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Journal articles on the topic 'Inter-Communal Conflict'
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Pely, Doron, and Golan Luzon. "Hybrid dispute resolution model for migrant-host communities." International Journal of Conflict Management 30, no. 5 (October 14, 2019): 615–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-01-2019-0009.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to locate, describe and analyze the differences between the way migrants from communal cultures and local communities in Western Europe resolve intra-communal and inter-communal conflicts, and to use the findings to propose a hybrid alternative model that may be able to bridge across identified differences. Such a hybrid model will facilitate enhanced integration and adaptation between host and migrant communities, contributing to improved conflict resolution outcomes. Design/methodology/approach This paper starts with an exploration, review and analysis of existing relevant literature describing refugee/migrant–host community interactions and their consequences. The second stage includes review and analysis of relevant alternative dispute resolution (ADR) literature. The third stage undertakes an examination and analysis of the practices identified in stage two, and the fourth stage proposes a method that uses potentially “bridging” practices by incorporating useful and relevant elements from host and refugee communities’ ADR mechanisms, in a way that may help resolve inter-communal disputes. Findings The paper demonstrates significant differences between host and migrant communities’ dispute resolution practices and the integrability of relevant ADR approaches toward creating a usable, hybrid, bridging approach to handle inter-communal conflicts. Research limitations/implications The paper proposes a hybrid “bridging” host–refugee inter-communal conflict management model. The proposed model should be tested to prove feasibility and viability. Practical implications Should the proposed model prove useful, the practical implications may lead to the construction and use of different (hybrid) conflict management mechanisms in appropriate communities. Such mechanisms may lead to a reduction in the number and severity of inter-communal conflicts. Social implications A reduction in inter-communal conflicts within the framework of a host–migrant interface may have strong positive outcome to inter (and intra) communal relations and may reduce friction, crime, marginalization, hostility and radicalization. Originality/value The paper highlights the challenges to both migrant and host communities when it comes to finding a common ground for resolving inter-communal disputes and offers a pragmatic hybrid model to bridge cultural and functional gaps and help promote mutually satisfactory outcomes.
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Ben Shitrit, Lihi. "Gender and the (In)divisibility of Contested Sacred Places: The Case of Women for the Temple." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (May 2, 2017): 812–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000281.
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Abstract Contested sacred sites, over which different religious groups assert claims to exclusivity, have drawn scholarly attention to the spatial interaction between religion and politics. However, the gendered dimensions of inter-communal religious-political disputes over sacred space, and women's roles in these site-specific conflicts, have been largely neglected. Using a case study of Orthodox Jewish women's activism for access to Temple Mount al-Haram al-Sharif, this article demonstrates how attention to gender and to women's engagement in inter-communal conflict over sacred places can illuminate unique intra-communal processes that aim to make a contested sacred site increasingly indivisible for parties to the conflict.
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Marsh, Christopher. "The Religious Dimension of Post-Communist “Ethnic” Conflict." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 5 (November 2007): 811–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651802.
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Common religious, cultural, and ethnic bonds can hold communities together, while differences along these same lines often lead to calls for national independence, complicate nation building, and confound inter-communal peacemaking efforts. In particular, when religious differences exist between groups in conflict there is a marked tendency for such differences to become emphasized. This is not to say that religion is the root cause of all internecine and inter-communal conflict, which certainly is not the case. But conflicts become fundamentally altered as they rage on, and factors that were at the root cause of a conflict at its outset may no longer be the primary causes in later stages. That is, once conflicts have significantly evolved, thepriorcauses may no longer be theprimarycauses.
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Akaninyene Umo, Udeme, and Inemesit Essiet Umofia. "CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY INDIVIDUAL TRANSFORMATION." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 8 (September 6, 2020): 280–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i8.2020.996.
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There are many issues that most Nigerians have an agreement on. As a Contemporary Social Psychologist, one of these is that we want a better Nigeria. We need transformation in all our circumstances as a people and as a nation, to live in peace and unity for enduring economic development. This paper uses the theory of conflict by Karl Marx to interrogate how conflict resolution could be achieved through the process of individual transformation. All Nigerians are likely to agree that they want a peaceful, stable, and prosperous country. Nigerians as also aware of the reality of conflicts manifest in inter- communal clashes, ethnic rivalries, religious rivalries, and terrorism. While government often seek militarized approaches to conflict resolution, this paper, anchored on the belief that all conflicts are first personal before they become communal and national. The paper also proposes the deliberate education of the individual citizen on conflict resolution. The paper therefore examines types of conflicts, actors, conflict development in Nigeria and offers eighteen (18) conflict management approaches.
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Hartoyo, Hartoyo. "Muakhi (Brotherhood) and its practices related to preventing communal conflict in multicultural societies." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 3 (September 18, 2019): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i32019.227-239.
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In preventing communal conflict, the role of local wisdom is often considered to be a mechanism to maintain the peacefulness and closeness of inter-ethnic relations. Many researchers also argue that conflict prevention should practiced during both pre- and post-conflict. This study, therefore, aims to explain the role of Muakhi as the local wisdom in Lampung Province for recovering inter-ethnic relations in post-communal (inter-ethnic) conflict based on two empirical cases, namely the Balinuraga conflict in South Lampung and the Pematang Tahalo conflict in East Lampung, Lampung Province. The data was collected through in-depth interviews and documents. A total of 74 informants, consisting of local residents and community leaders from Lampung, Java and Bali ethnics totaling as many as 60 people (each village 15 people). There were also 14 informants who were village, district and regency government officials, including the police department and military personnel. The data was analyzed through a qualitative approach based on the constructivist paradigm. The study found that Muakhi refers to the concept of brotherhood accepted by the immigrants who are both ethnic Balinese and Javanese. Thus, this study suggests that the practice of Muakhi in the post-communal conflict through the strengthening of the moral values and the sociocultural relationship is an effective way of restoring communal conflict. However, this study argues that there is resistance to using Angkon Muakhi in a more detailed ceremony.
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Tor-Anyiin, S. Apeon. "IMPACT OF COMMUNAL CONFLICT ON THE EARLY CHILDHOODDEVELOPMENT." Sokoto Educational Review 15, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35386/ser.v15i1.148.
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This paper examined the impact of communal conflict on early childhood (the toddlers and the preschool) development in Nigeria. The position of the p a p e r is that communal conflicts in their various dimensions, inter and intra-religious, socio-political and socio-cultural have actually impacted negatively on the social, psychological and physical development of the early childhood. The author was also convinced from reviewed literature that the mental and physical health of the toddlers and preschools are affected by communal conflicts as the growing child is denied opportunities of acquiring social skills for the socio-political development of the country, Nigeria. Though the toddlers and preschools do not contribute to the executing o f the conflicts the impact fe lt by them as the adolescents and the adults. This paper, therefore, recommends among other things that counsellors and government and non-governmental agencies should never relent in advocating and campaigning for peace among the citizenry in any forum available to them. Group and individual counselling are recommended for children to enable them to forget the atrocities of the hostilities. Perpetrators of violence should never be left to go scot-free because to initiate a communal conflict is the worst crime to a nation and humanity in general.
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Ikelegbe, Augustine. "The Economy of Conflict in the Oil Rich Niger Delta Region of Nigeria." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768291.
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AbstractEconomies of war underpinned by greed and opportunities have been posited to underlie causality, dynamics and the sustenance of conflicts – particularly Africa's resource wars. This study examines the economy of conflict in the resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It found that a conflict economy comprising an intensive and violent struggle for resource opportunities, inter and intra communal/ethnic conflicts over resources, and the theft and trading in refined and crude oil has blossomed since the 1990s. This paper examines the interfaces between the Nigerian state, multinational oil companies, the international community, and youth militias with the economy. This paper found that though the economy did not cause the conflict, it has become a part of the resistance and a resource for sustaining it. The economy underpins an extensive proliferation of arms and the institutions of violence and the pervasiveness of crime, violence and communal/ethnic conflicts.
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Robinson, Kathryn. "Communal Peace and Conflict in Indonesia: Navigating Inter-religious Boundaries." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 17, no. 5 (October 19, 2016): 475–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2016.1217761.
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Gatawa, Muhammad Mukhtar. "The Role of Islam in the Yoruba-Hausa Harmonious Relations in Southwestern Nigeria." IIUC Studies 12 (December 10, 2016): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v12i0.30585.
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In Nigeria, academic discourse on inter-group relations over the years has been narrowed down to only two interrelated terms: conflict and violence. This is due to the rising cases of inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts witnessed in the multi-cultural and multi-religious Nigeria. This paper intends to argue that the escalating ethnic and religious consciousness is greatly the handiwork of elites and politicians who employ both ethnicity and religion as effective tools for mass mobilization and manipulation of citizens psyche in their attempt to dominate the state power apparatus and resources. It also affirms the view that, as far as the Yoruba and Hausa communities of Agege are concerned, a high level of cordial inter-group relations had been achieved, owing to inter-communal mechanisms developed amongst the Yoruba and Hausa communities over the years of interaction. One of the effective vehicles through which the cordial inter-communal relations are achieved is Islam.IIUC Studies Vol.12 December 2015: 111-126
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Beyene, Fekadu. "Natural Resource Conflict Analysis among Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 1 (April 2017): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1284605.
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This paper examines resource-related conflict among pastoralists in southern Ethiopia, specifically the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups. It applies theories of property rights, environmental security and political ecology to discuss the complexity of the conflict, using narrative analysis and conflict mapping. Results reveal that the conflict results from interrelated cultural, ecological and political factors. The systems of governance, including the setting up of regions on an ethnic basis and associated competition for land and control of water-points, have contributed to violent conflict between the two ethnic groups. The creation of new administrative units (kebeles) close to regional boundaries has exacerbated the conflict. Moreover, change in land use, prompted by insecure property rights to communal land, rather than expected increase in economic benefits has caused conflicts among the clans of the Oromo. The findings suggest Ethiopian authorities support the functioning of traditional access options, successful operation of customary courts and penalising opportunistic actors to address inter-ethnic conflicts. Applying land use and administration guidelines and empowering customary authorities would reduce the incidence of inter-clan conflict.
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Busari, Issa Zubair, Felix Olayinka Oladipo, Abdulrasaq Kamal Daudu, and Olawale Samson Selesi. "Farmers' Perception on the influence of Inter-communal Conflicts on Agricultural Production in Shaare/Tsaragi Communities, Kwara State, Nigeria." Journal of Agricultural and Marine Sciences [JAMS] 25, no. 2 (September 20, 2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jams.vol25iss2pp39-45.
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Rural communities which produce the bulk of agricultural produce in Nigeria have been plagued by several inter communal conflicts. One of such conflicts is Share /Tsaragi inter-communal conflicts. The objective of the study was to assess perceptions of farmers on the influence of inter-communal conflicts on the agricultural production in Share and Tsaragi communities in Edu and Ifelodun Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Kwara State, Nigeria. Methododology. A three-stage random sampling procedure was used to select one hundred and twenty (120) respondents for the study. Data were collected through the use of interview schedule technique. A likert-type five point continuum scale was used to rank farmers perceptions with five (5) as the most and one (1) as the worst check. Results The results showed that 68% of the respondents were above forty (40) years of age and 70% have resided in the communities for more than ten (10) years. Respondents perceived that conflict of resource which bordered on boundary issue, claim of ownership of fertile land at Fejewe area, conversion of leased land to personal property among others are causes of the conflicts within the two communities. The results equally revealed the perceptions of respondents on the effects of conflicts in the area to include scarcity of arable land, displacement of farmers, destruction of lands and crops, scarcity of food and destruction of stored produce among others. The study showed relationship between selected socio-economic characteristics and perception. Conclusion. The study concludes that there should be clear delineation of the boundary within the two communities, lift of ban on some arable lands seized by the government and promotion of other secondary occupation to relieve pressure on the land.
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Roter, Petra. "International-local Linkages in Multistakeholder Partnerships Involved in Reconciliation, Inter-communal Bridgebuilding and Confidence-building." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0005.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the involvement of the international community (international actors) in post-conflict reconstruction in the context of multi-stakeholder partnerships (MSPs) operating in the issue-area of reconciliation, inter-communal bridge-building and confidence-building. In particular, the paper analyses the international-local linkages within the MSPs, and suggests that although the involvement of the international community in post-conflict reconstruction (peace-building) is heavy and indispensable, it is neither straight-forward nor problem-free. In order to understand these linkages in a specific MSP context, a number of factors need to be taken into account and analysed. The paper suggests that at least three levels of analysis are required in order to understand the role of the international community and the international-local linkages in the context of MSPs addressing reconciliation, confidence-building and inter-community bridge-building in a post-conflict context. Firstly, the very complex nature of the international community itself, with many different actors seeking to achieve their own objectives in a very competitive environment; secondly, the very difficult conditions in war-torn societies that are operationally/institutionally unable to begin any peace-building processes on their own; and thirdly, the characteristics (motivations, organisation) of international and domestic actors themselves
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Woodward, Mark. "ISLAM, ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM, AND THE BURMESE ROHINGYA CRISIS." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 15, no. 02 (November 24, 2020): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.287-314.
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This article discusses the world’s most oppressed people, the Muslim Rohingya of Burma (Myanmar) through the lens of “state symbologies and critical juncture”. It further argues the amalgamation of Burmese-Buddhist ethno-nationalism and anti-Muslim hate speech have become elements of Burma’s state symbology and components. Colonialism established conditions in which ethno-religious conflict could develop through policies that destroyed the civic religious pluralism characteristic of pre-colonial states. Burmese Buddhist ethno-religious nationalism is responsible for a series of communal conflicts and state repression because it did not recognize Muslims and other minorities as full and equal participants in the post-colonial national project. Therefore, the cycles of violence and the complexities of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations indicate that Burmese political culture has become increasingly violent and genocidal.
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Pandey, Satyendra Kr. "Inter-State Border Conflict in North-East India with Special Reference to Assam Nagaland Border Conflict." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 10 (January 5, 2020): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.10.8.
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This paper is an attempt to study the inter-state border disputes in north-east India with special reference to Assam-Nagaland border conflict in the border areas of Golaghat district. The north-east region of India comprising of eight states has been gradually transforming into a conflicting area that breaks the harmony between the states and also undermines the concept of north-east India as a prosperous and culturally rich region of India. Due to some social, political and economic issues, this north east India divided into various states which were under the same umbrella at a time. Several inter-state disputes take place in this region with the upcoming of political and social unrest. The Naga insurgency that started in the late 1950’s is known as one of the unresolved armed conflicts in India. So, through this paper the researcher makes an attempt to study how the recent Naga-Assamese clash happened in the border areas of Golaghat district is responsible for breaking down of communal harmony, humanity, and inter-state peace process. As the dispute between Assam and Nagaland is currently the most prominent with a history of violent clashes between border areas, this paper aims to concentrate mainly on this issue. Moreover this paper will try to examine the role of the government regarding the above issue. Thus the above issues will be highlighted in the paper.
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Duba, Gulay Umaner, and Nur Köprülü. "Rethinking National Identities in Divided Societies of Post-Ottoman Lands: Lessons from Lebanon and Cyprus." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (January 21, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i2.p113-127.
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The communal identities rooted in the millet system are still salient in post-Ottoman lands. Cyprus and Lebanon offer two cases where ethnic and sectarian identities are more prominent than national identities. In this respect both countries represent highly divided societies in post-Ottoman territories. This article discusses the failure of power-sharing systems in Cyprus and Lebanon, arguing that the lack of cultivation of a common national identity at the founding of these republics remains even today a central obstacle to implementing stable multinational/sectarian democratic systems. As a part of Greater Syria, today’s Lebanon is a homeland to many ethnic and sectarian communities. Lebanese politics historically has been governed by a system of consociationalism, which prevents any one group from dominating the political system. This system of power sharing dates back to the 1943 National Pact, and as a result of the sectarian nature of this arrangement, religious communal identities have a stronger pull than a Lebanese national identity. These communal identities crystallized over the course of a 14-year civil war, and were exacerbated by the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri in 2005. In the case of Cyprus, the possibility of cultivating a shared national identity between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots has historically been suppressed by kin-state relations and colonial policies which have, in turn, resulted in inter-communal conflict. An understanding of this conflict and the nature of the nationalisms of each community helps explain how the 1960 Constitution of a bi-communal and consociational Republic of Cyprus hindered inter-communal relations – a precondition for the cultivation of a common national identity – and ultimately failed. From enosis to taksimto the April 2004 referendum on the UN’sAnnan Plan, the contentious interaction between external constraints and collective self-identification processes subsequently reinforced ethno-religious identifications. Through an examination of such processes, this article aims to identify and illuminate the shifting forces that shape deeply divided societies in general, and that have shaped Cyprus and Lebanon in particular. Understanding such forces may help break down barriers to the development of common national narratives.
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Collins, Craig, and Jon Fraenkel. "Conflict Prevention in the Commonwealth: The 2000 Fiji Coup." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 449–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341239.
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Abstract The Republic of Fiji experienced three armed coups in less than twenty years – 1987, 2000, and again in 2006 – symptoms of inter-communal tensions in the country and a political, economic and social system unable to manage them. The Commonwealth, through the good offices of its Secretary-General, was the lead international actor in responding to the crisis that followed the 2000 coup. The following study provides an overview of the Commonwealth as an institution, with a focus on its conflict prevention capacity, through the lens of its actions in Fiji at the time. It seeks to identify the nature and impact of Commonwealth engagement, highlighting potentially useful lessons regarding the institution, the individuals who acted on its behalf, and the efficacy of their actions.
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Carnegie, Michelle. "Living with difference in rural Indonesia: What can be learned for national and regional political agendas?" Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 3 (September 7, 2010): 449–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000263.
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Much research has sought to understand why mixed communities in Indonesia have been torn apart by violent conflict. By contrast, little is known about how people live together successfully in the mixed, low-conflict communities that exist in abundance throughout the Indonesian archipelago. This paper explores the inter-communal relations in the multiethnic, Christian-Muslim coastal village of Oelua in Roti, Nusa Tenggara Timur province. Mechanisms of agreement across ethnic, religious and livelihood differences have shaped and reproduced a low-conflict community — including transfers of land, labour, technology and surplus; use of customary law and conflict management; and social mixing and interpersonal relations. The findings suggest that there are lessons to be learned from communities like Oelua about how to foster social and economic inclusion, which could inform national and regional political agendas concerned with governing difference in a post-New Order Indonesia.
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Biner, Zerrin Özlem. "Retrieving the Dignity of a Cosmopolitan City: Contested Perspectives on Rights, Culture and Ethnicity in Mardin." New Perspectives on Turkey 37 (2007): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004726.
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AbstractThis article aims to contribute to the understanding of post-conflict processes in Turkey by focusing on the discourses and practices following the city of Mardin's bid to become a World Heritage Site. It intends to show how cosmopolitanism becomes a contested and dominant discourse for the locals of the city (Kurds, Arabs, and Syriac Christians) to re-articulate the history of the inter-communal relationships and to create a negotiating ground with the state, in order to recover from the moral and economic injuries of the military conflict during the 1990s. In doing so, the article discusses the effects of the accumulated events of past and present on the production of different forms of power relations between the state and its subject-citizens in the post-conflict context of Mardin, Southeastern Turkey.
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Murphy, Joanne, Sara McDowell, Maire Braniff, and David Denyer. "Managing contested spaces: Public managers, obscured mechanisms and the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 36, no. 3 (June 15, 2017): 443–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654417714800.
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Societies emerging from ethno-political and inter-communal conflict face a range of complex problems that stem directly from the recent lived experience of bloodshed and injury, militarisation, securitisation and segregation. As institutional agents in such an environment, public managers perform the dual role of both interpreting public policy and implementing it within a politically contested space and place. In this article, we address how managers cope with the outworking of ethno-nationalist conflict and peace building within government processes and policy implementation and contend this is a subject of emerging concern within the wider public administration, urban studies and conflict literature. Using data from a witness seminar initiative on the Northern Ireland conflict transformation experience, we explain how public sector managers make sense of their role in post-agreement public management and highlight the importance of three identified mechanisms; ‘bricolage’, ‘diffusion’ and ‘translation’ in the management of public sector organisations and urban spaces in a context of entrenched conflict and an uncertain path to peace.
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Mkutu, Kennedy. "Disarmament in Karamoja, Northern Uganda: Is This a Solution for Localised Violent Inter and Intra-Communal Conflict?" Round Table 97, no. 394 (February 2008): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530701844718.
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Kadir, Akhmad. "Melihat Indonesia dari Jendela Papua: Kebinekaan dalam Rajutan Budaya Melanesia." JSW: Jurnal Sosiologi Walisongo 1, no. 2 (August 10, 2018): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/jsw.2017.1.2.2034.
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<div><p class="ABSTRAKen">This article reveals the dynamics of local communities in Papua in accommodating differences between them. Those different ethnic and cultural communities, are able to build social relations through cultural mechanisms. Using the ethnographic approach this article reveals that Papuan people have a strong cultural capital to relate existing differences. Through communal culture, exchange relation in the form of enjoying eating together, religion of relatives, and the culture of one stone stove made of three stone, as well as inter-clans marriage become the mechanism that becomes elements of social glue between the community members. Although tribal conflicts often occur, traditional communities have a way of handling conflict through cultural mechanisms, such as "eating together", "burning stones" and accompanied by slaughter of sacrificial animals.</p></div>
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Hayes, Loren D., Loreto A. Correa, Sebastian Abades, Cuilan L. Gao, and Luis A. Ebensperger. "Male group members are costly to plurally breeding Octodon degus females." Behaviour 156, no. 1 (2019): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568539x-00003525.
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Abstract We report the results of a 6-year study of social (number of adult males/females, relatedness of females, communal litter size) and ecological (mean/CV of food abundance, soil hardness, burrow openings) factors influencing the direct fitness of plurally breeding degu (Octodon degus) females. The best fit models for per capita offspring weaned and standardized variance in direct fitness (within-group variation) included the number of adult males per group. Per capita number of offspring weaned decreased and standardized variance in direct fitness increased with increasing number of adult males per group. Thus, females experience a cost associated with males that is not shared equally. Standardize variance in direct fitness decreased with increasing communal litter size. All other factors were not significant predictors of direct fitness variation. Our study suggests that plural breeding may not be as egalitarian as previously thought. Consequences of plural breeding may be influenced by intra- and inter-sexual conflict.
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Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Conflict Dynamics between Two Neighbours: Looking Beyond Federalism." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 20, no. 1 (September 20, 2021): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2021.1.2.
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Ethiopia is a multicultural and multilingual country. The Oromo and Somali communities are found in the same linguistic community, that is, the Cushitic language. Historically, Somalis and Oromo have a long tradition of co-existence and strong socio-cultural interactions, as well as antagonistic relationships and intermittent conflicts. Traditionally, the major sources of conflict between the two communities were competition over scarce resources, territorial expansion, livestock raids and counter raids, kidnapping for marriage purposes and the revenge tradition. However, this time the conflict took a different nature, form and bigger scale causing devastation never seen in the history of communal conflict in the country. The study has utilised primary and secondary data collection and employed narration and content analysis to realise the objective of the paper. The findings of this study reveal that the causes of the Oromo–Somali conflict are complex and dynamic. This urges the need to carry out a deeper investigation beyond the federal arrangement. Thus, fundamental and triggering factors including the involvement of internal and external forces, the collapse of social norms and prevalence of moral anarchism, socio-economic issues, competing interests among public and military officials, poor leadership and governance system, competing interests over resources, aspects of local cultural institutions in regulating inter-ethnic relationships are identified in fuelling ethnic conflict in the studied area. Since the conflict in the region is much more complex than the dominant narrative of resource scarcity and ethnic politicisation, open democratic dialogue, genuine consultation and negotiation at a different level with various interest groups, stakeholders and community representatives, militant groups operating in the area is of paramount importance to ease the increasing ethnic tension and political crisis in order to build sustainable peace in the region.
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Carment, David. "Les dimensions internes des comportements en temps de crise : étude de cas entre l'Inde et le Sri Lanka 1983-1990." Études internationales 23, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703004ar.
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On July 29 1987, after 20 years of sustained inter-communal conflict and under great political pressure and war weariness, leaders of the government of Sri Lanka signed an Accord with the Indian government which hady at Sri Lanka s request, intervened in Sri Lanka's military and political conflict. The Accord aimed at the cessation of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Indian involvement in Sri Lanka's domestic affairs signalled a decisional shift among Sri Lanka's leaders from a policy of resolving the conflict by military means to one of seeking political accommodation with the Tamil separatists. However, the presence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) and previous attempts by the Indian government to air drop supplies to Tamil rebels signalled the beginning of international crisis between India and Sri Lanka. This paper traces the events and decisional flow of Sri Lanka s elites from the pre-crisis period ofl983 to crisis abatement in 1990 in an attempt to understand the events and patterns of behaviour that led to an international crisis between Sri Lanka and India and more generally to elucidate the relationship between domestic ethnic conflict and international crisis. This paper argues that Sri Lanka entered into an international crisis precisely because of internal threats to its political integrity engendered by its domestic ethnic conflict. First, the theoretical literature is explored, allowing for a fuller exploration of the linkages between international crisis and ethnic conflict. Second, the perceptions of Sri Lanka's decision-maker s in response to increasing Indian involvement during the pre-crisis and crisis period are assessed. Third an analysis of SriLankan decision-making process is weighed against patterns of coping found in the theoretical literature. Fourth and finally, implications for further research are explored, specifically the role that ethnic conflicts play in triggering international crises and the implications that has for the management of ethnic conflicts by regional hegemons.
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Aliff, S. M. "Ethnic Conflict, War Crimes and Human Rights: Revisiting U.S Sponsored UNHRC Resolution against Sri Lanka in 2013." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 55 (July 2015): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.55.126.
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The civil war ended in 2009 but four years later the country has yet to find its path of reconciliation and to heal the wounds of war. At the present time it also appears that Sri Lanka is moving backwards, and not forwards, in terms of securing the rule of law and reconciliation. This has impacted negatively on the rule of law and by extension the protection of human rights and political accountability. There is also the rise of inter-religious tensions fanned by government allies. A new dimension of inter-communal unrest is the rise of Buddhist extremism in some quarters; it has targeted the Muslim community and taken on an open and frontal confrontational approach. One of the main elements of external intervention in the internal affairs of post-war Sri Lanka is the continuing pressure being brought to bear on the government to adopt a system of province-based devolution as one of the instrumentalities of ethnic reconciliation. It is, indeed, unfortunate that the LLRC itself has made a similar prescription. There is no evidence in the voluminous report produced by the Commission that it made any attempt to draw ‘lessons’ relevant to the subject of territorial devolution and sub-national inter-group conflict from our own experiences, leave alone the abundance of international experiences. Its recommendation, however, has had the effect of legitimizing the demand made by the global west which, in earlier times, was so obviously based on a nakedly superficial, local NGO-nurtured, understanding of Sri Lankan affairs.
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Kostic, Roland. "Transitional justice and reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Whose memories, whose justice?" Sociologija 54, no. 4 (2012): 649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1204649k.
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This paper shows that transitional justice initiatives such as the trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Commission for Srebrenica and the establishment of accurate statistics on deaths during the conflict have had only a limited impact on inter-group reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Popular attitudes towards these initiatives are captured in surveys conducted in 2005 and 2010. The results are not surprising given that the absence, due to the level of external regulation and control, of a politics of post-Dayton state-building means that domestic politics takes place in an arena of dealing with the past. The international community legitimised the three prevalent conflict narratives as a way of achieving a peace settlement in Dayton. These communal narratives were used in the peace-building phase by the local elites to defend concessions gained during negotiations and to oppose changes imposed by external supervisors of the Dayton Peace Accords. This has transformed the debate over the recent conflict from a transitional process of coming to terms with the past to a permanent state of affairs. This process precludes reconciliation in terms of mutual acknowledgment of suffering and a nuanced understanding of the causes and dynamics of the violent conflict.
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Browne, Brendan Ciarán, and Casey Asprooth-Jackson. "From 1969 to 2018: Relocating historical narratives of displacement during ‘the Troubles’ through the European migrant crisis." Capital & Class 43, no. 1 (January 3, 2019): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818818085.
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From the outset of the Northern Ireland conflict, the internal displacement of civilians from across the sectarian divide became a familiar phenomenon for those seeking to escape inter-communal conflict. In 2018, the legacy of this displacement remains pronounced, with segregation and division a feature of the ‘post-conflict’ landscape. Despite the far-reaching consequence of displacement during the Troubles, there has been little or no consideration of the long-term impact of displacement, with the need for restitution for those who were forced to leave their homes absent from the literature on dealing with the past. It can be argued that as a result, those who were displaced will remain hidden or forgotten victims. In 2016, in response to the growing migration crisis emanating from the Syrian conflict, European countries, including Ireland north and south, were asked to open up borders and provide sanctuary for civilians who had been displaced as a result of violence. The crisis has, in turn, sharpened the potential for those interested in legacy issues surrounding ‘the Troubles’ to begin to reflect more critically on the issue of historical displacement during the Northern Irish conflict. This article will, through reference to the response to the Syrian refugee crisis, critique why the issue of restitution for displaced people during ‘the Troubles’ has not found prominence in the voluminous literature on dealing with the past.
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Hughes, Geoffrey, Megnaa Mehtta, Chiara Bresciani, and Stuart Strange. "Introduction." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 37, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2019.370202.
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Ugly emotions like envy and greed tend to emerge ethnographically through accusations (as opposed to self-attribution), de-centring the individual psyche and drawing attention to how emotions are deployed in broader projects of moral policing. Tracking the moral, social dimension of emotions through accusations helps to account concretely for the political, economic and ideological factors that shape people’s ethical worldviews – their defences, judgements and anxieties. Developing an anthropological understanding of these politics of accusation leads us to connect classical anthropological themes of witchcraft, scapegoating, and inter- and intra-communal conflict with ethnographic interventions into contemporary debates around speculative bubbles, inequality, migration, climate change and gender. We argue that a focus on the politics of accusation that surrounds envy and greed has the potential to allow for a more analytically subtle and grounded understanding of both ethics and emotions.
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CANNY, NICHOLAS. "Historians, moral judgement and national communities: the Irish dilemma." European Review 14, no. 3 (June 8, 2006): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870600041x.
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This paper treats of the peculiarity of the Irish case. Professionalization of history came late to Ireland, and when it did happen, it was with a view to overcoming the inter-denominational and inter-communal point scoring that had energized most previous writing of Ireland's history. In tracing the further development of the history profession in Ireland, the paper alludes to the extent to which the posing of new questions and the employment of new methods were motivated by historical developments elsewhere in the western academic world. The outbreak of civil conflict in Northern Ireland inspired a new phase of introspective writing about Irish identity, sometimes given the semblance of universality through the invocation of post-colonial theory. This writing was usually presented in historical format, was composed mostly by academics employed by literature and social science departments, and was severely critical of what they described as the historical revisionism in which most professional historians in Ireland were believed to have engaged. It concludes with a consideration of how historians responded both to the challenge to their integrity and to various pressures to become more judgemental in writing about Ireland's past.
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Stefansson, Anders H. "Coffee after cleansing?" Focaal 2010, no. 57 (June 1, 2010): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.570105.
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This article critically addresses the idea that ethnic remixing alone fosters reconciliation and tolerance after sectarian conflict, a vision that has been forcefully cultivated by international interventionists in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the town of Banja Luka, it presents a multi-faceted analysis of the effects of ethnic minority return on the (re)building of social relations across communal boundaries. Although returnees were primarily elderly Bosniacs who settled in parts of the town traditionally populated by their own ethnic group, some level of inter-ethnic co-existence and co-operation had developed between the returnees and displaced Serbs who had moved into these neighborhoods. In the absence of national reconciliation, peaceful co-existence in local everyday life was brought about by silencing sensitive political and moral questions related to the war, indicating a preparedness among parts of the population to once again share a social space with the Other.
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Howell, Gillian, Lesley Pruitt, and Laura Hassler. "Making music in divided cities: Transforming the ethnoscape." International Journal of Community Music 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcm_00004_1.
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In the phenomenon of the divided city – urban environments partitioned along ethno-religious lines as a result of war or conflict – projects seeking to bring segregated people together through community music activities face many operational and psychological obstacles. Divided cities are politically sustained, institutionally consolidated, and relentlessly territorialized by competing ethno-nationalist actors. They are highly resistant to peacebuilding efforts at the state level. This article uses an urban peacebuilding lens (peacebuilding reconceptualized at the urban scale that encompasses the spatial and social dimensions of ethno-nationalist division) to examine the work of community music projects in three divided cities. Through the examples of the Pavarotti Music Centre in Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Mitrovica Rock School in Mitrovica, Kosovo, and Breaking Barriers (a pseudonym) in Belfast, Northern Ireland, we consider the context-specific practices and discourses that are deployed to navigate the local constraints on inter-communal cooperation, but that also contribute to the broader goal of building peace. We find that music-making is a promising strategy of peacebuilding at the urban scale, with both functional and symbolic contributions to make to the task of transforming an ethnoscape into a peacescape.
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Veroff, Joseph, Letha Chadiha, Douglas Leber, and Lynne Sutherland. "Affects and Interactions in Newlyweds' Narratives: Black and White Couples Compared." Journal of Narrative and Life History 3, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jnlh.3.4.03aff.
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Abstract Two main questions guided this research: (a) How do newlyweds' affective statements and interactive styles found in narratives told about their relation-ship help us understand the meaning they make of their marriages? (b) How does analysis of the affective statements and interactive styles of Black couples (n = 136) in comparison to White couples (n = 135) help us understand the differential meaning in these groups? The representative sample was inter-viewed from 5 to 8 months after marriage. The narrative procedure asked the couples to tell the story of their relationship. By and large, Black couples and White couples showed similar patterns of affective reactions: They were gener-ally positive, emphasizing individual rather than communal affects, many of which dealt with the external world rather than their own interpersonal lives. In comparison to White husbands, Black husbands are more often perceived as the focus of affective life in the relationship. White couples refer to the external world in their affective statements more frequently than Black couples. With regard to interactive styles in the storytelling, there were more Black-White differences. Although most couples' interactions were mainly collaborative, Blacks showed less cooperative styles of interaction and greater conflict than did Whites. Using the developmental, cultural variant, and cultural equiva-lent perspectives, the article presents interpretations of the similimilarities and differences found for Black and White couples' narratives. (Psychology; an-thropology)
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Pursley, Sara, and Beth Baron. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 647–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000834.
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This issue of IJMES features seven full-length articles and a roundtable on “theorizing violence.” While we were preparing the articles for publication in June and early July, the conflict in Syria was escalating, the Turkish state was suppressing protests in Gezi Park, and the situation in Egypt took a precipitous turn when the military killed more than fifty Muslim Brotherhood supporters. As our colleagues writing in more time-sensitive venues such as Jadaliyya, Facebook, and personal blogs scrambled to keep up with events, we decided to take a broader look at scholarly approaches to the study of violence. For the roundtable, we asked seven political scientists, historians, and anthropologists working on the Middle East and South Asia to reflect on “violence” as a theoretical category across the disciplines. The responses move from introductory reflections on studying, teaching, and writing about violence by our new board member Laleh Khalili, who helped us organize the roundtable, to conceptualizations of violence “from above” employed by colonial, postcolonial, and neoliberal states (Khalili, Daniel Neep), through everyday and crisis-linked forms of sexual violence (Veena Das) and violence “from below,” whether in the forms of communal riots and suicide bombing (Faisal Devji) or self-immolation, hunger strikes, and other acts of self-destruction (Banu Bargu), to reflections on violence and nonviolence in Gezi Park (Yeşim Arat). The roundtable concludes with a broad-sweep analysis of most of the above in relation to (inter)disciplinarity and to Middle Eastern modernity by our board member James McDougall.
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Ratnawati, Siti Rohmaturrosyidah. "PEACE BUILDING BERBASIS KEARIFAN LOKAL DI DUSUN TRENCENG DESA MRICAN JENANGAN PONOROGO." Kodifikasia 14, no. 2 (December 12, 2020): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/kodifikasia.v14i2.2231.
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Dalam beberapa kasus, perbedaan suku, ras, agama, dan golongan seringkali menjadi pemicu konflik. Namun, ternyata hal tersebut tidak berlaku bagi masyarakat Dusun Trenceng Desa Mrican Jenangan Ponorogo. Meski masyarakatnya memiliki latar belakang perbedaan agama, namun mereka tetap mampu hidup berdampingan dengan harmonis. Hal ini tentu terjadi bukan tanpa sebab melainkan ada faktor yang turut berperan yang salah satunya adalah kearifan lokal masyarakat setempat. Untuk itu, artikel ini mengkaji secara mendalam tentang bentuk-bentuk kearifan lokal yang merajut harmoni antarumat beragama di Dusun Trenceng beserta fungsinya. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kualitatif dan jenis penelitian studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa bentuk-bentuk kearifan lokal yang menyatukan masyarakat Dusun Trenceng yang multireligius diantaranya adalah perayaan hari raya, sambat-sinambat, gotong royong, kegiatan rutin masyarakat, perayaan hari besar nasional, dan slametan. Keseluruhan bentuk kearifan lokal masyarakat Dusun Trenceng tidak hanya berfungsi sebagai perekat hubungan antarumat beragama, melainkan juga memerankan fungsi sentral yang lain, yaitu sebagai penanda identitas, sarana resolusi konflik, memberi ‘warna’ keharmonisan dan kebersamaan bagi masyarakat, mengubah mindset dan menciptakan hubungan timbal balik individu dan kelompok dengan meletakkannya di atas common ground atau kearifan lokal yang dimiliki, dan berfungsi untuk mendorong tercipta dan terbangunnya kebersamaan, apresiasi, sekaligus sebagai sebuah mekanisme bersama untuk mencegah berbagai potensi yang mungkin saja dapat meredusir bahkan merusak solidaritas komunal masyarakat. [In some cases, differences in ethnicity, race, religion, and class often trigger conflict. But, it turns out that this does not apply to the society of Dusun Trenceng, Mrican Jenangan Ponorogo. Even though the societies have different religious backgrounds, they are still able to live in harmony. This certainly does not happen without a reason but there are factors that play a role, one of which is the local wisdom of the local community. For this reason, this paper examines the depth of the forms of local wisdom that weave inter-religious harmony in Trenceng village and their functions. This research used a qualitative research approach and type of case study research. The results showed that the forms of local wisdom that unite the multi-religious community of Trenceng village include the celebration of holidays, sambat-sinambat, mutual cooperation, routine community activities, national holidays celebrations, and slametan. The whole forms of local wisdom of Trenceng village society do not only serve as the glue for the relationship between religious believers in Trenceng village, but also play another central functions, namely as a marker of identity, as the tool of conflict resolution, providing a 'color' of harmony and togetherness to the community, changing mindset and creating reciprocal relationships between individuals and groups by placing them on the common ground or local wisdom they have, and the encouragement to create and to develop the togetherness, appreciation, as well as the mechanism to prevent various possibilities that may reduce and even destroy the communal solidarity of society.]
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Ukiwo, Ukoha. "Politics, ethno-religious conflicts and democratic consolidation in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004172.
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This article examines the explosion of violent ethno-religious and communal conflicts in Nigeria, contrary to the widespread expectation that the inauguration of the civilian administration would usher in democratic stability. The nature of the politics of the transition programme and the reluctance of the post-military regime to address the national question have led to the resurgence of social groups that make demands for incorporation and empowerment. The central argument is that unbridled competition for power, and the failure of government to deliver democratic dividends, have resulted in violent conflicts, especially between ethnic and religious groups, endangering the country's nascent democracy. Good governance, especially accountability, transparency and equity, would restore governmental legitimacy, inter-ethnic and religious harmony and promote democratic consolidation.
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Yakubu, Suleiman. "The Role and Impact of the Islamic Religion on the Auchi Kingdom in Nigeria Since 1914." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 17, no. 28 (August 31, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2021.v17n28p1.
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Academic discourse on religion and inter-group relations over the years has been trending in Nigeria. This is due to several cases of inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflicts witnessed in multi-cultural and ethnic Nigeria. The paper argues that despite the escalating ethnic and religious crisis the Islamic religion had played significant roles in the lives of the people of the Auchi kingdom since 1914. It also affirms the view that, as far as Islam is concerned, there were transformative roles the religion played in the lives of the people since 1914 till date. A high level of cordial inter-group relations has been achieved between the Auchi Kingdom and neighbouring communities, owing to inter-communal mechanisms of the same religion and similar culture over the years of interaction. The Islamic religion, which preaches peace, has become interwoven with the cultural practices of the people of the Auchi Kingdom This paper relies heavily on primary and secondary sources. Consulted written sources were cross examined.
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Noorbani, Muhammad Agus. "Kerukunan Umat Beragama di Kampung Sawah Kecamatan Pondok Melati Kota Bekasi." Al-Qalam 25, no. 2 (December 5, 2019): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.31969/alq.v25i2.718.
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<p>This article tries to explain statement of Ashutosh Varshney that says communal violence is a rural phenomenon and if violence does occur it will be concentrated locally. There are areas that have high rate of violence but there are other areas with low rate of violence and even devoid of communal violence and conflicts. Using qualitative case study design, this research tries to know the social mechanism that creates peace in the inter religion relation in Kampung Sawah to be well-maintained. This research especially aims to know the challenges faced by the people of Kampung Sawah in keeping peaceful condition in inter-religion relation. This research finds that peace among inter-religion relation in Kampung sawah has been maintained up to the present is the result of activities which have been conducted since a long time ago, even since Kampung Sawah area was first built. The role of kinship ties, society and religious figures and the social capital existing in Kampung Sawah secara berkelindan makes Kampung Sawah able to maintain peaceful condition up to the present. The challenges facing the people of Kampung Sawah in maintaining peace among religious communities at the moment at least encompasses two things; the fast flow of information through social media and the high rate of population growth of migrants who are boxed in exclusive housing blocks.</p>
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Agheyisi, Justin Eduviere. "Inter-communal land conflicts in Benin City, Nigeria: Exploring the root causes in the context of customary land supply." Land Use Policy 83 (April 2019): 532–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2019.02.027.
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Kom, Leivon Jimmy. "THE NEUTRAL PERSPECTIVES & ITS PRACTICE AMONG THE KOM REM IN MANIPUR (INDIA)." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 2, no. 2 (November 30, 2013): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v2i2.3094.
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The purpose of the paper is to explore the unique and distinctive charisma of the Kom Rem or Koms, who are relatively small group of tribes in Manipur, North East India. The present paper takes into account the six constituent tribes of the Kom Rem and its socio-political constraints during the last decades of ethnic upsurge in the state of Manipur. It extracts the traditional geo-political implications of the tribes ˜nuetral approach; and its peculiar features as a way to lessen ethnic conflicts of bigger tribes vis-a-vis inter-tribal feuds at their nearest geographical suburbs. The paper concludes, the orientations and practices of these tribes during the ethnic conflicts of the 1990s in Manipur were unique conventional practices hardly materialized by any mainstream society. Neutral in nature, it must be conceded that this perspective was developed as results of natural inter linkages of various perceptible traditions and the need for a common principle in defining relations between the Kom Rem tribe, its constituent groups and the other. It was also the result of a long standing and mythically rooted ‘collective identity- the Kom Rem or Koms, which has mismatches the communal advances amongst various belligerents recently.
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Asamoah-Gyadu, J. Kwabena. "United Over Meals Divided at the Lord’s Table: Christianity and the Unity of the Church in Africa." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 27, no. 1 (January 2010): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378809351452.
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Christianity in Africa owes its massive growth of the last 50 years to the Independent and Pentecostal/ charismatic churches. The relationships between these churches and the older mission-founded churches are strained. Ethnic and social factors contribute to the divisions. Christian unity in Africa will require conversion to Christ. The strong African tradition of communal life is destroyed by external forces and inter-African conflicts in which members of the same churches have fought one another. Healing is only possible through reconciliation, which calls for conversion from the sin of breaking the community and neglecting the sanctity of human life. The Global Christian Forum offers a new model of working towards Christian unity, which may be particularly meaningful for Africa.
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Mozaffar, Shaheen. "Negotiating Independence in Mauritius." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 263–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054740976.
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AbstractThe democratic institutions, especially the electoral institutions for converting votes into seats that were chosen during independence negotiations, have been the key to democratic stability in Mauritius. These institutions emerged out of strategic bargaining structured around a combination of contextual and contingent variables. Conflicting political interests reflecting a combination of class, sectarian and communal interests influenced the institutional preferences of Mauritian elites involved in independence negotiations, leading them to converge on institutional designs that they expected would protect and promote those interests in the new democratic polity. Once in place, the new institutions represented equilibrium outcomes, creating incentives for all actors, engendering a learning curve in peaceful accommodation of inter-group conflicts, and establishing the political basis for social stability, democratic consolidation, and economic development.
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Morris, Meaghan. "Media and popular modernism around the Pacific War: An inter-Asian story." Memory Studies 6, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 359–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698013482646.
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Across much of the Asia-Pacific today, the smart phone, the tablet and the laptop or home personal computer are vying with the humble TV set not only to promote new models of lifestyle and to distribute communal and national stories but also to circulate other people’s stories and ways of life, complicating notions of heritage and cultural affinity. The proliferation of media technologies and their rapid spread across populations hitherto remote from or hostile to each other has transformed the conditions for the practice as well as the study of memory in this region as elsewhere. Yet, there are precedents for these developments; ‘new waves’ of media culture responded to technological change, colonial conflict, war, revolution and the growing influence of Hollywood across the Asia-Pacific region after the Pacific War. In Australia, one such ‘wave’ was a boom in travel writing from the 1930s to the 1950s, and another was the ‘new Australian cinema’ of the 1970s and early 1980s. Drawing on work in progress about Ernestine Hill, a mid-twentieth-century writer preoccupied with technology, this article suggests that asking how ‘old’ media have circulated ‘new’ memories of community in the past also opens up a way of situating old Australian national stories in a regional frame today.
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Carroll, Stuart. "Political Justice and the Outbreak of the Wars of Religion." French History 33, no. 2 (June 2019): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz009.
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Abstract This article presents new archival evidence which illuminates the dynamic of the violence in the Agenais, the ‘laboratory of religious violence.’ It shows how social networks coalesced in 1557-61 and formed into armed factions. It argues that, contrary to what is usually claimed, Protestant violence was not confined to iconoclasm, but was from its inception a highly politicized movement prepared to use force against identified enemies. The kernel of factionalism was a feud, which led to the creation of rival militias well before the outbreak of full-scale military campaigns in 1562. The violence was highly organized, not spontaneous and not inter-communal. In this respect the events in Guyenne are indicative of the political conflicts that would shape the ancien régime and even anticipate the violence that would attend its fall.
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Al-Tahmazi, Thulfiqar HM. "Legitimizing ethno-sectarian conflicts for power: Construction of victimhood and disenfranchisement in Iraqi media interactions." Discourse & Society 28, no. 2 (February 3, 2017): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926516685459.
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The article examines micro-argumentative patterns in 12 debate-like political interactions to account for the discursive construction of victimhood and disenfranchisements used to legitimize ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in Iraqi media interactions across traditional and new media. The analysis found that the interlocutors employed a limited number of argumentative patterns to voice their (dis)agreement and legitimize their viewpoints; these argumentative patterns were either action-oriented or actor-oriented. Action-oriented (de)legitimizing patterns tended to be short-ranged in nature, focusing on the efficiency of the actions (de)legitimized. Alternatively, actor-oriented argumentative patterns were used to legitimize the long-rooted ideological biases about self and others and, therefore, seemed to have a panoramic focus on the ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in the country. The analysis showed that even the interactions that focused on discussing the efficiency of specific political actions and agendas tended to evolve into ideological debates about ethno-sectarian identities and communally biased interpretations of the political scene. This kind of identity politics seems to be motivated by, and to concurrently enhance, the sentiments of disenfranchisement and victimhood, which may further deepen inter-communal rifts in the country.
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Agwanwo, Destiny Eze, and Ibrahim Bello. "Governance, Violence and the Challenge of Internal Security in Rivers State, Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/9102/71(0130).
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Governance, the world over, has become the main framework for assessing the effective utilization of human and material resources for the development of a nation or an organization. This paper explores the link between governance failure, violence and its implication for internal security in Rivers State. The level of violence in the state is high and increasing particularly since 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule. Violence such as inter and intra communal conflicts, cult violence, armed robbery, kidnapping, political violence among others, now writ large in the state. The study utilized the qualitative and content analysis. The paper reveals that the pervasive nature of violence with negative effect on the internal security is the fall out of the failure of the governance in the state. The paper recommends, among other things that, good governance is a tool for empowering the people, which in turn, will reduce unemployment, poverty, marginalization and the recourse to violent aggression in the state.
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Marambanyika, Thomas, and Heinz Beckedahl. "Institutional arrangements governing wetland utilization and conservation in communal areas of Zimbabwe." Review of Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2016): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/rss.v2i1.71.
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<p>Based on household surveys and key informant interviews, the paper explores the consequences of existing institutional arrangements governing wetland access, utilization and conservation in six wetlands located in communal areas found in the central part of Zimbabwe. This was provoked by the fact that wetland ecosystem services are being lost in most developing countries despite the existence of institutions meant to promote their wise use. The results of the study indicated a complex multi-institutional involvement in wetland resources governance. The roles and relationship of participating institutions often compromised wetland resources conservation as a result of conflicts, confusion and tensions exacerbated by divergent motives. There was no homogeny in number of institutions determining utilization at each wetland as well as their degree of influence on management decisions, a situation resembling lack of consistency in existing institutional structure at communal level. Given the proximity of traditional leaders and wetland committees to the people and wetlands and poor participation of government agencies, an institutional structure which place local institutions at the core of the governance system should be formulated. This should be complemented by a clear framework which promotes inter-co-ordination of institutional roles and clarification of their relationships in order to minimize discord in execution of their duties; a situation observed to currently influence degradation of wetland ecosystems. The necessary policy and legal framework to support this institutional framework should be put in place as well as resources for its operations. </p>
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BEBLER, ANTON. "SECURITY CHALLENGES IN SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (September 30, 2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.3.
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The purpose of this article is to identify the principal security challenges in South Eastern Europe. The mix of challenges has changed radically since the end of the Cold War and the wars in the former Yugoslavia, in favour of non-military threats. The era of wars of religion, ideology and redrawing of state borders in the Western Balkans seems to be over. The tranquillity in the region, imposed from the outside has been buttressed by two international protectorates. The suppression of armed violence did not add up to long-term stability as the underbrush of nationalism, in- tolerance and inter-communal hatred still survives in the Balkans. The potential for interethnic conflicts and for further fragmentation in the former Yugoslavia has not yet been fully exhausted in spite of much improved interstate relations. Prominent among the non-military threats to security are organized crime, corruption, natural and ecological disasters, climate change and weak energy security. The inclusion of the entire South Eastern Europe into Euro-Atlantic structures offers the best promise. There are thus good reasons for moderately optimistic expectation that the South Eastern Europe will eventually become a region of democracy, prosperity and stability.
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Ломоносов, М. Ю. "On the Roads from Intra-Ethnic Polyphony to Ethno-National “Symphony”: The Kosovo Myth and Serbian Historians in the 1980s and 1990s." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.003.
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Этно-исторические мифы признаны одним из важнейших факторов формирования национальной памяти, конструирования идентичности и разжигания межэтнических конфликтов. При этом исследователи часто сосредотачиваются на межгрупповом противостоянии мифотворцев-интеллектуалов и войнах памяти. Такой подход нивелирует внутриэтническое многоголосие и создает представление о национальной памяти как едином целом. Развитие косовского мифа в среде сербских историков партийно-югославистского, национально-патриотического и скептического течений 1980–1990-х гг. иллюстрирует процессы формирования внутрицехового разноречия. Оно также помогает понять, как внутриэтническое разноголосие эволюционирует в этнонациональное единогласие при встрече с Другим. The scholars of nationalism and memory see ethno-historical myths as important factors in forging national memory, constructing cultural identity, and fueling ethnic conflicts. However, the literature tends to focus on the inter-communal competition between intellectuals, memory wars, and the incompatibility of ethnic claims. This approach neglects intra-ethnic polyphony, thus, contributing to the tendency of seeing “national memory” as a single whole. The case of the famous Kosovo myth in the ranks of Serbian intellectuals of the 1980s–1990s, who belonged to the party-Yugoslavist, Serbian ethno-nationalist and skeptical currents of historical thought, illustrates how intra-ethnic mythopoeic polyphony develops. It also helps to understand how the intra-ethnic polyphony evolves into an ethno-national “symphony” in face of the Other.
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Joshua, Segun, Daniel Gberevbie, and Kester Onor. "Building Security through Insecurity: The Nigerian Military and Counter-Violence Campaigns in the Fourth Republic." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (July 21, 2020): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x20934005.
Full textAbstract:
Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.
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Turkan, Zihni. "Sustainability in the Formation and Development of Historical Cities: “Nicosia Historical City Texture”." European Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 250–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2020.v9n2p250.
Full textAbstract:
The formation of the historical city texture of Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus, began during the Lusignan Period. St. Sophia Cathedral and St. Catherine Church, which have an important place in the formation of the texture, are two of the few works of art still surviving today. Being a period of destruction for the city, in general, The Venetian Period provided the city walls to Nicosia which still surround the historical texture. The Ottoman Period brought a change to the historical city texture and Islamic culture and Turkish Architectural construction style replaced the Christian cultures. A number of architectural works from this period, still existing within the walled city of Nicosia, provided a great contribution to the formation and development of the present day texture, as well as for its sustainability. The British Period is one which brought novelty to the city texture of Nicosia. With demolition of historical works and changes in the street and square dimensions, British Colonial Architecture displays the traces of the recent past. The administrative buildings constructed in place of the demolished Lusignan Palace, still serve at present. With the beginning of the Period of the Republic in 1960, Nicosia underwent a fast process of development as an important capital in the Middle East. The traditional visuality in the city texture left its place to contemporary constructions and formations. The inter-communal conflicts, which started in 1964 on the other hand, negatively affected the formation and development of the city texture, and there was a period of stagnation until the 70s. The new developments observed since the 70s and the insufficiency of precautions to protect historical texture, caused a deterioration the city texture. With the position of an open-air museum, Nicosia with its history of over twenty-five centuries has a very rich historical city texture with the legacies of various cultures which reigned over Cyprus and is sustainable in the present, and is therefore an important cultural and touristic center Keywords: Cyprus, Nicosia, Historical City Texture, Walled City, Sustainability.