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Journal articles on the topic 'International and municipal law – Northern Ireland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Craig, Elizabeth. "From soft to hard law?" Focaal 2010, no. 56 (2010): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.560103.

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This article explores the use of soft law by those involved in the drafting of a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, drawing in particular on the author's experiences as legal adviser to the Culture, Identity, and Language Working Group of the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights Forum. The article reflects on the extent to which the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities 1995 and other relevant international instruments can be considered as forms of international soft law. It then highlights controversies that have arisen in debates over the content and

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2

O'Donoghue, Aoife, and Ben T. C. Warwick. "Constitutionally questioned: UK debates, international law and Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 66, no. 1 (2018): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v66i1.145.

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This comment examines the proposed UK constitutional changes proffered following the no vote in the Scottish independence referendum from an international legal perspective. With a particular focus on the implications for Northern Ireland, this piece considers the possible consequences of further devolution, proposed federalism, changes to the UK’s relationship with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), modifications of relations with the European Union (EU) and the potential effects of change to the relationship with the Republic of Ireland. In looking at these issues through the le

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3

Flanagan, Ronnie. "Maintaining law and order in Northern Ireland." RUSI Journal 143, no. 4 (1998): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849808446281.

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4

Melo Araujo, Billy. "An analysis of the UK Government’s defence of the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill under international law." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 73, S2 (2022): 89–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v73is2.1060.

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In the early summer of 2022, the United Kingdom (UK) Government introduced the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill in the House of Commons. This Bill establishes a regulatory framework that is intended to enable the UK Government to breach its obligations under the Withdrawal Agreement and, more specifically, the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol (the Protocol). The UK Government contends that the Bill can, however, be justified under international law by reference to both article 16 of the Protocol and the plea of necessity under customary international law. This article examines the extent to whi

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5

O’Mahony, Charles. "A comparative analysis of the intersection of mental capacity laws and international human rights law in Northern Ireland and Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 75, no. 4 (2024): 753–89. https://doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v75i4.1090.

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This article examines the law on mental capacity in Ireland and Northern Ireland. It sets out key provisions in the Mental Capacity Act (Northern Ireland) 2016 (MCA (NI)) and the Assisted Decision-Making (Capacity) Act 2015 (ADMCA). The slow legislative progress in Ireland and Northern Ireland requires closer examination, particularly due to the unique links between the jurisdictions. Both Northern Ireland and Ireland have ratified the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), and this article considers how both legislative models align with human rights

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McEvoy, Kieran. "Prisoner Release and Conflict Resolution: International Lessons for Northern Ireland." International Criminal Justice Review 8, no. 1 (1998): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756779800800103.

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7

Donohue, Conor. "The Northern Ireland Question: All-Ireland Self-Determination Post-Belfast Agreement." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 47, no. 1 (2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v47i1.4878.

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By the Belfast Agreement of 1998, the major parties involved in the Northern Ireland conflict agreed that the territorial status of Northern Ireland would be determined by the Northern Irish people and the people of the island of Ireland collectively. Although this Agreement is significant in shaping the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context, it contains within it many ambiguities. Many questions as to the nature, extent and effects of the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context still remain. These questions and issues which arise within the Agreement are resolvable

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8

Hunt, Paul, and Brice Dickson. "Northern Ireland's Emergency Laws and International Human Rights." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 11, no. 2 (1993): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934419301100204.

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In this article, international law of human rights is used as a yardstick against which to measure the emergency provisions operating in Northern Ireland, where special trial procedures have been in place since 1973 for persons accused of terrorist offenses. In particular, the use of juries has been withdrawn, all matters of fact and law being decided instead by a single judge in the so called ‘Diplock’ courts. There are many unsatisfactory features of the emergency legislation associated with the Diplock court proceedings. Because of these features, it is probable that some defendants in the

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9

O’Rourke, Catherine. "Advocating Abortion Rights in Northern Ireland." Social & Legal Studies 25, no. 6 (2016): 716–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663916668249.

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It is frequently claimed that the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is more significant for the cultural, rather than legal, work that it does in reframing locally contested gender issues as the subject of international human rights. While this argument is well developed in respect of violence against women, CEDAW’s cultural traction is less clear in respect of women’s right to access safe and legal abortion. This article examines the request made jointly by Alliance for Choice, the Family Planning Association Northern Ireland and the Northern I

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10

Viall, Claire. "Abortion Access in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland: International Influence and Changing Laws?" Policy Perspectives 24 (May 4, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v24i0.17599.

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Access to abortion services in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland is extremely restricted. Women have few options beyond traveling abroad and paying out of pocket to undergo an abortion. In the United Kingdom, abortion is legal up to 24 weeks and is largely free of cost under the National Health Service. While Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom, laws legalizing abortion do not apply, and abortion law has not changed since 1861. In 1983, the Republic of Ireland passed an amendment to its constitution equating the life of a mother with the life of an unborn fetus. Since the

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11

Warbrick, Colin, Dominic McGoldrick, and Geoff Gilbert. "I. The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement, Minority Rights and Self-Determination." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, no. 4 (1998): 943–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058930006262x.

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The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights

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12

Simpson, Mark. "The Agreement and devolved social security: a missed opportunity for socio-economic rights in Northern Ireland?" Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 66, no. 2 (2018): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v66i2.146.

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The UK government made three key human rights-related commitments in the Good Friday Agreement, the basis for the restoration of devolution and transition from conflict to peace in Northern Ireland: to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights into Northern Ireland law; to consider proposals for a regional Bill of Rights; and to ensure compliance with the state’s international obligations in the region. While ECHR compliance is required of devolved institutions by the constitutional legislation, the prospects of a Bill of Rights being enacted appears limited and oversight of complian

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13

McLaughlin, Eithne. "Introduction: Themed Section on Equality." Social Policy and Society 6, no. 1 (2007): 49–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746406003332.

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Equality law is in a state of ferment in the UK with a Westminster bill having laid the ground for a single Equality and Human Rights Commission, new European Directives on Equality, a debate in Northern Ireland over the adoption of a Single Equality Act (OFMDFM, 2004) and a stalled debate in Northern Ireland over a Bill of Rights. (O'Connell, 2006: 3).

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14

McGuinness, Esther, Desmond Ryan, and Rory O’Connell. "A Review of Employment Law in Ireland, North and South." Irish Studies in International Affairs 36, no. 2 (2025): 123–50. https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2025.a962917.

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ABSTRACT: This article explores the evolution and current state of employment law across the two jurisdictions on the island of Ireland, a century after the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. Labour law, long debated for its legitimacy as a legal discipline, sits at the intersection of legal doctrine, political theory and social justice. The collapse of classical labour law models and the pressures of globalisation have further politicised the field. This study examines how partition and constitutional changes have affected shared legal origins, with a focus on statutory, constitutional and commo

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15

Williams, Paul R., and Sabrineh Ardalan. "The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement: Evolving the Principle of Self-Determination." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 1 (1999): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000047.

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Central to this article is the evolution of the nature of the principle of self-determination. The main focus will be on the examination of a recent instance of state practice — the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement. In particular, the way in which the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement has given effect to the primary elements of self-determination, including democratic self-government, the protection of human rights, and the protection of minority rights will be discussed.

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16

Fruscione, Alessandro. "New Agreement on Northern Ireland Simplifies Relations Between EU and UK." Global Trade and Customs Journal 18, Issue 5 (2023): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2023022.

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On 27 February, the European Commission and the United Kingdom reached a political agreement in principle on the so-called ‘Windsor Framework’, necessary to resolve several issues that had arisen between the parties, in particular with regard to the Northern Ireland issue, following the British withdrawal from the European Union. The joint solutions, found within the framework of the Withdrawal Agreement, are based on the following starting points: a comprehensive, cross-cutting and definitive solution, addressing practical difficulties in the operation of the Protocol; a balance between flexi

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17

Dobbs, Mary, Sarah E. Hamill, and Robin Hickey. "Land Law and Land Use." Irish Studies in International Affairs 34, no. 2 (2023): 149–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2023.a910323.

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ABSTRACT: This article, which is part of the North–South Legal Mapping Project, considers land law and land use in each jurisdiction on the island of Ireland. The first part provides a sketch of the basic structures of land law, identifying a remarkable level of convergence (or, more accurately, absence of divergence), which is only partially qualified by recent comprehensive land law reform in Ireland, notwithstanding the absence of comparable reforms in Northern Ireland. The second part considers land use, where there is greater (and increasing) potential for divergence, particularly in envi

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18

Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.

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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of

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19

Ní Ghráinne, Bríd, and Aisling McMahon. "ABORTION IN NORTHERN IRELAND AND THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS: REFLECTIONS FROM THE UK SUPREME COURT." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no. 2 (2019): 477–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000034.

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AbstractOn 7 June 2018, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (UKSCt) issued its decision on, inter alia, whether Northern Ireland's near-total abortion ban was compatible with the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). This article critically assesses the UKSC's treatment of international law in this case. It argues that the UKSCt was justified in finding that Northern Ireland's ban on abortion in cases of rape, incest, and FFA was a violation of Article 8, but that the majority erred in its assessment of Article 3 ECHR and of the relevance of international law more generally.

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20

Hamill, Sarah E., and Ciara Hackett. "Law of Obligations (North–South Mapping Project)." Irish Studies in International Affairs 34, no. 2 (2023): 439–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2023.a916345.

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ABSTRACT: In this paper we examine the law of obligations in Ireland and Northern Ireland. Given constraints of space, we focus on post-partition divergences and convergences. Rather than attempt to examine the totality of the law of obligations, we have focused on tort and contract, and in particular examples where divergence and convergence have been driven by case law and by statute. Thus, in tort law, our focus is on one tort based on case law, and one based in statute. Similarly in contract, we focus on three areas where changes have been driven by either statute or judicial reasoning.

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21

KNOX, COLIN. "Tackling Racism in Northern Ireland: ‘The Race Hate Capital of Europe’." Journal of Social Policy 40, no. 2 (2010): 387–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000620.

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AbstractNorthern Ireland has been dubbed by the media as the ‘race hate capital of Europe’ and attracted recent international criticism after one hundred Roma families were forced to flee their homes following racist attacks. This paper examines the problem of racism in Northern Ireland from a number of perspectives. First, it considers the effectiveness of the Government's response to racism against its Racial Equality Strategy 2005–10 using performance criteria designed to track the implementation of the strategy. Second, it considers and empirically tests the assertion in the literature tha

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22

Johnston, Niall. "GUEST ARTICLE - The Northern Ireland Assembly: A New Beginning?" Journal of Legislative Studies 8, no. 1 (2002): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003901.

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23

Smart, P. St J. "Jurisdiction to Wind Up Companies Incorporated in Northern Ireland." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1996): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300058711.

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In Re A Company (No.007946 of 1993)1 it was held that a company incorporated in Northern Ireland was an “unregistered company” within section 220 of the Insolvency Act 1986 and, accordingly, was amenable to the winding-up jurisdiction of the English court. In so holding Morritt J specifically declined to follow the view expressed in Dicey and Morris,2 a view which had been adhered to by a number of writers on both English and Scottish law.3 Prior to his Lordship's determination it was considered as a general proposition that a company incorporated in one part of the United Kingdom could be wou

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24

Ashe, Fidelma. "Gendering Demilitarisation and Justice in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 17, no. 4 (2015): 665–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.12066.

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25

Hayward, Katy, and Milena Komarova. "The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland: Past, Present, and Future Precariousness." Global Policy 13, S2 (2022): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13079.

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26

Patterson, Henry. "Interests and identities in Northern Ireland." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 4, no. 1 (2011): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2011.584196.

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27

Bakircioglu, Onder, and Brice Dickson. "THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION IN CONFLICTED SOCIETIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF NORTHERN IRELAND AND TURKEY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 66, no. 2 (2017): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000033.

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AbstractSince the entry into force of the European Convention on Human Rights there have been many serious conflicts in Europe. This article examines the role played by the Convention in two of those conflicts: that in Northern Ireland between supporters of the territory remaining part of the United Kingdom and supporters of Northern Ireland becoming part of a reunified Ireland, and that in Turkey between those who advocate for a unified Turkish State and those who want a Turkey which grants greater rights to Kurds and accepts greater autonomy for the Kurdish-dominated southeast region. The pr

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28

MLEȘNIȚĂ, Vasilica. "THE BRITISH UNCODIFIED CONSTITUTION. KEY FEATURES AND INCREMENTAL DEVELOPMENT." Curentul Juridic/Juridical Current 99, no. 4 (2025): 39–44. https://doi.org/10.62838/cjjc-2024-0026.

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This paper aims to analyze the key features of the British constitution in terms of form, sources (both legal and non-legal), legislative supremacy, and the separation of powers. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland can be considered a peculiar state in the context of international law due to its three distinct legal jurisdictions and systems of law, England and Wales, Northern Ireland* and Scotland. In essence, there is an overlap between these three systems and the constitution is in written form, but comprised in various sources that cannot be found in a single written d

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29

Haughey, Sean. "Extra-parliamentary behaviour in Northern Ireland: MLAs and constituency service." Journal of Legislative Studies 23, no. 4 (2017): 529–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1394737.

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30

Farrington, Christopher. "Unionism and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 8, no. 2 (2006): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00233.x.

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31

Speer, John K. "Doherty v. U.S. Department of Justice." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 2 (1991): 345–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203070.

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This case is the latest in a series of actions brought in the United States since 1984 that have resulted in court and administrative decisions on the claim of asylum by, and attempt at extradition of, the plaintiff, Joseph Patrick Doherty, a native of Northern Ireland and subject of the United Kingdom and its Colonies. He was admittedly a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army and was convicted in absentia, in Northern Ireland, of murder of a British Army officer there in 1980. In the instant case, the plaintiff sought review by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circu

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Campbell, Colm. "‘WARS ON TERROR’ AND VICARIOUS HEGEMONS: THE UK, INTERNATIONAL LAW, AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND CONFLICT." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 2 (2005): 321–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei002.

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The hegemonic position of the United States, and its implication for international law, are rapidly emerging as sites of intense scholarly interest.1It is a truism that the fall of the Berlin wall has been followed by a period of unprecedented American predominance in the military, economic, and political spheres. Replacing the bi-polar certainties of the Cold War is a world in flux, dominated, to a significant extent, by one remaining superpower, or, in the words of the former French Foreign Minister, Hubert Vedrine, by a ‘hyperpower’.2Some though, have emphasised the continuing importance of

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33

Walker, Clive. "Human Rights on Duty: Principles for Better Policing – International Lessons for Northern Ireland." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 1, no. 1 (1999): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpcs.8140010.

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34

Rooney, Jane. "International human rights law, devolution and democratic legitimacy: the case study of abortion reform in Northern Ireland." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2023): 28–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v74i1.1021.

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This article uses the case study of abortion law reform to critically assess what is required to secure democratic legitimacy in complying with international human rights law (IHRL) obligations. The case study exposes the inadequacy of the devolution arrangement. The article critiques the methodology through which the views, interests and priorities of the two systems are upheld and protected: a mere bifurcation of competence over law and decision-making. The devolution framework frames democratic legitimacy as requiring the representation of interests of only two governance systems to be bala

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35

Dougan, Michael. "So long, farewell, auf wiedersehen, goodbye: The UK’S withdrawal package." Common Market Law Review 57, Issue 3 (2020): 631–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2020689.

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The United Kingdom left the European Union at midnight CET on 31 January 2020. This article provides a critical analysis of the Withdrawal Package concluded by the Union and the UK. As regards theWithdrawal Agreement designed to facilitate an orderly departure, we analyse the provisions on: governance arrangements; the transition period; citizens’ rights; and the Ireland / Northern Ireland border. We then discuss the prospects for future EU-UK relations as expressed in their joint Political Declaration and developed in their respective post-withdrawal negotiating positions.

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36

Larik, Joris. "Writing for ‘Brexiternity’? Reflections on Legal Scholarship on a Moving Target." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 50, Issue 2 (2023): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2023008.

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The United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union was supposed to be definitively settled several times during the past decade – yet it was not. The 2016 referendum brought about a surge in interest in legal questions, especially of EU law and international economic law. This presented scholars with a questionable gift: on the one hand, countless new opportunities for research, publications, and public visibility; on the other, the curse of chasing a rapidly and at times erratically moving target. Therefore, this essay reflects on the continued relevance of Brexit scholarship and diffe

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Tannam, Etain. "Cross-Border Co-Operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland: Neo-Functionalism Revisited." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 8, no. 2 (2006): 256–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00202.x.

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Ashe, Fidelma. "From Paramilitaries to Peacemakers: The Gender Dynamics of Community-Based Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 11, no. 2 (2009): 298–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00345.x.

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Community-based restorative justice (CBRJ) schemes emerged in Northern Ireland during the ‘peace process’ to provide an alternative to paramilitary systems of justice. These initiatives have received considerable academic attention. A complex and critical literature has now emerged in this area; however, extant explorations of CBRJ have tended to sideline issues of gender power. Feminists and international bodies, such as the United Nations, have highlighted the importance of addressing historical gendered inequities in terms of the design and evaluation of conflict transformation initiatives.

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Byrne, SeanArnold,. "The Impact of International Funding on Reconciliation and Human Security in Northern Ireland." Journal of Human Security 6, no. 3 (2010): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3316/jhs0603016.

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Tickell, Andrew. "How Should Complainer Anonymity for Sexual Offences be Introduced in Scotland? Learning the International Lessons of #Letherspeak." Edinburgh Law Review 26, no. 3 (2022): 355–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2022.0783.

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It is often claimed that complainers in sexual offence cases have an “automatic right to lifelong anonymity in UK law.” While this is true in England, Wales and Northern Ireland – Scots law currently imposes no automatic restrictions on the identification of people who say they have been victims of rape and other sexual offences. Underpinned by a comparative analysis of twenty common law jurisdictions – including Ireland, India, Bangladesh, Singapore, Hong Kong, Canada, New Zealand and Australia – this article considers how complainer anonymity could and should be introduced in Scotland. This

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41

McCrudden, Christopher. "The origins of ‘civil rights and religious liberties’ in the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 75, no. 3 (2024): 443–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v75is1.1168.

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This article traces the origins of the declaration of rights in the human rights and equality section of the 1998 Belfast–Good Friday Agreement, which secured a fragile peace in Northern Ireland. It sets out in detail for the first time the drafting history of the declaration, set against the complex negotiating history of the Agreement as a whole, describing the multiple actors involved in the evolution of the declaration and their motivations, including republican and loyalist paramilitary groups, feminists and civil rights organisations, Irish and British civil servants and political adviso

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42

McEvoy, K. "ART, ANGST AND DEALING WITH THE PAST IN NORTHERN IRELAND." Journal of Human Rights Practice 1, no. 1 (2009): 164–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/hun008.

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O'Neills, Shane. "Liberty, Equality and the Rights of Cultures: The Marching Controversy at Drumcree." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 2, no. 1 (2000): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00023.

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This article offers a normative-theoretical assessment of a key aspect of the continuing cultural conflict in Northern Ireland. The marching controversy at Drumcree has had a destabilising effect on the peace process and it represents a serious threat to the achievement of the kind of political accommodation outlined in the Good Friday Agreement. The aim is to apply Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory of rights to this dispute so as to assess which, if any, of the conflicting claims should take priority. By seeking to assess the rational acceptability of the better arguments on either side, I r

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44

Butler, William. "The formation of the Ulster Home Guard." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 158 (2016): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.26.

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AbstractThis article explores the problems encountered in the formation of the Ulster Home Guard, supposedly a direct equivalent to its well-known British counterpart, as part of the paramilitary Ulster Special Constabulary in Northern Ireland, during the Second World War. Predictably, the Ulster Home Guard became an almost exclusively Protestant organisation which led to many accusations of sectarianism from a variety of different national and international voices. This became a real concern for the British government, as well as the army, which understandably wished to avoid any such controv

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McGrattan, Cillian. "Community-Based Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland: A Neo-Traditionalist Paradigm?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 12, no. 3 (2010): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2010.00405.x.

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46

Pinkerton, Patrick. "Resisting Memory: The Politics of Memorialisation in Post-Conflict Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 14, no. 1 (2011): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2011.00458.x.

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47

Anderson, Miriam J. "Transnational Feminism and Norm Diffusion in Peace Processes: The Cases of Burundi and Northern Ireland." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 4, no. 1 (2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970903086727.

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Gormally, Brian. "The Third corner and the second pillar: The community and restorative justice in Northern Ireland." ERA Forum 3, no. 1 (2002): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02817598.

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Murphy, Mary C. "Regional Representation in Brussels and Multi-Level Governance: Evidence from Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 13, no. 4 (2011): 551–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2010.00446.x.

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Abstract:

The creation of Northern Ireland's regional representation in Brussels (ONEIB) has changed the dynamics of the region's engagement with the EU. Devolution has formalised Northern Ireland's representation in Brussels and has created close links between it and UKRep. On balance, this new arrangement limits rather than enhances regional autonomy, and is in contrast to the pre-devolution period when the ability of regional actors to pursue influence in Brussels was less constrained by the institutions of the UK state. The result is a movement towards rather than away from government, where less fo

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Harris, Lyndsey. "Introducing the Strategic Approach: An Examination of Loyalist Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 8, no. 4 (2006): 539–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00237.x.

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