction near the end of the century
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Lahiniriko, Denis. "Les structures politiques à Tananarive : union, unanimisme et divisions partisanes dans la culture politique nationaliste malgache (1945-1958)." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010621.
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L'objet de celle étude est d'analyser le rôle des structures politiques dans l'évolution du contexte politique de l'après-guerre el notamment leur place et leur participation au mouvement d'émancipation pour mieux l'éclairer et le comprendre. Une réflexion temporelle à deux vitesses est adoptée. D'abord, à travers les structures du mouvement revendicatif en privilégiant, dans un premier temps, toute la durée de la période coloniale. La seconde vitesse temporelle est celle des événements. L'objectif est de contribuer à l'étude du nationalisme malgache en abordant une réflexion sur la culture politique nationaliste. Une première partie correspond à la domination du MDRM de la vie politique malgache. On démontrera que dans sa domination, le parti de la Rénovation ne laisse quasiment pas d'espace libre dans le champ politique aux autres partis nationalistes. Notamment au PDM et au MSM. Une seconde partie concerne la période allant de l'insurrection fi la veille de la Loi-Cadre. Caractérisée par le recul des partis politiques comme principal moyen de lutte nationaliste au profit des associations. Enfin une troisième partie est consacrée à la période comprise entre la Loi-Cadre à la formation de la Première République pendant laquelle on assiste à la reformation des partis politiques comme instrument de lutte essentiel dont les nationalistes se servent pour faire aboutir leurs revendications. Elle est marquée également par la division entre ces acteurs politiques dont les conséquences sont lourdes en cette veille de l'indépendance. C'est dans ce sens qu'elle permet de comprendre l'évolution de la culture politique nationaliste qui passe de l'unanimisme à l'unionisme.
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Blunkosky, Sarah K. "Unlawful Assembly and the Fredericksburg Mayor's Court Order Books, 1821-1834." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1730.
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Unlawful assembly accounts extracted from the Fredericksburg Mayor’s Court Order Books from 1821-1834, reveal rare glimpses of unsupervised, alleged illegal interactions between free and enslaved individuals, many of whom do not appear in other records. Authorities enforced laws banning free blacks and persons of mixed race from interacting with enslaved persons and whites at unlawful assemblies to keep peace in the town, to prevent sexual relationships between white women and free and enslaved black men, and to prevent alliance building between individuals. The complex connections necessary to arrange unlawful assemblies threatened the town’s safety with insurrection if these individuals developed radical ideas opposing the existing social order, the foundation of which was slavery. Akin to residents of areas where natural disasters like volcanoes always pose a risk of dangerous eruptions, those living in Fredericksburg lived their lives within the town slave society and its potential threats. In an area, state, and region where insurrections occurred, unlawful assembly, whether frequent or infrequent, mattered.
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Le, Joubioux Hervé. "L'administration coloniale française : les gouverneurs de la Réunion et de Madagascar de 1939 à 1947." La Réunion, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008LARE0021.
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À la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la France possède un vaste empire colonial dirigé, en majeure partie, par le ministère des Colonies. En septembre 1939, la France déclare la guerre à l'Allemagne et toutes les possessions sont mobilisées, en particulier celles de La Réunion et de Madagascar. Au moment de l'armistice, et après quelques hésitations, les gouverneurs de ces deux îles du sud-ouest de l'océan Indien, décident de rester fidèles au maréchal Pétain. Toutes les lois répressives du régime de Vichy sont ensuite mises en place, malgré un blocus dont souffre l'ensemble de la population. En mai et septembre 1942, les troupes britaniques débarquent à Madagascar. L'armistice signé le 5 novembre de la même année. La Réunion rejoint les rangs de la France Libre, quelques jours plus tard. Tout est alors mis en oeuvre pour participer à l'effort de guerre du côté des Alliés. Mais la vie quotidienne dans les deux îles reste très difficile. Les nombreuses élections, à partir de 1945, permettent l'arrivée de nouvelles personnalités politiques, avec des revendications bien différentes. En 1946, La Réunion, une des quatre "vieilles colonies", devient un D. O. M, mais est marquée par une élection tragique. Madagascar, par contre, s'engage progressivement sur la voie de l'indépendance et se dirige vers un affrontement qui éclale lors de l'insurrection de mars 1947On the eve of the Second World War, France ruled over a wide colonial Empire managed, for the major part, by the minister of the colonies. In september 1939, France declared war to Germany and all its possessions were mobilized and especially those of such territories as La Reunion and Madagascar. Upon signing the armistice, and after somewhat hesitating, the governors of these two islands in the south-west of the Indian ocean, eventually made up their mind as to keep supporting Marechal Petain. All the represive laws eancted by the Vichy regime were henceforth implemented, despite a blockade that caused much suffered among the whole of the population. In May and September 1942, the British troops landed on Madagascar. Once the armistice was signed, in November of that very year, La Reunion joined the ranks of the France Libre, several days later. All was then set up to take part to the war effort on the Allies' side. However, the day to day life remained very hard in the two islands. The numerous elections taking place from 1945 onwards, gave rise to the arrival of new political personalities whose claims were much more different. In 1946, The Reunion island became an oversea department, but one election ended up in a tradegy. Madagascar, on the other han, was gradually becoming independant and headed to a clash which broke out during the upheaval of March 1947
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Chopard, Thomas. "La guerre aux civils : les violences contre les populations juives d'Ukraine (1917-1924) : guerre totale, occupations, insurrections, pogroms." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0147.
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La guerre civile qui s'est déroulée dans l'ancien empire russe après 1917, a constitué pour les populations juives d'Ukraine la pire persécution avant la Shoah, une confrontation avec une guerre terrible et meurtrière ainsi qu'une nouvelle vague de violences spécifiquement antisémites. Le présent travail explore donc les raisons de l'émergence d'une nouvelle forme d'antisémitisme, pétri de ressentiment religieux et économique, mais renouvelé en profondeur par l'émergence du mythe du judéo-bolchevisme. L'antisémitisme connut une embellie suite à la révolution de 1917 parce que la figure du Juif servait tout particulièrement de repoussoir aux mouvements nationalistes ukrainien et russe qui s'affrontaient avec les partisans d'un pouvoir soviétique en Ukraine. L'antisémitisme servit par conséquent de base à la gestion au quotidien par les armées combattantes, de plus de deux millions de Juifs ukrainiens. Et il ouvrit sur des séries de pogroms extrêmement violents dont la perpétration est analysée en détails dans ses constantes et ses variations. Une attention toute particulière est donnée aux formes les plus extrêmes de cette violence antisémite portée par des voisins contre leurs voisins juifs, confinant à des cas de nettoyage ethnique et d'extermination. Dans un dernier temps sont analysés les effets immédiats et à plus long terme sur les victimes de cet déchaînement de violences : réfugiés de guerre gérés brutalement par les pays voisins, recomposition de la population et intégration à la nouvelle société soviétiqueCivil War that ravaged the former Russian Empire after 1917, was also the moment of the worst anti-Jewish persecution before Holocaust, a mix between a deadly war and a new wave of specific violence against Jews. This work explores why emerged a new form of anti-Semitism, fulfilled with religious and economic resentment, but also deeply renewed by a new powerful myth : judeo-bolshevism. Anti-Semitism worsens after 1917 revolution because the Jew's image was a powerful imaginary antagonism for nationalisms - both Ukrainian and Russian - that fought against the supporters of a soviet regime in Ukraine. Anti-Semitism was therefore a basic category in daily management of civilian populations, and especially of the two million Jews in Ukraine, by fighting armies. This context led to mass perpetration of anti-Jewish pogroms that are analysed in details in their patterns and variations. The most extreme forms of violence are emphasized, especially cases of violence from Christians against their Jewish neighbours that moulded a politic of ethnic cleansing and sometimes of extermination. Finally are analysed the immediate and long term effects of violence on the victims. Massive war refugees were brutally managed by neighbour countries, in a last moment of violence. Recomposition of the Jewish population and its prompt integration to the new Soviet society closed this sequence of a decade of war
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Childs, Matt David. "The Aponte rebellion of 1812 and the transformation of Cuban society : race, slavery, and freedom in the Atlantic world /." Digital version, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008302.
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Oliveira, de Araujo Kelly Cristina. "Politique et militarisme en Angola : les relations entre le Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Angola (MPLA) et l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) 1965-1985." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040209.
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L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du paysAngola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country