Journal articles: 'Insurrection'

1

de Mijolla-Mellor, Sophie. "La propagande entre insurrection et contre-insurrection." Topique 111, no. 2 (2010): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/top.111.0073.

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Mezzadra, Sandro. "insurrection destituante." Vacarme 32, no. 3 (2005): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vaca.032.0056.

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Saleh, Heba. "Algerian Insurrection." Middle East Report, no. 220 (2001): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559404.

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Villalobo, Joaquín. "Popular Insurrection." Latin American Perspectives 16, no. 3 (July 1989): 5–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x8901600302.

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Robb, John. "SURGICAL INSURRECTION." Lancet 333, no. 8629 (January 1989): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(89)91462-1.

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Ménil, René, and Corine Labridy-Stofle. "The Last Insurrection." CLR James Journal 26, no. 1 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/clrjames2020261/24.

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Cheale, Matthew. "Happening as Insurrection." Art History 45, no. 1 (February 2022): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8365.12628.

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Matheson, P. "Christianity as Insurrection." Scottish Journal of Theology 44, no. 3 (August 1991): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600025643.

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To suggest that authentic Christianity is an insurrectionary faith, a standing provocation to the conventional values of society is, on the face of it, to invite derision. Yet the ferocity with which the first Christians were persecuted was in no small part due to their subversive teachings and practices which gave women, slaves and artisans ideas above their station. This subversive dimension may often have been forgotten. It can hardly have been very evident to the inhabitants of Wittenberg in 1515, for example, yet within a decade Germany was to be embroiled in an unprecedented crisis of authority, one which led not only to turmoil in the world of student and scholar and cleric, but to the greatest social upheaval prior to the French Revolution, to the uffrur we know as the Peasants' War.

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Butler, Gavan. "The Sydney Insurrection." Challenge 53, no. 2 (March 2010): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/0577-5132530204.

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Bojesen, Emile. "Pedagogies of insurrection." Policy Futures in Education 15, no. 5 (June 2017): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210317719814.

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Kenkel, David. "Poverty, wealth and no revolution in sight: Social work, community development and promoting the art of dissent as insurrection during the neoliberal era." Whanake: The Pacific Journal of Community Development 8, no. 1 (September 26, 2023): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.34074/whan.008103.

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This article explores the impact of neoliberalism on the linked areas of social work and community development practice, and makes the contention that practice is often poverty driven rather than poverty informed. Using notions of dissensus and insurrection, the argument is made that the authority of the neoliberal discourse on the social structures of Aotearoa New Zealand creates conditions in which revolutionary reform is difficult, leaving the better option of continuous, variously situated, insurrections and dissents against the neoliberal story that responsibility for fault is seated within individual families and communities rather than being a function of deliberately created policies that serve the wealthy at the expense of the poor.

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Campbell, Jeremy S. "Amending Insurrection: Restoring the Balance of Power in The Insurrection Act." Texas A&M Law Review 9, no. 1 (December 2021): 239–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v9.i1.6.

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The Insurrection Act allows the president to domestically deploy and utilize the federal standing army and state militias to perform functions normally performed by domestic law enforcement. The president can invoke the Act when circumstances make it impracticable to enforce domestic law by normal means, when the execution of the law is obstructed such that it deprives citizens of rightful legal protections, or upon the request of a state. Under the current version of the Act, the president possesses the sole and absolute discretion to determine when it is invoked during the two former instances above. When invoked, the Act provides broad and largely undefined authority for the president to act. This Comment reviews the history behind the passage of the Insurrection Act and follows the subsequent amendments to the contemporary version. It argues that Congress and the Supreme Court have failed to provide adequate checks on the president’s domestic military power, to determine the source of this power, and to accurately describe the limits of the president’s power under the Act. By failing to adhere to the conception of military involvement in domestic law enforcement that the Founders envisioned, the nation is left vulnerable to serious abuses of power for the sake of expediency. This Comment shows that restoring checks on the president’s power under the Insurrection Act will eliminate the possibility of presidential abuse without reducing the usefulness of the Act.

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Brett, Peter. "Revolutionary legality and the Burkinabè insurrection." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000136.

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ABSTRACTCoup leaders often purport to restore constitutional order. During Burkina Faso's 2014 ‘insurrection', however, Blaise Compaoré's opponents advanced detailed (international) legal arguments that significantly constrained their subsequent conduct. Theirs was to be a legal revolution. This article situates this stance within Burkina Faso's distinctive history of urban protest, whilst emphasising under-analysed international sources for the insurrection. ‘Insurgent’ lawyers, it argues, used international instruments to reinvigorate longstanding activist attempts to reconcile constitutional rights with a language of popular justice promoted by the revolutionary regime of Thomas Sankara (1983–7). After the insurrection, however, their emphasis on legality was used by Compaoré's supporters to expose the transitional authorities’ double-standards. Meanwhile, insurgent lawyers working for the transition had to work hard to reconcile (international) legal justifications for the insurrection with the expedient politics needed to defend the new dispensation.

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Newman, Saul. "What is an Insurrection? Destituent Power and Ontological Anarchy in Agamben and Stirner." Political Studies 65, no. 2 (August 9, 2016): 284–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716654498.

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The aim of this article is to develop a theoretical understanding of the insurrection as a central concept in radical politics in order to account for contemporary movements and forms of mobilisation that seek to withdraw from governing institutions and affirm autonomous practices and forms of life. I will develop a theory of insurrection by investigating the parallel thinking of Giorgio Agamben and Max Stirner. Starting with Stirner’s central distinction between revolution and insurrection, and linking this with Agamben’s theory of destituent power, I show how both thinkers develop an ontologically anarchic approach to ethics, subjectivity and life that is designed to destitute and profane governing institutions and established categories of politics. However, I will argue that Stirner’s ‘egoistic’ and voluntarist approach to insurrection provides a more tangible and positive way of thinking about political action and agency than Agamben’s at times vague, albeit suggestive, notion of inoperativity.

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15

Hoberek, Andrew. "Melville, Insurrection, and the Problem of the Nation." American Literary History 35, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac158.

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Abstract In contrast with the standard reading of Moby-Dick (1851) as marking a turn in Melville’s writing from the realist to the symbolic, this chapter focuses on Melville’s realistic representation of insurrection in the chapter entitled “The Town-Ho’s Story.” It does so to argue that Melville understands insurrection as both central to democracy and at odds with politics organized around the nation. Moby-Dick is thus global not only in its setting, but in its formal engagement with the problem of democracy.Moby-Dick strongly suggests that Melville understands the politics of insurrection in opposition to the politics of the nation.

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Palheta, Ugo. "L�insurrection qui revient." Revue du Crieur N�4, no. 2 (2016): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crieu.004.0058.

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17

Bollinger, William. "Villalobos on "Popular Insurrection"." Latin American Perspectives 16, no. 3 (July 1989): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x8901600303.

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Chabot, Kevin. "The Insurrection of Time." Film International 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fiin.13.4.72_1.

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Grossman, Herschel I. "Foreign aid and insurrection." Defence Economics 3, no. 4 (November 1992): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10430719208404737.

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Lebrun, Léo. "Pour une insurrection poétique." Sociographe N° hors-série 15, no. 4 (November 14, 2022): 126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/graph1.hs015.0126.

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Barreto, Matt A., Claudia Alegre, J. Isaiah Bailey, Alexandria Davis, Joshua Ferrer, Joyce Nguy, Christopher Palmisano, and Crystal Robertson. "Black Lives Matter and the Racialized Support for the January 6th Insurrection." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 708, no. 1 (July 2023): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162241228395.

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Does support for the January 6th insurrection come mostly from concerned citizens worried over illegal voting, or from racists spurred to action by the highly visible Black Lives Matter protests and Donald Trump’s 2020 defeat? We field a survey experiment aimed at disentangling links between old and new racial grievances, anti-immigrant beliefs, Black activism, and support for the January 6th insurrection. We find that the people most likely to be supportive of the insurrection are whites who hold negative attitudes toward immigrants and subscribe to white replacement theory. Beliefs about the George Floyd protests also explain January 6th support, above and beyond demographics and other racial and political views. These results are validated by the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey. We also conduct a survey vignette experiment and find that anti-BLM rhetoric spread by Trump and right-wing news sources likely soured opinions on the movement and set the stage for widespread insurrection support.

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22

Gorzałka, Przemysław. "„Under the flags of Homeland” at Napoleon’s side. Insurrection-al activity in Lelow County in 1806 in the light of report of the Lelow County Commission to the Administrative Chamber of Kalisz Department." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Humanistyczno-Przyrodniczego im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Zeszyty Historyczne 19 (2021): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/zh.2021.19.10.

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The Greater Poland Uprising of 1806 is one of the few Polish military insurrections ended in victory. It started in November 1806 during the war between Napoleonic France and the Kingdom of Prussia. The uprising started in Poznań Department with support of the Grande Armée and than it spread over the Kalisz Department. After the brilliant conquest of the fortress of Częstochowa, made by Polish insurgents and French chasseurs, the insurrection reached New Silesia, a small part of the former Kraków Voivodeship. The nobles of Lelów County signed an act of uprising and established Lelów County Provisional Commission to take control over the region. They removed old Prussian authorities, symbols and, what is the most important, they started to organise Polish troops. Eventually, their efforts helped to bring into existence the Duchy of Warsaw.

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23

Lee, Michael. "Seattle Experimental Opera's Artistic Insurrection." World Literature Today 87, no. 4 (2013): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2013.0057.

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Kruse, Meridith. "What Happened to the Insurrection?" TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 8, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 298–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-9008968.

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Abstract This article revisits Susan Stryker's 2006 introduction to The Transgender Studies Reader to show how her overview of Foucault's “insurrection of subjugated knowledges” in this field-inaugurating text mutes the radical potential of Foucault's genealogical approach to history. Through a close reading of Foucault's original presentation of this concept in his 1976 lecture, the fuller sense of his “antiscience” genealogy becomes clear. The article concludes by proposing a way scholars might redeploy Foucault's insurrectionary method within the field of trans* studies today.

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Kruse, Meridith. "What Happened to the Insurrection?" TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 8, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 298–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-9008968.

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Abstract This article revisits Susan Stryker's 2006 introduction to The Transgender Studies Reader to show how her overview of Foucault's “insurrection of subjugated knowledges” in this field-inaugurating text mutes the radical potential of Foucault's genealogical approach to history. Through a close reading of Foucault's original presentation of this concept in his 1976 lecture, the fuller sense of his “antiscience” genealogy becomes clear. The article concludes by proposing a way scholars might redeploy Foucault's insurrectionary method within the field of trans* studies today.

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Michael Lee. "Seattle Experimental Opera's Artistic Insurrection." World Literature Today 87, no. 4 (2013): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7588/worllitetoda.87.4.0007.

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Searle, Chris. "The Muslimeen insurrection in Trinidad." Race & Class 33, no. 2 (October 1991): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689103300203.

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Saranillio, Dean Itsuji. "The Insurrection of Subjugated Futures." American Quarterly 67, no. 3 (2015): 637–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2015.0052.

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KHAZANOV, A. M., and S. M. GASRATYAN. "ISRAEL - SYRIA RELATIONS IN 1948–1967." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 12, no. 1 (2023): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2023-12-1-107-124.

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The main purpose of the article is to analyze historical sources that consider the peculiari-ties of Israel – Syria relations in the period 1948-1967. The authors investigate the events that contributed to the insurrection in Syria in 1949 and its consequences for the relations of this country with Israel. In total for the period from 1949-1953. In total, four military insurrections took place in Syria between 1949 and 1953, and 21 governments were replaced. Under these conditions, peace talks were held be-tween Syria and Israel. The researchers focus on economic assistance from the USSR to Arab countries. As a result, the authors come to conclu-sion that the truce regime between Israel and Syria lasted until the Six-Day War of 1967, but even earlier, at the turn of 1954-1955, it had already reached the point of no return.

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Davis, Darren W., and David C. Wilson. "“Stop the Steal”: Racial Resentment, Affective Partisanship, and Investigating the January 6th Insurrection." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 708, no. 1 (July 2023): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162241228400.

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Our analysis of data from a nationally representative survey of adults shows that beliefs in whether the January 6th insurrection was justifiable and whether it required investigation through the creation of the U.S. House Select Committee are inexorably steeped in affective partisanship and racial resentment. It is easy to attribute the insurrection to partisan machinations, but evidence shows that racial resentment is the dominant explanation: this includes the fact that allegations of election fraud were centered on districts with large African American and Latino populations; that many of the insurrectionists were white nationalists, racists, and members of radical right-wing groups; and that a large proportion of the electorate had voted to retain a president who fueled whites’ sense of victimization by African Americans and other minorities. We argue that reactions to the legitimacy of the January 6th insurrection have become an example of how racial resentment fuels affective partisanship.

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31

Lubeck, Paul M. "Islamic protest under semi-industrial capitalism: 'Yan Tatsine explained." Africa 55, no. 4 (October 1985): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160172.

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Opening ParagraphSince 1980, with considerable regularity during the dry season which propels the rural poor into the urban centres of northern Nigeria, religious riots have erupted in or adjacent to five cities: Kano (1980), Kaduna (1982), Bulum-Ketu near Maiduguri (1982), Jimeta near Yola (1984) and Gombe (1985). In each instance the conflict was remarkably similar. When confronted by the state authorities, an Islamic sect, the 'Yan Tatsine, unleashed an armed insurrection against the Nigerian security forces and those outside the sect, resulting in widespread destruction, in thousands of deaths and in millions of naira of property losses. Indeed, if one were to search for a historical equivalent in Nigerian history, only the communal riots of 1966 surpass the destruction wrought by the 'Yan Tatsine insurrections of the eighties. The account appearing in West Africa, describing the Gombe outbreak, provides a typical press analysis of the insurrection:Fighting began early on Friday, April 29 when a detachment of police moved in to arrest suspected members of a maitatsine type religious sect in the Pantami ward of Gombe. The suspected leader of the religious group is a man named Yusufu Adamu. That was when all hell broke loose. Within hours, some streets had been littered with corpses many of them caught in the cross fire between fanatics and the law enforcement agents. [West Africa, 6 May 1985: 876]For the following analysis it is noteworthy that the correspondent describes the sect as a ‘maitatsine type’, that the insurrection erupted only when the police attempted to arrest an alleged leader and that the members of the dissident sect are labelled ‘fanatics’ without any supporting evidence.

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Veeresha, Nayakara. "Anthropolitics: An Alternative Approach for Parliamentary vs. Revolutionary Politics in India." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 3, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.30980.

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Indian democracy is experiencing various uprisings in the regions of Central and Eastern India, Jammu & Kashmir and North-Eastern regions. However, the nature and causative factors of these uprisings are different. The insurrection in Central India is popularly known as “largest internal security threat” that the country is facing as described by former Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh in 2006. The insurrections of Jammu & Kashmir and North-Eastern regions have strong identity base and assumed the form of insurgencies. The failure of the parliamentary democracy in implementing the provisions of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution and the inadequacy of the revolutionary politics of the CPI (Maoist) in delivering good governance to the people indicate the need for alternative politics. These alternative politics may be called as Anthropolitics where human dignity and rights of an individual preferred over the power-centred politics.

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Misra, Sanghamitra. "Rebellion and Ethnogenesis in Colonial North-Eastern Bengal: The Garos as Pagul Panthis." Studies in People's History 9, no. 1 (May 15, 2022): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23484489221080906.

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In the closing decades of the eighteenth and in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Peasant insurrection was endemic to the north-eastern borders of Bengal, including the submontane region of Gird Garrow, a characteristic shared with the contiguous Garo Hills. Locating these conditions of insurrection within changes in the order of the regional economy under the Company’s rule, the article elucidates the economic rationale of ‘primitive violence’ and reflects on the processes generated by the state itself in the course of subjugation of the Garo peasants in the region.

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34

Moore, Mick. "Thoroughly Modern Revolutionaries: The JVP in Sri Lanka." Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 3 (July 1993): 593–642. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010908.

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The JVP (Janatha Vikmuthi Peramuna—the People's Liberation Front) first came to the attention of the world outside Sri Lanka when it launched an abortive insurrection in 1971. In 1987, the JVP made another bid to come to power by force of arms. The insurrection of 1987–1989 was better-prepared and more deeply-rooted than that of 1971; the human costs and societal consequences of its extirpation were correspondingly greater. Although the JVP came close to achieving state power both in late 1988 and mid-1989, it was thereafter destroyed very rapidly.

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Kovic, Milos. "The beginning of the 1875 Serbian uprising in Herzegovina the British perspective." Balcanica, no. 41 (2010): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1041055k.

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The main goal of this article is to scrutinize the contemporary British sources, in order to establish what they say about the causes of the insurrection in Herzegovina which marked the beginning of the Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878. The official reports of British diplomats, the observations of newspaper correspondents, and the instruc?tions of London policy makers support the conclusion that the immediate cause of the insurrection was agrarian discontent, especially tithe collecting. In considering the ?external influences? on the outbreak of the insurrection, the British emphasized the role of Austria-Hungary and Montenegro. Behind these countries, they saw the shadow of the Three Emperors? League, which was perceived as the main threat to the Ottoman Empire and, consequently, to the balance of power in Europe. Serbia was not seen as directly involved in the events in Herzegovina. Later on, at the time of Prince Milan?s visit to Vienna, and as volunteers from Serbia began to be despatched to Herzegovina, the British diplomats increasingly perceived Serbia, in addition to Montenegro, as another tool of the Three Emperors? League.

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Cameron, Ewen A. "James Hunter, Insurrection: Scotland's Famine Winter." Innes Review 72, no. 1 (May 2021): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0293.

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Bangor-Jones, Malcolm. "James Hunter, Insurrection Scotland's Famine Winter." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 40, no. 1 (May 2020): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2020.0287.

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Luttwak, Edward N., and Thomas Richard. "Les impasses de la contre-insurrection." Politique étrangère Hiver, no. 4 (2006): 849. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.064.0849.

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Ramet, Sabrina P., and Christine M. Hassenstab. "THE INSURRECTION BY WOMEN IN POLAND." Security Dialogues /Безбедносни дијалози 13, no. 1 (2022): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/sd22131007r.

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Thomas owens, Mackubin. "La redécouverte de la contre-insurrection." Commentaire Numéro 130, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 529–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.130.0529.

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Smith, Leonard V., and Leonard F. Guttridge. "Mutiny: A History of Naval Insurrection." Journal of Military History 58, no. 3 (July 1994): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944143.

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Egan, Daniel. "Insurrection and Gramsci's “War of Position”." Socialism and Democracy 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 102–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.1001559.

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CHIVANDIKWA, NEHEMIA. "Theatre and/as insurrection in Zimbabwe." Studies in Theatre and Performance 32, no. 1 (February 2, 2012): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/stap.32.1.29_1.

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Gribaudi, Gabriella. "Naples 1943. Espaces urbains et insurrection." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 58, no. 5 (October 2003): 1079–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900018151.

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RésuméDans cet article, l’auteur élabore une analyse de l’insurrection napolitaine contre l’armée allemande (28 septembre-1er octobre 1943) dans une perspective sociale et territoriale. Les acteurs, les espaces dans lesquels ils ont agi et leurs représentations sont placés au centre de l’enquête. Le quartier et le voisinage surgissent dans toute leur complexité sociale ; le réseau de relations qui les anime, avec les échanges symboliques et matériels, constitue la structure sur laquelle se tisse la trame de la lutte. L’analyse de l’insurrection au jour le jour comme de ses espaces géographiques et sociaux permet de comprendre les dynamiques des combats et les motivations des insurgés, pour conduire à la critique des interprétations construites sur le temps long et enracinées dans l’imaginaire national et local.

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Leśniewski, Peter. "The 1919 insurrection in upper Silesia." Civil Wars 4, no. 1 (March 2001): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240108402462.

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Ramírez, Carlos Rincón. "THE MAGISTERIAL INSURRECTION AND INSTITUTIONAL INDOLENCE." International Journal of Human Sciences Research 3, no. 5 (January 31, 2023): 2–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22533/at.ed.558352325016.

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Baker, Keith Michael. "Le moment Marat, l’inévitable insurrection populaire." L'Humanité N° Hors-série, no. 1 (May 3, 2023): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hum.hs4.0058.

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Mazzaferro, Alexander. "The Unfinished Business of American Insurrection." English Language Notes 61, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-10293217.

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Lawtoo, Nidesh. "The Insurrection Moment: Intoxication, Conspiracy, Assault." Theory & Event 26, no. 1 (January 2023): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tae.2023.0001.

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Ebel, Édouard. "Gendarmerie et contre-insurrection, 1791-1962." Revue Historique des Armées 268, no. 3 (August 1, 2012): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.268.0003.

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Au cours de son histoire, la gendarmerie a régulièrement participé, aux côtés de l’armée de Terre, aux guerres dites « irrégulières ». Les théoriciens et les stratèges ont établi, aux lendemains des conflits de la décolonisation, des doctrines propres à préparer les armées à la contre-insurrection. Dans ces schémas, la gendarmerie tient une place mineure, voire inexistante. Pourtant, tout montre que cette institution dispose d’atouts considérables dans la perspective de tels conflits. Son caractère militaire, sa propension à contrôler le territoire par un maillage et à obtenir des renseignements, sa souplesse lui permettant d’adapter son organisation à la situation et enfin sa capacité à créer des unités spécialisées constituent autant d’atouts militant pour l’emploi de la gendarmerie dans la contre-insurrection. Cependant, les réticences en son sein même, associées à un certain désintérêt de l’armée de Terre pour l’emploi de la gendarmerie dans ce cadre si particulier, laissent penser qu’une conceptualisation plus aboutie aurait pu bénéficier à l’efficacité des armées.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Insurrection'

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