Academic literature on the topic 'Inter-Communal Conflict'
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Journal articles on the topic "Inter-Communal Conflict"
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Pely, Doron, and Golan Luzon. "Hybrid dispute resolution model for migrant-host communities." International Journal of Conflict Management 30, no. 5 (October 14, 2019): 615–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-01-2019-0009.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to locate, describe and analyze the differences between the way migrants from communal cultures and local communities in Western Europe resolve intra-communal and inter-communal conflicts, and to use the findings to propose a hybrid alternative model that may be able to bridge across identified differences. Such a hybrid model will facilitate enhanced integration and adaptation between host and migrant communities, contributing to improved conflict resolution outcomes. Design/methodology/approach This paper starts with an exploration, review and analysis of existing relevant literature describing refugee/migrant–host community interactions and their consequences. The second stage includes review and analysis of relevant alternative dispute resolution (ADR) literature. The third stage undertakes an examination and analysis of the practices identified in stage two, and the fourth stage proposes a method that uses potentially “bridging” practices by incorporating useful and relevant elements from host and refugee communities’ ADR mechanisms, in a way that may help resolve inter-communal disputes. Findings The paper demonstrates significant differences between host and migrant communities’ dispute resolution practices and the integrability of relevant ADR approaches toward creating a usable, hybrid, bridging approach to handle inter-communal conflicts. Research limitations/implications The paper proposes a hybrid “bridging” host–refugee inter-communal conflict management model. The proposed model should be tested to prove feasibility and viability. Practical implications Should the proposed model prove useful, the practical implications may lead to the construction and use of different (hybrid) conflict management mechanisms in appropriate communities. Such mechanisms may lead to a reduction in the number and severity of inter-communal conflicts. Social implications A reduction in inter-communal conflicts within the framework of a host–migrant interface may have strong positive outcome to inter (and intra) communal relations and may reduce friction, crime, marginalization, hostility and radicalization. Originality/value The paper highlights the challenges to both migrant and host communities when it comes to finding a common ground for resolving inter-communal disputes and offers a pragmatic hybrid model to bridge cultural and functional gaps and help promote mutually satisfactory outcomes.
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Ben Shitrit, Lihi. "Gender and the (In)divisibility of Contested Sacred Places: The Case of Women for the Temple." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (May 2, 2017): 812–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000281.
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Abstract Contested sacred sites, over which different religious groups assert claims to exclusivity, have drawn scholarly attention to the spatial interaction between religion and politics. However, the gendered dimensions of inter-communal religious-political disputes over sacred space, and women's roles in these site-specific conflicts, have been largely neglected. Using a case study of Orthodox Jewish women's activism for access to Temple Mount al-Haram al-Sharif, this article demonstrates how attention to gender and to women's engagement in inter-communal conflict over sacred places can illuminate unique intra-communal processes that aim to make a contested sacred site increasingly indivisible for parties to the conflict.
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Marsh, Christopher. "The Religious Dimension of Post-Communist “Ethnic” Conflict." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 5 (November 2007): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651802.
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Common religious, cultural, and ethnic bonds can hold communities together, while differences along these same lines often lead to calls for national independence, complicate nation building, and confound inter-communal peacemaking efforts. In particular, when religious differences exist between groups in conflict there is a marked tendency for such differences to become emphasized. This is not to say that religion is the root cause of all internecine and inter-communal conflict, which certainly is not the case. But conflicts become fundamentally altered as they rage on, and factors that were at the root cause of a conflict at its outset may no longer be the primary causes in later stages. That is, once conflicts have significantly evolved, thepriorcauses may no longer be theprimarycauses.
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Akaninyene Umo, Udeme, and Inemesit Essiet Umofia. "CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 8 (September 6, 2020): 280–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i8.2020.996.
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There are many issues that most Nigerians have an agreement on. As a Contemporary Social Psychologist, one of these is that we want a better Nigeria. We need transformation in all our circumstances as a people and as a nation, to live in peace and unity for enduring economic development. This paper uses the theory of conflict by Karl Marx to interrogate how conflict resolution could be achieved through the process of individual transformation. All Nigerians are likely to agree that they want a peaceful, stable, and prosperous country. Nigerians as also aware of the reality of conflicts manifest in inter- communal clashes, ethnic rivalries, religious rivalries, and terrorism. While government often seek militarized approaches to conflict resolution, this paper, anchored on the belief that all conflicts are first personal before they become communal and national. The paper also proposes the deliberate education of the individual citizen on conflict resolution. The paper therefore examines types of conflicts, actors, conflict development in Nigeria and offers eighteen (18) conflict management approaches.
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Hartoyo, Hartoyo. "Muakhi (Brotherhood) and its practices related to preventing communal conflict in multicultural societies." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 3 (September 18, 2019): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i32019.227-239.
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In preventing communal conflict, the role of local wisdom is often considered to be a mechanism to maintain the peacefulness and closeness of inter-ethnic relations. Many researchers also argue that conflict prevention should practiced during both pre- and post-conflict. This study, therefore, aims to explain the role of Muakhi as the local wisdom in Lampung Province for recovering inter-ethnic relations in post-communal (inter-ethnic) conflict based on two empirical cases, namely the Balinuraga conflict in South Lampung and the Pematang Tahalo conflict in East Lampung, Lampung Province. The data was collected through in-depth interviews and documents. A total of 74 informants, consisting of local residents and community leaders from Lampung, Java and Bali ethnics totaling as many as 60 people (each village 15 people). There were also 14 informants who were village, district and regency government officials, including the police department and military personnel. The data was analyzed through a qualitative approach based on the constructivist paradigm. The study found that Muakhi refers to the concept of brotherhood accepted by the immigrants who are both ethnic Balinese and Javanese. Thus, this study suggests that the practice of Muakhi in the post-communal conflict through the strengthening of the moral values and the sociocultural relationship is an effective way of restoring communal conflict. However, this study argues that there is resistance to using Angkon Muakhi in a more detailed ceremony.
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Tor-Anyiin, S. Apeon. "IMPACT OF COMMUNAL CONFLICT ON THE EARLY CHILDHOODDEVELOPMENT." Sokoto Educational Review 15, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35386/ser.v15i1.148.
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This paper examined the impact of communal conflict on early childhood (the toddlers and the preschool) development in Nigeria. The position of the p a p e r is that communal conflicts in their various dimensions, inter and intra-religious, socio-political and socio-cultural have actually impacted negatively on the social, psychological and physical development of the early childhood. The author was also convinced from reviewed literature that the mental and physical health of the toddlers and preschools are affected by communal conflicts as the growing child is denied opportunities of acquiring social skills for the socio-political development of the country, Nigeria. Though the toddlers and preschools do not contribute to the executing o f the conflicts the impact fe lt by them as the adolescents and the adults. This paper, therefore, recommends among other things that counsellors and government and non-governmental agencies should never relent in advocating and campaigning for peace among the citizenry in any forum available to them. Group and individual counselling are recommended for children to enable them to forget the atrocities of the hostilities. Perpetrators of violence should never be left to go scot-free because to initiate a communal conflict is the worst crime to a nation and humanity in general.
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Ikelegbe, Augustine. "The Economy of Conflict in the Oil Rich Niger Delta Region of Nigeria." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768291.
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AbstractEconomies of war underpinned by greed and opportunities have been posited to underlie causality, dynamics and the sustenance of conflicts – particularly Africa's resource wars. This study examines the economy of conflict in the resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It found that a conflict economy comprising an intensive and violent struggle for resource opportunities, inter and intra communal/ethnic conflicts over resources, and the theft and trading in refined and crude oil has blossomed since the 1990s. This paper examines the interfaces between the Nigerian state, multinational oil companies, the international community, and youth militias with the economy. This paper found that though the economy did not cause the conflict, it has become a part of the resistance and a resource for sustaining it. The economy underpins an extensive proliferation of arms and the institutions of violence and the pervasiveness of crime, violence and communal/ethnic conflicts.
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Robinson, Kathryn. "Communal Peace and Conflict in Indonesia: Navigating Inter-religious Boundaries." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 17, no. 5 (October 19, 2016): 475–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2016.1217761.
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Gatawa, Muhammad Mukhtar. "The Role of Islam in the Yoruba-Hausa Harmonious Relations in Southwestern Nigeria." IIUC Studies 12 (December 10, 2016): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v12i0.30585.
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In Nigeria, academic discourse on inter-group relations over the years has been narrowed down to only two interrelated terms: conflict and violence. This is due to the rising cases of inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts witnessed in the multi-cultural and multi-religious Nigeria. This paper intends to argue that the escalating ethnic and religious consciousness is greatly the handiwork of elites and politicians who employ both ethnicity and religion as effective tools for mass mobilization and manipulation of citizens psyche in their attempt to dominate the state power apparatus and resources. It also affirms the view that, as far as the Yoruba and Hausa communities of Agege are concerned, a high level of cordial inter-group relations had been achieved, owing to inter-communal mechanisms developed amongst the Yoruba and Hausa communities over the years of interaction. One of the effective vehicles through which the cordial inter-communal relations are achieved is Islam.IIUC Studies Vol.12 December 2015: 111-126
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Beyene, Fekadu. "Natural Resource Conflict Analysis among Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 1 (April 2017): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1284605.
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This paper examines resource-related conflict among pastoralists in southern Ethiopia, specifically the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups. It applies theories of property rights, environmental security and political ecology to discuss the complexity of the conflict, using narrative analysis and conflict mapping. Results reveal that the conflict results from interrelated cultural, ecological and political factors. The systems of governance, including the setting up of regions on an ethnic basis and associated competition for land and control of water-points, have contributed to violent conflict between the two ethnic groups. The creation of new administrative units (kebeles) close to regional boundaries has exacerbated the conflict. Moreover, change in land use, prompted by insecure property rights to communal land, rather than expected increase in economic benefits has caused conflicts among the clans of the Oromo. The findings suggest Ethiopian authorities support the functioning of traditional access options, successful operation of customary courts and penalising opportunistic actors to address inter-ethnic conflicts. Applying land use and administration guidelines and empowering customary authorities would reduce the incidence of inter-clan conflict.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Inter-Communal Conflict"
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Wiyiel, Johnson Thou Mon. "Rural inter-communal conflict as a threat to community livelihood in Jonglei State." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4518.
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This report investigates the rural inter-communal conflict as a threat to community livelihood in Jonglei State, one of the ten states in South Sudan. Jonglei State has a long history of unrest, which has also affected other parts of the country. Cattle raiding and conflict have manifested in Jonglei State and the surrounding communities for many years. Many people have lost their lives, and livestock losses have been abundant. It is vital that local government understands and contextualises these challenges so that appropriate interventions may be developed. This study proposes to provide a brief historical background on the evolution of inter-communal conflict in Jonglei. There have been recent changes in the security situation and increased access to weapons. Advanced weaponry has also led to a rise in insecurity and increases in the number and scale of cattle raids. Political tensions and political instability have also emerged. The political situation is unstable and political factions are in constant disagreement. Furthermore, there are limited economic opportunities there is also limited access to natural resources such as water and grazing land for cattle. Climate conditions and migration patterns are also discussed and explained. The cross sectional descriptive survey was used in this study. Various recommendations flowing from the results of the study are proposed in the final chapter. If adopted, these recommendations could enable the Government of South Sudan and the residents of Jonglei to overcome inter-communal conflict.
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Quane, Helen. "Rights-based approaches to inter-communal conflict : an analysis of the international community's approach using Northern Ireland as a case study." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270877.
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Kadioglu, Pinar. "The Rise Of Ethno-nationalism In Cyprus Under The British Rule: 1878-1960." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612298/index.pdf.
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This thesis is an attempt to inquire the origins of the Cyprus conflict by analyzing the historical developments that laid the ground for the inter-communal dispute in the late 1950s, while focusing on the structural dimension of the rise of ethnonationalisms in the island. The special emphasis is given to the British period 1878-1960 in the historical analysis since the ethno-religious identity consciousnesses of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities in the island started to turn into ethnonational ones and later into antagonistic nationalisms during this era. The study&rsquos underlying premise is that although different identity perceptions existed much earlier among the two communities of the island, the inconsistent policies of the British administration that shifted in accordance with its interests in the Mediterranean region enabled the emergence of a conducive environment for the politicization and manipulation of these diverse identity perceptions. The Greek and Turkish nationalisms gained strength in this era and gradually transformed into antagonistic nationalisms motivated by different political goals about the future of the island. These developments would be the main reason of the inter-communal violence in Cyprus that arose in late 1950s and also in the following years till the permanent territorial partition in 1974.
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Kumar, Megha. "Communal riots, sexual violence and Hindu nationalism in post-independence Gujarat (1969-2002)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b06b4e0-afac-4571-ab46-44968d36b17c.
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In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.
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Osman, Khalil. "The hissing sectarian snake : sectarianism and the making of state and nation in modern Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9245.
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This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis.
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Pottek, Elias. "Communal Conflict and the Geopolitics of Land Tenure, Social Identity and Statehood in North Kivu (Democratic Republic of the Congo)." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20452.
Full textBooks on the topic "Inter-Communal Conflict"
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Anzalone, Christopher. In the Shadow of the Islamic State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650292.003.0010.
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This chapter examines how the Arab Spring was gradually sectarianized, leading to the emergence of more rigid and puritanical sect-based identities and inter-communal conflicts across the Middle East, extending even further outside of the region and across the Muslim-majority world. Using the social movement theory concept of “framing,” it considers how various political and armed actors involved in the Syrian civil war and the conflict in Iraq, including actors such as the Iranian government, Hizbullah, Sunni and Salafi actors in the Arab Gulf states, and Sunni rebel and other militant jihadi organizations such as Jabhat al-Nusra/Jabhat Fath al-Sham, Islamic State, Jaysh al-Islam, and Ahrar al-Sham, have drawn on competing historical narratives and memory in combination with contemporary events to produce a thoroughly modern but also selectively “historicized” social mobilization narrative meant to encourage activism from their target audiences. The ways in which clashing historical memory and narratives are deployed in regional conflicts, which constitutes a form of re-fighting the past in the present, are analyzed. Specific historical references, such as the invocation of Shi‘i legendary heroes of Karbala such as Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, which are deployed as rhetorical weapons in geopolitical contests over power and political dominance, are also considered.
Book chapters on the topic "Inter-Communal Conflict"
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Dodd, Clement. "Inter-Communal Discord and British Rule 1878–1954." In The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict, 1–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230275287_1.
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Arieli, Daniella, Victor J. Friedman, and Evgeniya Gina Knyazev. "Fostering Cooperation While Engaging Conflict: An Inter-communal Case Study." In From Identity-Based Conflict to Identity-Based Cooperation, 135–56. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-3679-9_8.
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"Inter-communal co-operation and conflict." In The Ottoman Empire, 1700–1922, 174–94. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511818868.013.
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Hearty, Kevin. "Conclusion." In Critical Engagement. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940476.003.0009.
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The conclusion outlines how memory politics features in different ways and at different levels within the extended Irish republican debate on policing. It suggests that any understanding of the role memory politics plays within modern Irish republicanism must acknowledge that it operates on three different levels; the conventional level, an inter-communal level and an intra-communal level. In operating on the conventional level, memory politics is seen to feature in the Irish republican policing debate in ways that it has featured in other transitioning societies. In operating on an inter-communal level Irish republican policing memory can be seen to feed into the ‘metaconflict’ in a post-conflict society that has not yet systematically addressed its violent past. In operating on an intra-communal level memory is a useful political resource between competing groups who are seeking to either drive or spoil transitional processes in Northern Ireland.
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"Understanding Mobilisation Processes in Conflict through Framing: The Case of Inter-Communal Conflict in the Batken Province, Kyrgyzstan." In Spaces of Conflict in Everyday Life, 57–82. transcript-Verlag, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839430248-003.
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Millar, Fergus. "Jews and Samaritans in a Greek Christian World." In Religion, Language and Community in the Roman Near East. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265574.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on the presence of large settled populations of Jews and Samaritans, both urban and rural, in Palestine in the first to fourth centuries, and how Jewish identity and belief was expressed in the form of major literary works, in both Hebrew and Aramaic. It first considers two studies attributed to the Talmudic scholar, Saul Lieberman: one on the Greek context of Jewish life in Judaea/Palaestina in the first to fourth centuries; and one on the extensive presence of transliterated Greek words, and of Greek concepts, in rabbinic literature. It then looks at the co-existence and conflict between religious and ethnic communities in Palestine, citing evidence provided each by Sozomenus and Epiphanius. More specifically, it discusses some reports of overt inter-communal conflicts, which often involve Samaritans rather than Jews. It also describes Samaritan religion and culture, Jews and Judaism in Palestine, and the Jewish diaspora in the Roman Near East.
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Hearty, Kevin. "Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory." In Critical Engagement. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940476.003.0003.
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This chapter critically examines the inter-communal contestation over policing memory. It contextualises this dimension to memory contestation in contemporary Northern Ireland by drawing on theoretical literature on the use of memory in deeply divided societies and on memory politics in transitioning societies. In doing so it establishes how the collective memory of violence, suffering and victimhood can become ‘war by other means’ in post-conflict societies trying to ‘deal with the past’. This chapter uses the Irish republican policing narrative to critique Unionist, state and RUC narratives of policing that have little resonance with the lived on the ground reality in republican communities, thus developing a fuller understanding of the counter-memory function that Irish republican policing memory performs in current debates on the policing legacy in the North of Ireland.