Academic literature on the topic 'Intellectuals – Europe, Western'
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Journal articles on the topic "Intellectuals – Europe, Western"
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Tomczak, Maria. "Intelektualiści zachodnioeuropejscy od wybuchu II wojny światowej do współczesności." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.7.
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This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenieFor the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
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BöRöcz, József. "Goodness Is Elsewhere: The Rule of European Difference." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 1 (2006): 110–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000053.
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Reflecting on European colonialism in 1950—at a time when discussions about what we now know as the European Union emerged in western Europe—Aimé Césaire wrote, “… Europe is morally, spiritually indefensible.”2 This idea is fairly commonplace in much of the post-colonial world and it has some purchase within certain academic and intellectual circles elsewhere. And yet, in the process of denouncing the widely noted3 presence of racism in Hungary, thirty-six leading Hungarian intellectuals have, in a recent public document, felt compelled to thank France, and through France, a generic, trans-historical notion of “Europe,” for what they saw as the latter's profound, longue-durée goodness.
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Sambati, Douglas Neander. "Western Donors, Romani Organizations, and Uses of the Concept of Nation after 1989." Critical Romani Studies 3, no. 1 (2020): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v3i1.52.
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This article discusses the relationship between Western donors and Romani and Romani-friendly organizations in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. Based on literature review, interviews, reports, and websites, this paper upholds that the burst of Romani and Romani-friendly organizations in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 primarily was made possible by financial support and expertise coming from Western organizations. Together with their work methodology, so-called donors took their own framework on understanding groupings and enforced the concept of nation upon Gypsy/Romani populations. Therefore, Western donors and Romani activists and intellectuals alike essentialized (claimed) Gypsy/Romani traits in order to support a nation-building rhetoric. These Romani activists and intellectuals, in turn, are a legacy of policies from planned economies, and they actually might represent Gypsy/Romani communities from a privileged perspective – no longer fully insiders but as a vanguard.
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Fillafer, Franz L. "Whose Enlightenment?" Austrian History Yearbook 48 (April 2017): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237817000017.
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The Enlightenment seems out of kilter. Until fairly recently, its trajectories were beguilingly simple and straightforward. Devised by Western metropolitan masterminds, the Enlightenment was piously appropriated by their latter-day apprentices in Central and Eastern Europe. This process of benign percolation made modern science, political liberty, and religious toleration trickle down to East-Central Europe. The self-orientalizing of nineteenth-century Central European intellectuals reinforced this impression, making concepts that were ostensibly authentic and pristine at their “Western” sources seem garbled and skewed once appropriated in their region.
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Hofmann, Murad Wilfried. "ON THE ROLE OF MUSLIM INTELLECTUALS." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (1997): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2235.
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Before delving into the subject of the role of Muslim intellectuals, weshould agree on what we mean when using the term.The meaning of the word Muslim is well-known because it has beendefined in the Qur’an itself. According to Sfirut ul-Nisi, verse 125, aMuslim is someone “who submits his whole self to Allah, does what isgood, and follows the way of Ibrahim.” And according to verse 136 ofthe same sfiruh a Muslim is he who believes “in Allah, and His messengers,and the scriptures which He has sent down to those before.” Finally,Sfirut ul-Tuwbah says in verse 7 1 that believing Muslims “order what isright and forbid what is wrong, observe their prayers, pay zakat, andobey Allah and His messenger.”The meaning of the word intellectual is more difficult to determine andis not defined in the Qur’an. In fact, this term has been used only sincethe late 19th century. For our purposes, I do not propose to define asintellectual everybody who is “cultured” or academically trained-inArabic al-muthaqifin. Rather, I should like to restrict the term to what iscalled in Arabic al-mufuqirfin: analytical minds who communicate, asopinion leaders, through lecturing or publishing and do not just sit athome, thinking and criticizing.So we know what, or who, a Muslim intellectual is. But do such individualsexist?It is well known that the so-called elite of Europe, also of KemalistTurkey, came to believe that there was a contradiction between beingintelligent and believing in God. In fact, from the middle of the 19th centuryto the present time, considered it Western and Turkish academicsconsidered it intellectually chic to be an agnostic or an atheist, in particularif one was a leftist-as if intellectualism was a privilege of the Left,and not to be found on the conservative Right.This attitude, still pervasive today, goes back to the so-called Age ofReason and the Enlightenment-budding with Descartes in the 17th ...
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Faidi, Ahmad. "KEKUASAAN POLITIK ISLAM DI ANDALUSIA: PINTU GERBANG MENUJU RENAISANCE EROPA." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 6, no. 2 (2021): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v6i2.834.
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The triumph of Islamic politics in Andalusia (Spain) is one of the most glorious historical assets of Islam. In addition to the glory of Islam in Baghdad, Andalusia became an important civilization milestone as a bridge for Europe to pick up the enlightenment and golden phase. Although, the contribution of Islam to the glory of Modern Europe is not widely echoed by Western historians, the traces of its history cannot be erased. Through the works of Muslim intellectuals, such as Ibn Rushd, Ibn Bajah, Ibn Khaldun, and so on, Europeans were reminded of the classical traditions of their ancestors. The study of Islamic philosophy initiated by Muslim philosophers succeeded in reviving the classical tradition of Greek philosophy. This kind of scientific climate later became the trigger for the birth of the reform, renaissance, and modernization movements in mainland Europe. Undeniably, the political and intellectual triumph of Islam in Andalusia, which was geographically more accessible to Europeans than the Abbasids in Baghdad, became an important bridge for the rise of Europe to the pinnacle of modern civilization.
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GÄNGER, STEFANIE, and SU LIN LEWIS. "FORUM: A WORLD OF IDEAS: NEW PATHWAYS IN GLOBAL INTELLECTUAL HISTORY,C.1880–1930." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 2 (2013): 347–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000048.
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This forum explores new directions in global intellectual history, engaging with the methodologies of global and transnational history to move beyond conventional territorial boundaries and master narratives. The papers focus on the period between the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth, an era in which the growth of cities, burgeoning print cultures and new transport and communications technology enabled the accelerated circulation and exchange of ideas throughout the globe. The proliferation of conferences, world fairs, and international congresses, the growing professionalization and definition of academic disciplines, and the enhanced circulation of scholarly journals and correspondence enabled intellectuals around the world to converse in shared vocabularies. Much of the scholarship on early twentieth-century intellectual history in the non-Western world has been viewed through the binary relationships of metropole and colony, or as nationalist reactions to colonial domination. This cluster widens the framework to consider the way in which intellectuals formed scholarly networks and gathered multiple influences to articulate new visions of community and society within a wider world of ideas. The multiplicity of imperial and transnational pathways allowed not only for “centers of calculation” in colonial metropoles, but also for points of convergence and encounter outside Europe. As these papers show, the routes by which ideas travelled brought forth a global republic of letters, composed of diverse “centers” for the collection and production of knowledge by intellectuals operating in different parts of the world.
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Esbenshade, Richard S. "Symbolic Geographies and the Politics of Hungarian Identity in the ‘Populist-Urbanist Debate,’ 1925-44." Hungarian Cultural Studies 7 (January 9, 2015): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2014.174.
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This article examines intellectuals’ debates about national identity in interwar and World War II Hungary to uncover their connection to underlying “symbolic geographies” and “mental maps.” Focusing on the way in which Hungarian identity and history have been informed by, and indeed inserted into, virtual spatial rubrics that rely on the historically developed cultural concepts of “Europe” and “Asia,” and “West” and “East,” the paper looks in particular at the “populist-urbanist debate” that raged between two groups of writers, both opposed to the ruling neo-feudal order. The populists were composed mostly of provincial-born intellectuals who saw the recognition and uplift of the peasant as the key to Hungary’s salvation. The urbanists were cosmopolitan intellectuals, mostly of assimilated Jewish origin, who saw the wholesale adoption of progressive Western rights and norms as the only way forward.
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Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.
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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.
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Vidnianskyi, Stepan. "Stance of European Intellectuals on russia’s Aggression against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-31.
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The article analyses the stance of prominent European intellectuals on the brutal military aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign European country, unleashed by russia, a terrorist-state, which challenged all the democratic values of the Western civilisation and brought humanity to the brink of World War III. In their public appearances, publications and civil engagement, the most prominent representatives of European elites have influenced considerably the European public perception of putin’s war against Ukraine. To wit, Germans Jürgen Habermas and Martin Schulze Wessel, French Françoise Thom and Jonathan Littell, Belgian Bart De Baere, Czech Jan Rychlík, the world-renowned American historian Timothy Snider, and other intellectuals firmly believe that not just putin, but also all russians are responsible for the war, having supported his criminal aggression. Moreover, they believe that Europeans should show utmost support to Ukraine, which is not just fighting against the aggressor for the sake of its existence, freedom, democracy, and pro-European choice, but also against totalitarianism for the sake of the future of Europe. The author stresses that the Euro-Atlantic civilisation needs to unite in combating russia’s aggressive and insidious attempts at imposing on Europe, through its loyal foreign politicians, experts, and institutions, its desired perspective on the russian-Ukrainian war and, in general, Ukrainian history and culture. The author outlines three primary objectives of European intellectuals. The first lies in conveying the truth about the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22, its causes, and geopolitical implications, real and potential, to society. The second focuses on refuting russian deceitful propaganda. The third involves shedding light on the essence, components, and historical roots of ‘ruscism’, the dominant totalitarian ideology of contemporary russia, which poses a threat to the existence of the human civilisation and demands urgent attention and elimination. Keywords: russia, Ukraine, aggression, Europe, intellectuals, public opinion.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Intellectuals – Europe, Western"
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Hauswedell, Tessa C. "The formation of a European identity through a transnational public sphere? : the case of three Western European cultural journals, 1989-2006." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/789.
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This thesis analyses processes of discursive European identity formation in three cultural journals: Esprit, from France, the British New Left Review and the German Merkur during the time periods 1989-92, and, a decade later, during 2003-06. The theoretical framework which the thesis brings to bear on this analysis is that of the European Public Sphere. This model builds on Jürgen Habermas’s original model of a “public sphere”, and alleges that a sphere of common debate about issues of European concern can lead to a more defined and integrated sense of a European identity which is widely perceived as vague and inchoate. The relevancy of the public sphere model and its connection to the larger debate about European identity, especially since 1989, are discussed in the first part of the thesis. The second part provides a comparative analysis of the main European debates in the journals during the respective time periods. It outlines the mechanisms by which identity is expressed and assesses when, and to what extent, shared notions of European identity emerge. The analysis finds that identity formation does not occur through a developmental, gradual convergence of views as the European public sphere model envisages. Rather, it is brought about in much more haphazard back-and-forth movements. Moreover, shared notions of European identity between all the journals only arise in moments of perceived crises. Such crises are identified as the most salient factor which galvanizes expressions of a common, shared sense of European identity across national boundaries and ideological cleavages. The thesis concludes that the model of the EPS is too dependent on a partial view of how identity formation occurs and should thus adopt a more nuanced understanding about the complex factors that are at play in these processes. For the principled attempt to circumscribe identity formation as the outcome of communicative processes alone is likely to be thwarted by external events.
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Dunlop, Joseph. "La Relève : Catholic intellectuals in Quebec, 1930-1950." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:87a80921-1aa8-4324-9afa-000b2572581b.
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This study traces the intellectual and political itinerary of the review La Relève, an influential cultural journal in 1930s and ‘40s Quebec, in order to explore broader trends within francophone Catholicism in the middle decades of the twentieth century. La Relève enjoyed a unique role as a propagator of French Catholic thought in Quebec due to its close ties with the prominent French Catholic philosopher Jacques Maritain. In the early ‘30s, members of the Relève group espoused a militant Catholicism with conservative-minded nationalist sympathies. The group’s encounter with Maritain in October 1934, however, moved La Relève towards a more communitarian Catholicism which was open to social and religious pluralism. During the later ‘30s, the Relèvistes would display a new interest in democratic forms of politics, reflecting the larger ‘democratic turn’ evident amongst many francophone Catholic intellectuals. In examining this shift, this study argues that the progressive Catholicism embraced by La Relève remained strongly rooted in longstanding Catholic social teachings and mentalities, thereby shedding light upon the political trajectory of the larger French Catholic Revival during this period. The emergence of a ‘Left’ Catholicism in France and Quebec was the result of a gradual and often contradictory process in which new attempts to engage with pluralism, democracy and human rights were heavily influenced by the traditionally anti-liberal and anti-individualistic perspectives of Catholic social and political thought. This study also examines the social and cultural environment of Catholic intellectual engagement in Quebec during this period, focusing upon the role played by friendship in defining the experiences of the Relève circle during the 1930s and ‘40s. Initially the product of a close-knit and often cliquish group of former schoolmates, La Relève provided a forum for masculine solidarity and shared intellectual and religious pursuits. The Relèvistes' conception of friendship expanded over the course of the decade, reflecting their exposure to the ideas of the French Catholic intelligentsia, for whom the idea of friendship signalled a wider community bound together by common religious, social and political goals. During the war years, the Relève group came to play a new role within the larger francophone Catholic intellectual community, founding a publishing company which printed numerous anti-fascist Catholic authors. In the postwar period, however, contact with the European intellectual milieu diminished, as the review closed in 1948 and the Relèvistes embraced new trends in Catholic thought which ultimately distanced them from Maritain. However, intellectual engagement with French Catholic thought would continue on in Quebec through the review Cité libre, which would play an important role in shaping politics and society in Quebec and Canada during the later twentieth century.
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McLaren, Kevin Todd. "Pharaonic Occultism: The Relationship of Esotericism and Egyptology, 1875-1930." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2016. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/1658.
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The purpose of this work is to explore the interactions between occultism and scholarly Egyptology from 1875 to 1930. Within this timeframe, numerous esoteric groups formed that centered their ideologies on conceptions of ancient Egyptian knowledge. In order to legitimize their belief systems based on ancient Egyptian wisdom, esotericists attempted to become authoritative figures on Egypt. This process heavily impacted Western intellectualism not only because occult conceptions of Egypt became increasingly popular, but also because esotericists intruded into academia or attempted to overshadow it. In turn, esotericists and Egyptologists both utilized the influx of new information from Egyptological studies to shape their identities, consolidate their ideologies, and maintain authority on the value of ancient Egyptian knowledge.
This thesis follows the Egypt-centered developments of the Freemasons, the Golden Dawn, Aleister Crowley's A∴A∴, the Theosophical Society, the Anthroposophical Society, and the Ancient Mystical Order Rosae Crucis to demonstrate that esotericism evolved simultaneously with academia as a body of knowledge. By examining these fraternal occult groups' interactions with Egyptology, it can be better understood how esotericism has affected Western intellectualism, how ideologies form in response to new information, and the effects of becoming an authority on bodies of knowledge (in particular Egyptological knowledge). In turn, embedded in this work is a challenge to those who have downplayed or overlooked the agency of esotericists in shaping the Western intellectual tradition and preserving the legacy of ancient Egypt.
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Herzog, Lisa Maria. "Inventing the market. Smith, Hegel and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39eb8122-b2a3-4070-8fc2-12ed6e5568cc.
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This thesis analyses the constructions of the market in the thought of Adam Smith and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and their relevance for contemporary political philosophy. Combining the history of ideas with systematic analysis, it contrasts Smith’s view of the market as a benevolently designed ‘contrivance of nature’ with Hegel’s view of the market as a ‘relic of the state of nature.’ In two interpretative chapters these two constructions of the market are discussed within the contexts of Smith’s and Hegel’s thought. In three systematic chapters, the relevance of these different constructions for the problems of identity and community, social justice, and different notions and dimensions of freedom is discussed. The first of these chapters argues that the conceptualization of the labour market as a market place for human capital or as a locus for the development of a professional ethos has a deep impact on how one thinks about the relation between individual and community, cutting across the debate between liberals and communitarians. The second systematic chapter shows that the market can be seen either as an instrument for addressing issues of social justice or as an institution against which social justice needs to be realized: for Smith, who thinks that free markets reward virtue and equalize income, it is the former, whereas for Hegel, who holds that free markets lead to unpredictable results and exacerbate social differences, it is the latter. The third systematic chapter addresses the relation between different aspects of liberty and the market. It shows that the market offers both chances and risks for liberty in the sense of individual autonomy, and analyses the relations of the market to positive liberty in a political sense. The concluding chapter draws some broader methodological lessons, arguing for a closer integration of economic and political theory at a ‘less-ideal’ level.
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Hill, Mark J. "Founding and re-founding : a problem in Rousseau's political thought and action." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b41e1417-05c9-4c46-bcad-f0f0bdc83dde.
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protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.
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van, der Lugt Mara. "'Pierre, or the ambiguities' : Bayle, Jurieu and the Dictionnaire Historique et Critique." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:02bbbbda-7fa3-4c1c-af05-99842a9217e0.
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This thesis presents a new study of Pierre Bayle’s Dictionnaire Historique et Critique (1696), with special reference to Bayle’s polemical engagement with the theologian Pierre Jurieu. While recent years have seen a surge of interest in Bayle, there is as yet no consensus on how to interpret Bayle’s ambiguous stance on reason and religion, and how to make sense of the Dictionnaire: although specific parts of the Dictionnaire have received much scholarly attention, the work has hardly been studied as a whole, and little is known about how the Dictionnaire was influenced by Bayle’s polemic with Jurieu. This thesis aims to establish a new method for reading the Dictionnaire, under a dual premise: first, that the work can only be rightly understood when placed within the immediate context of its production in the 1690s; second, that it is only through an appreciation of the mechanics of the work as a whole, and of the role played by its structural and stylistic particularities, that we can attain an appropriate interpretation of its parts. Special attention is paid to the heated theological-political conflict between Bayle and Jurieu in the 1690s, which had a profound influence on the project of the dictionary and on several of its major themes, such as the tensions in the relationship between the intellectual sphere of the Republic of Letters and the political state, but also the danger of religious fanaticism spurring intolerance and war. The final chapters demonstrate that Bayle’s clash with Jurieu was also one of the driving forces behind Bayle’s reflection on the problem of evil; they expose the fundamentally problematic nature of both Bayle’s theological association with Jurieu, and his self-defence in the second edition of the Dictionnaire. The title of this thesis comes from Herman Melville’s novel: ‘Pierre, or the Ambiguities’.
Books on the topic "Intellectuals – Europe, Western"
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Stern, Ludmila. Western intellectuals and the Soviet Union: 1920-40 : from Red Square to the Left Bank. Routledge, 2006.
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Dales, Richard C. The intellectual life of Western Europe in the Middle Ages. 2nd ed. E.J. Brill, 1992.
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C, Armstrong Megan, and Lehning James R. 1947-, eds. Europeans in the world: Sources on cultural contact. Prentice Hall, 2002.
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Colish, Marcia L. Medieval foundations of the western intellectual tradition, 400-1400. Yale Univesity Press, 1997.
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Medieval foundations of the western intellectual tradition, 400-1400. Yale University Press, 1997.
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Cunningham, Lawrence. Culture and values: A survey of the humanities. 7th ed. Wadsworth/Cengage Learning, 2010.
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Cunningham, Lawrence. Culture and values: A survey of the humanities. 7th ed. Wadsworth/Cengage Learning, 2010.
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Cunningham, Lawrence. Culture and values: A survey of the Western humanities. Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1985.
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Cunningham, Lawrence. Culture and values: A survey of the humanities. 6th ed. Thomson/Wadsworth, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Intellectuals – Europe, Western"
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Kourelis, Kostis. "The Archaeology of Forced Migration in Greece: A Layered Pedagogy." In Migration, Displacement, and Higher Education. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12350-4_12.
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AbstractHow does the academic teaching of archaeology in the United States respond to the urgent questions surrounding this migration to Europe? The ad hoc urbanism of Greece’s migrant camps offers a rich entry point for the study of contemporary migration and its relationship to historical landscapes. Since its foundation in 1830, modern Greece has experienced continuous episodes of forced migration, emigration, internal displacement, war, economic collapse, destruction, abandonment, and ruination. Its countryside is layered with migrant sites, artifacts, and memories. Starting in the seventeenth century, European intellectuals valorized the Greek landscape as an idyllic Arcadia that was central to Western civilization’s relationship to nature. Representing universal values, Greece’s antiquities stand as foils to the mutability and degeneration of modernity and form the subject of archaeology as a discipline.
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Andrianopoulos, Argyris G. "Intellectual Underpinnings of Kissinger’s Global Strategy." In Western Europe in Kissinger’s Global Strategy. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19425-4_2.
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Eile, Stanislaw. "Polish Intellectual Dissent in the Drama of 1956–70." In Perspectives on Literature and Society in Eastern and Western Europe. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19698-2_9.
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Caprioglio, Nadia. "Nietzsche e l’immaginazione culturale in Russia all’inizio del XX secolo. Un caso di studio: Dmitrij Merežkovskij." In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici. Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-672-9.28.
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In the decades prior to the Revolution of 1917, the Russian intelligencija was strongly influenced by Western European intellectuals, including Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche was one of the European philosophers who played a prominent role in shaping Russian perceptions of reality in this period, although his thought was interpreted by Russians in contrasing ways. The article examines the case of Dmitrij Merežkovskij, reassessing the extent of Nietzsche’s influence on his oeuvre. In our view, Nietzsche did not only influence Merežkovskij’s early poetry, where aesthetic and anti-Christian views prevail, but also contributed to the sensual and individualist nature of his later prose.
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Caprioglio, Nadia. "Nietzsche e l’immaginazione culturale in Russia all’inizio del XX secolo. Un caso di studio: Dmitrij Merežkovskij." In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici. Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-910-2.28.
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In the decades prior to the Revolution of 1917, the Russian intelligencija was strongly influenced by Western European intellectuals, including Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche was one of the European philosophers who played a prominent role in shaping Russian perceptions of reality in this period, although his thought was interpreted by Russians in contrasing ways. The article examines the case of Dmitrij Merežkovskij, reassessing the extent of Nietzsche’s influence on his oeuvre. In our view, Nietzsche did not only influence Merežkovskij’s early poetry, where aesthetic and anti-Christian views prevail, but also contributed to the sensual and individualist nature of his later prose.
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Lang, Felix. "Transformations of the “Syrian” Literary Field Since 2011." In Re-Configurations. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_17.
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Abstract The events unfolding in Syria since spring 2011 have led to a thorough transformation of the intellectual and artistic space in which Syrian authors, filmmakers, and artists move. Starting from an overview of the connections of institutions, artists, and works that form this contemporary space of cultural production, this chapter goes on to consider the problems existing theoretical conceptions of such spaces from the sociology of arts encounter when faced with the empirical realities of the Syrian case. It shows that the transnational, unstable, and often transient nature of these formations and their links with large-scale socio-political changes, such as wars, are difficult to grasp with conceptual toolkit developed on the model of the unusually stable spaces of production of Western Europe and the US.
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Donohue, Christopher. "“A Mountain of Nonsense”? Czech and Slovenian Receptions of Materialism and Vitalism from c. 1860s to the First World War." In History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12604-8_5.
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AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.
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"Freedom and the Intellectuals." In The Culture of Western Europe, edited by George L. Mosse. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429492891-21.
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"Marxism and the Intellectuals." In The Culture of Western Europe, edited by George L. Mosse. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429492891-25.
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"Freedom and the Intellectuals." In The Culture of Western Europe. University of Wisconsin Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv30pnv5q.27.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Intellectuals – Europe, Western"
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Lukashin, Alexey A. "Political Extremism Analysis In The Modern Western Europe Using Intellectual Data Processing." In 18th PCSF 2018 - Professional Сulture of the Specialist of the Future. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.12.02.145.
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Plamadeala, Ion. "Forms of Misology in Activist Research." In Conferință științifică internațională "Filologia modernă: realizări şi perspective în context european". “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/filomod.2022.16.02.
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The paper foregrounds the multiplication of various forms of misology, of hatred of reason and rationality, in general intellectual and academic discourse in recent decades in Western societies. Some interdisciplinary explanations for the causes of this phenomenon are proposed, and critically analysed are mysological manifestations in the socio-human sciences, primarily feminism and gender studies, as well as some deleterious effects on the general culture, the academic ethos and the peer-review evaluation system.
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LIM, JONGTAE. "“WESTERN ASTRONOMY VS KOREAN GEOGRAPHY”: INTELLECTUAL EXCHANGES BETWEEN A KOREAN AND THE JESUITS AS SEEN FROM YI KIJI’S 1720 BEIJING TRAVELOGUE." In Europe and China: Science and the Arts in the 17th and 18th Centuries. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814390446_0014.
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