Academic literature on the topic 'Inter Governmental Group on Indonesia'

Indonesian and Japanese researchers have conducted a three-year, multi-disciplinary, cooperative research project. The project provides a platform for collaboration among researchers in natural science, engineering, and social or humanity sciences, and for officials in national and local governments. Research activities are grouped into (1) evaluation of earthquake potential and prediction of strong-motion and tsunami hazards based on geophysical investigations, (2) shortterm and long-term predictions of volcanic eruptions and development of methods for their evaluation, (3) establishment of social infrastructure based on engineering developments, (4) mitigation of social vulnerability to geohazards, and (5) promotion of disaster education and raising of disaster consciousness. To coordinate these research activities and to utilize the research results, the project has one last group, (6) application of the research and establishment of a collaboration mechanism between researchers and government officials. In addition to research collaboration in individual fields, inter-group meetings and workshops are regularly held to promote inter-disciplinary discussion and collaboration. Multi-disciplinary surveys on recent volcanic and tsunami disasters have also been conducted. The Joint Coordinating Committee, composed of representatives of relevant Indonesian ministries and institutions as well as project leaders, oversees the unique multi-institutional and multidisciplinary activities. This committee can be maintained after the completion of the project as a platform for Indonesian stakeholders.

AbstractIn this essay I survey the wide variety of views manifested by Indonesians regarding Islamic values and law. Within government circles, the security conscious “guardian group” bars political Islam but regards worship as benign, while the Ministry of Religious Affairs has adopted an accommodationist stance which promotes Muslim community values outside of politics. Outside of government, non-Muslims and nominal Muslims are chary of Islamic values and attempts to institute Islamic law, while Muslim groups express a strong desire to have Islamic norms operate for the betterment of society and to fulfill Qurʿanic admonitions about such matters. Some Muslim groups call for greater attention by individuals to Islamic teachings, while others call for the establishment of sacred law in society. Most Muslim groups want the Indonesian state to identify with Islam, but, at the same time, many approve of the current national policies regarding inter-communal harmony and the emphasis on modernity.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to quantify the effects of regional income disparity and social diversity on local public goods delivery in Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach Using Indonesian provincial data over the period 2001–2014 and by way of System GMM, this paper circumvents endogeneity and persistence of key variables over time which may bias the estimated impact of the critical variables. Findings The result provides no significant evidence on the influence of regional income inequality on the provision of local public goods. The result reveals that ethnic diversity is associated with the more extensive provision of local public goods. A large difference in preferences toward public goods provision in a fragmented society such as Indonesia forces the local government to deliver a greater mixed of public goods to accommodate various preferences for public goods and ensure that each group has equal access to public goods. Political fragmentation within an ethnically heterogeneous society also encourages local politicians to provide a larger provision of public goods to form an inter-ethnic coalition to gain local political access. Practical implications The significant effect of ethnic diversity on public goods provision implies a set of policy recommendation for Indonesian Government in order to maintain peace within the country. The central government should establish a clear-cut standard of local public goods provision for local governments to ensure that that anyone has equal access to public goods regardless of ethnicity. This will mitigate the possibility of ethnic conflict in an ethnically plural society. Originality/value This paper extends its analysis using both fractionalization and polarization indexes to measure the social diversity in Indonesia to obtain a comprehensive knowledge regarding the influence of ethnic diversity on the public good provision. This paper proposes a set of policy recommendation for Indonesian Government to manage the effect of social diversity on the provision of local public goods. To the author’s knowledge, this has never been done before for Indonesia. Peer review The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-12-2018-0661

The Fountain of Love Credit Union (FLCU) is a rare example of a vibrant microfinance institution in Indonesia. Located at the heart of a hostile inter-ethnic society in the province of West Kalimantan, the FLCU invents unique types of social capital and financial organization that bolster its unparallel financial performance. In recognition of this achievement, the Indonesian government presented the FLCU with the 2005 Award for Small-Medium Corporate Excellence. Decades of inter-ethnic hostility inspired school teachers to establish the FLCU in 1987. They dreamt of creating a big microfinance institution and promoting the economic well-being of the Dayak ethnic group. The Dayak, one of Kalimantan's two largest ethnic groups, defines itself as disadvantaged. A sense of grievance evolving around these issues culminated in a series of ethnic conflicts. Today, after more than two decades of operations, the FLCU has not only won the trust of most Dayak people but also inspires other ethnic groups to establish microfinance institutions. This environment has allowed unique types of social capital and financial organization to flourish. The Fountain of Love Foundation (FLF), the parent organization of the FLCU, has set up a variety of social and economic organizations. They work in partnership with the FLCU in all aspects of its business, from recruiting, disciplining, and empowering clients to weaving organizational networks with other microfinance institutions. The latter plays a vital role in curbing the penetration of modern micro banking in the province. The FLF, therefore, has become an ethnic-based conglomerate in which the FLCU functions as one of its driving forces. However, the FLCU faces a number of hurdles. Almost all FLCU clients, in rural and urban areas, are of the Dayak ethnic group. From organizational and policy points of view, the legal status of the FLCU is vulnerable as its assets grow beyond the mandatory requirement of the current banking law.

Research examines the focus of social identity and cultural identity of individuals between states of Germany, China and Indonesia. Building a sense of one's cultural identity is comprised of various identities that are interconnected with face negotiation theory perspective. Research constructive significance intersubjective phenomenology with qualitative constructivist paradigm. The study found that the inter-state identity constructed in a different manner. Germany builds social identity because of the role of government not of the family. Germany does not take into account the family so that the identity of individual awakes more independent. Chinese social identity constructed by social status, stratum or class. China still sees a group of men as dominant and women as a minority. Socially constructed male identity as it is considered more capable than women. Social identity of opposites so that social structures are built are also different. Similarly, Indonesia, social identity is built almost the same as China, only differentiating factor lies in obedience to carry out the norms and values prevailing in the social strata. Indonesia and China still uphold the cultural dimension of collectivity than Germany Individual dimensions. Using multicultural Public Relations function approach finally be able to recognize the cultural identity of each country and each social identity

This paper aims to pursue appropriate strategies to shape students’ characters and sense of nationalism through formal education in Aceh. Grounded in the structured interviews, focused group discussions, and observations, this qualitative case study reveals that Aceh, as one province in Indonesia, which was trapped in prolonged army conflict, needs character education that focuses on the nation-state paradigm. The contemporary Acehnese society is also facing new cultural, ethnic, inter-religious conflicts, as well as internal conflicts among Muslims. The seed of these conflicts becomes increasingly worse when infiltrated by the contemporary political interests in the province. During the era of military conflict, Pendidikan Moral Pancasila (Pancasila Moral Education) was deemed “a dangerous” subject to be taught in Aceh schools due to its contradictory nature against the ideology of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement). Despite downgrading the students’ spirit of nationalism, such situation has gradually been changed since a peace agreement between the two parties, Indonesian government and Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, was achieved in August 2005. Nevertheless, this demonstrates the need to overhaul curriculum and instructional strategies in the pursuit of the democratization in the province.

This is a literature review about local history of Jakarta and multicultural attitude. In the context of local history of Jakarta, ethnic Betawi as ethnic origin Jakarta is formed from the process of inter-ethnic assimilation imported by the Dutch colonial government in its political and economic interests. In its development, the Betawi ethnic group continued to strengthen and succeeded in establishing their own distinctive identity as well as disturbing with other ethnic groups in Indonesia, although in their present development their existence is decreasing due to development interest which is not able to open wide room for Betawi ethnicity itself because various causes. The Betawi ethnic group has a strong identity concerning Betawi cultural heritage such as strong religious soul, respect for diversity, friendly, homoris, helpful, open, tolerant to differences and so on. As a part of Jakarta's local history, ethnic Betawi history can be explored as a source of inspiration and a source of awareness in instilling multicultural souls in Jakarta, as a metropolitan city with increasingly diverse ethnicity towards social life within the framework of peace and harmony.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify the potential socio-cultural determinants contributing to inequalities and the susceptibility of the Ojek to Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) infection. Design/methodology/approach – In 2010 a qualitative enquiry was employed to collect data concerning the susceptibility of the Ojek to HIV infection. Both one-on-one open-ended in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were employed. Participants included Ojek (hired motorcycle drivers), religious and community leaders, staff from the HIV/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) Commission of Belu and staff from two HIV/AIDS non-governmental organisations. A thematic analysis and a framework approach were used to analyse the data. Findings – The findings showed four socio-cultural determinants of susceptibility to HIV infection within the Ojek community. These included: first, mobility and migration; second, patterns of sexual behaviours, sexual networks and sexual incentives; third, cultural norms and social interactions; and fourth, the lack of resources, knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS. Underpinned by these factors, the main determinant of HIV susceptibility for the Ojek is an individual’s engagement in sexual intercourse with multiple sex partners, including female commercial sex workers (FCSWs). Social implications – There is a need to disseminate HIV/AIDS information and education throughout the Ojek communities, and to engage the general population in the promotion of sexual behavioural change among the Ojek in Belu. Empowerment strategies should also be employed to empower the general community, the Ojek and FCSWs in order to address HIV/AIDS transmission. Originality/value – This paper provides evidence of the socio-cultural determinants of HIV inequalities within the Ojek community in Indonesia. An understanding of these determinants would enable the planning, implementation and application of a holistic approach addressing the determinants of HIV in Belu and other similar settings. Additionally, knowledge of such determinants would provide an understanding of the role of inter-sectoral collaboration and community participation in tackling the susceptibility to HIV infection within the Ojek community.

AbstractEast Java Province is one of the provinces that has the largest agricultural resources in Indonesia. The Government of East Java needs to produce superior commodities in each region. This study aims to group districts in East Java Province based on variable types of agriculture with the hybrid hierarchical clustering via mutual cluster method that combines the merging of bottom-up clustering advantages and top-down clustering advantages. Mutual cluster is a grouping with the largest distance between small groups of the shortest distance for each point outside the group. In this research, the calculation uses Euclidean distance. The data used in this study are from the East Java Central Statistics Agency (BPS) in 2017. The division calculation is obtained by finding the minimum (standard deviation of intra cluster) value and the maximum (standard deviation of inter clusters) value and using the analysis of variance calculation. The grouping results obtained were nine groups with value of 725.934, value of 1.475.978 and value of 7,908.Keywords: agriculture; Hybrid Hierarchical Clustering; mutual cluster; Euclidean distance; analysis of variance. AbstrakProvinsi Jawa Timur merupakan salah satu provinsi yang memiliki sumber daya pertanian terbesar di Indonesia. Pemerintah Jawa Timur perlu mengembangkan komoditi unggulan di tiap daerah di Jawa Timur. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengelompokkan kabupaten di Provinsi Jawa Timur berdasarkan variabel jenis pertanian dengan metode hybrid hierarchical clustering via mutual cluster yaitu menggabungkan kelebihan bottom-up clustering dan kelebihan top-down clustering. Mutual cluster yakni pengelompokkan dengan jarak terbesar antara bagian dalam kelompok yang kecil dari jarak yang terpendek kepada tiap titik di luar kelompok. Dalam penelitian ini, perhitungan jarak menggunakan jarak Euclidean. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini dari Badan Pusat Statistik Jawa Timur tahun 2017. Perhitungan pembagian didapat dengan mencari nilai (simpangan baku dalam klaster) yang minimal dan nilai (simpangan baku antar klaster) yang maksimal, serta digunakan perhitungan analyze of varians. Hasil pengelompokkan yang diperoleh didapatkan sebanyak sembilan kelompok dengan nilai sebesar 725.934, nilai sebesar 1.475.978 dan nilai sebesar 7,908.Kata Kunci: pertanian; Hybrid Hierarchical Clustering; mutual cluster; jarak Euclid; analisis variansi.

The implementation of regional autonomy along with fiscal decentralization in Indonesia is significantly expected to increase the amount of funds transferred to the regions. The policy aims to reduce inter-regional fiscal inequality in order to improve the quality of public services in the region. This research was conducted to find out whether central government transfers in the form of Revenue Sharing Funds (DBH) would be able to increase the regional revenues of East Kalimantan Province to fund regional needs in the context of implementing decentralization. East Kalimantan Province was selected as the case study, considering that this province has many natural resources which expectedly will receive a quite large DBH. This study uses qualitative methods to explain problems related to the implementation of fiscal decentralization policies. The focus of the study is the proportion percentage of DBH that has been regulated. Important information gathered through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions to find the core of the problem to facilitate analysis. The results of the study showed that the DBH obtained by East Kalimantan Province in recent years had decreased, so that it had an effect on overall revenue which in turn had a significant effect on the implementation of regional programs. On the other hand, a very large increase was received from the transfer of special allocation funds, but this also did not affect the revenues of East Kalimantan Province. Whereas Local Revenues did not experience a significant increase.

The Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) indicates that meeting the Paris Agreement's goal of limiting the global temperature rise from pre-industrial levels to between 1.5 and 2 degrees Celsius requires reaching net-zero emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2) between 2050 and 2070, as well as deep reductions in the emissions of other greenhouse gases by around mid-century (GHGs) (IPCC, 2018). At the same time countries need to build resilience to face the changes that cannot be avoided. NDC Invest was created as the one-stop-shop of the IDB Group providing technical and financial support for countries in Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) in their efforts to achieve the climate objectives under the Paris Agreement, seeking to transition to a net zero, resilient and sustainable development pathways that improve quality of life and prosperity in LAC. Through our research and experience supporting countries and piloting solutions we have developed a toolbox for support. This paper describes three NDC Invest products to support Governments to tackle challenges and scale up action towards a climate aligned and sustainable development path: i) the design of Long-Term Strategies (LTS) for net-zero emissions and resilience; ii) design of ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), aligned to LTS; and iii) design of investment plans and finance strategies. Our three products are not a fix recipe, but rather a toolbox to provide flexible and relevant solutions tailored to country needs and context, and different stages of design and implementation of their climate targets.

The first book to address the links between sovereign debt and human rights. Authors are renowned jurists, economics, historians and social scientists, all of which examine the links between debt and human rights from a variety of angles. The book is structured around five basic parts. The first sets out the historical, political and economic context of sovereign debt. Indeed, without understanding how debt accumulates, why it is necessary and to whom it is owed, it is impossible to fully comprehend the full range of arguments about its impact on human rights. The second part effectively addresses the human rights dimension of the three types of sovereign lenders, namely inter-governmental financial institutions (IFIs) (chiefly those from the World Bank group and those within the EU framework), sovereigns and private lenders. Part II examines also debt-influencing mechanisms, and with the exception of vulture funds that will be analysed in Part V, here we examine the role of export credits, credit rating agencies and bilateral investment treaties. Part III goes on to make the link between debt and the manner in which the accumulation of sovereign debt violates human rights. From there, Part IV examines some of the conditions imposed by structural adjustment programs on debtor states with a view to servicing their debt. All of these conditionalities have been shown to exacerbate the debt itself at the expense also of economic sovereignty. It is thus explained in Part IV that such measures are not only injurious to the entrenched rights of peoples, but that moreover they exacerbate the borrower’s economic situation. Finally, Part V addresses the range of practical responses to sovereign debt, such as odious debt claims, unilateral repudiation, establishment of debt audit committees and others.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

From January 1933 through April 1940, Man! A Journal of the Anarchist Ideal and Movement served as the central connector for a transnational anarchist network that extended across multiple continents from North America to Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. As the main organ of the “International Group”—an organization with chapters throughout the United States—Man! also linked radical immigrant communities throughout America. In addition to demonstrating the importance of print publications as an avenue for transatlantic and inter-ethnic connection, the story of Man! provides a lesser-known, early example of an international solidarity movement and critical window into political repression. With help from the American Civil Liberties Union, the several-year governmental effort to suppress the journal and deport its editors Vincent Ferrero and Domenic Sallitto as well as their colleague, Marcus Graham, became an international cause célèbre that sparked an international defense movement. Recounting the history of Man! and the International Group helps to bring this moment in transnational anarchist resistance to light, while elucidating the ways in which xenophobia-driven immigration policy can serve as a means for State-based suppression of political dissent.

The political fraction of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) in architecture and urban design is made up of national, international, and transnational politicians and officials at all levels of administrative power and responsibility. They operate in communities, cities, states, and international and global institutions. They make decisions on what gets built where, how changes to the built environment are regulated, and on issues of urban preservation. The TCC facilitates the production of iconic architecture in the same way and for the same purposes as it does all cultural icons, by incorporating creative artists to construct meanings and aesthetics that effectively represent its power in order to maximize profits for the capitalist class. In his very widely reviewed book on megaprojects and risk, Bent Flyvbjerg (2003: 16) states, ‘Cost underestimation and overrun cannot be explained by error and seem to be best explained by strategic misrepresentation, namely lying, with a view to getting projects started.’ It seems to me sensible to bear this apparently extreme statement in mind when thinking about the relations between politicians and professionals in this field. The political fraction of the TCC in architecture divides into two over­lapping groups and two sets of institutions. First, there are globalizing state officials and politicians and their nominees in public agencies who promote, award, permit, or refuse contracts for important national or subnational (usually urban) projects. Governments and local authorities organize competitions, sometimes inviting entries from domestic or foreign architects. The selection of iconic foreign architects for prestigious national and urban projects has become a feature of the era of capitalist globalization. The second group com­prises inter-state and transnational officials and politicians who are influential for architectural projects promoted as sites or buildings with global significance. Others confer a sort of transnational political iconicity on existing buildings and places, notably through the World Heritage Site system of UNESCO (Edensor 1998: 184–7). The work of private transnational non-governmental organizations is also important. For example, the title and mission statement of the World Monuments Fund, ‘Saving the world’s architectural masterpieces and important cultural heritage sites from damage and destruction’, have a deliberately official ring.

Perkembangan terkini pelaku dan kegiatan keantariksaan menimbulkan potensi ancaman terhadap kepentingan-kepentingan keamanan antariksa nasional hampir semua negara. Kehadiran Rekomendasi Group of Governmental Experts on Transparency and Confidence-Building Measures in Outer Space Activities (Rekomendasi GGE) di dalam sistem Persatuan Bangsa-Bangsa sebagai salah satu perangkat regulasi diharapkan dapat meningkatkan penjaminan keamanan antariksa. Makalah ini membahas perkembangan dan tanggapan negara-negara terhadap Rekomendasi GGE untuk menentukan posisi Indonesia terhadapnya. Makalah ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode penelitian kajian kepustakaan (library research). Secara teoretis, makalah ini menggunakan perspektif neorealisme yang ada di dalam Studi Hubungan Internasional. Simpulan makalah ini merekomendasi Pemerintah Indonesia untuk mengumpulkan seluruh stakeholder kegiatan keantariksaan di Indonesia dalam rangka merumuskan tanggapan Indonesia terhadap Rekomendasi GGE.

The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.

Marine spatial management is emerging as a key tool for managing and conserving marine ecosystems. The development and implementation of ocean zoning, especially Marine Protected Area (MPA) networks, is expanding rapidly around the world. At a global scale, ocean zoning and MPAs are being pursued in many processes through a variety of governmental, inter-governmental (e.g. UN agencies, regional bodies), with significant input from non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Ocean industries, e.g. oil and gas, shipping, fisheries, aquaculture, etc. are the principle user group affected by ocean zoning. Important new ocean uses are under development as well, e.g. offshore wind, ocean energy, carbon sequestration. The creation of ocean zones, such as MPA networks, will have major effects on industry access to marine space and resources, with significant implications for exploration, development, production and transport. It is essential that the industry constructively engage with marine spatial management efforts and stakeholders to ensure that the process is well informed and balanced. This will increase the potential for industry to respect the management regulations of ocean areas often far removed from the reach of governments. Unfortunately, industry is often not present at key ocean zoning developments, especially at the international level, and is not engaged in a constructive, coordinated manner that brings together the range of industries operating in the marine environment. Barriers to industry involvement in marine spatial management include: 1) Lack of understanding of the movement and momentum behind ocean zoning efforts; 2) Limited engagement in the multi-stakeholder processes where zoning is moving most rapidly, e.g. Convention on Biological Diversity, because industry is engaged in sectoral processes; 3) Lack of means for engaging the broader ocean business community on marine management and sustainability issues, particularly at a global level. This paper will outline the need, opportunity and progress in creating proactive, constructive industry leadership and collaboration on ocean zoning, including: 1) Developing an understanding of marine spatial management issues, stakeholders and process; 2) Actively engaging in key international multi-stakeholder processes that are pursuing MPAs and other zoning efforts; 3) Building constructive relationships among ocean industries and other ocean zoning stakeholders; 4) Creating practical experience by constructively engaging in ocean zoning developments in a specific regions.

Abstract Gender equality in the energy sector is still a challenge for the timely attainment of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5 on empowering women. To enable solutions roadmaps, the UN Expert Group on Resource Management launched "Women in Resource Management" in April 2019. This paper summarizes the initiative's progress to date and how it maneuvered through the pandemic, delivering several quick wins benefitting women in oil and gas, geothermal, and mining. The initiative focuses on the energy sector (Oil & Gas, Renewables, Mining). As per the UNECE - Gender 2020 annual report, "The Women in Resource Management aims to determine achievable, global outreach goals to explore how resource management can help attain SDG 5, recognizing the importance to provide women and girls with, inter alia, equal access to education and decent work, and that their representation in economic decision-making processes will fuel sustainable economies and benefit societies". Work done till May 2021 includes:Review of a series of resource management projects to evaluate challenges and opportunities in enhancing performance from the perspective of gender.Selection of cases and country-specific study cases that exemplify how SDG 5 aims could be applied in resource management. The initiative deliverables and timeline for the future include:Dialogues on policy, aimed to boost gender participation in resource managementA network of women engaged in resource management projectsWebinars with global outreachIssue recommendations for the consideration and incrementing the participation of gender in resource management A comparison of critical elements considered diagnostic for women's empowerment such as female workforce percentages, participation of women in leadership and technical roles across several segments of resource management will be assessed per region with a global outlook. Other indicators valuable for the proposed assessment will be shared in this paper covering communication programmes and tools, empowerment and knowledge-sharing workshops, strategies and frameworks to increase active participation and awareness of women and men on the importance of gender equality for the sustainability of the energy sector. The initiative's roadmap was shared to collectively join efforts in an initiative that needs to compel the related organizations and stakeholders to generate step-changing actions to attain SDG 5 by 2030 and fully benefit from the impacts of diversity and inclusion in resource management, which benefit the sector. The participation of women in technical, organizational and leadership roles in resource management is imperative to ensure the sustainability of the energy sector in actionable paths. The roadmap and quick wins shared in this paper will inspire governmental, private, not-for-profit, multilateral, and other organizations dealing with the complex objective of incrementing the participation of women in resource management. The pursuit of gender equality strategies enables the success of SDG 5, especially if done with a collaborative effort that creates social and economic value at a global scale. Immediate objectives of the future activities of this initiative are to shape teams to address and advance research, communication of best practices and opportunities in mining (minerals and U/To resources), Oil and Gas, Renewables (including groundwater) and Public Sector and Talent Development.

The International Health Regulations (2005) are legally binding on 196 States Parties, Including all WHO Member States. The IHR aims to keep the world informed about public health risks, through committing all signatories to cooperate together in combating any future “illness or medical condition, irrespective of origin or source, that presents or could present significant harm to humans.” Under IHR, countries agreed to strengthen their public health capacities and notify the WHO of any such illness in their populations. The WHO would be the centralized body for all countries facing a health threat, with the power to declare a “public health emergency of international concern,” issue recommendations, and work with countries to tackle a crisis. Although, with the sudden and rapid spread of COVID-19 in the world, many countries varied in implementing the WHO guidelines and health recommendations. While some countries followed the WHO guidelines, others imposed travel restrictions against the WHO’s recommendations. Some refused to share their data with the organization. Others banned the export of medical equipment, even in the face of global shortages.The UN Compliance Research group will focus during the current cycle on analyzing the compliance of the WHO member states to the organizations guidelines during the COVID-19 pandemic.