Journal articles on the topic 'International Arabic Dialectology Association'

This study aims to explain the role of IMLA in developing Arabic teacher competences. Indeed a teacher is a precious profession, carrying valuable tasks to educate and build character of the nation. Teacher is a precious profession to create a good life. Therefore, teacher should develop their competences including Arabic language teacher. The intended competences in Arabic language learning are language competence, communicative competence, and cultural competence. IMLA is the abbreviation of (Ittiha>d Mudarrisi al-Lughah al-‘Arabiyyah), a organization established to build and develop Arabic teachers’ competences in Indonesia. This opportunity is given to Arabic teachers in IMLA organization to affiliate with its agendas, management, and association in local, national, and international scope. There are many information will be gained through the various agendas to develop teachers’ competence. For the example is like attending seminars, workshops, and other trainings held by the organization. IMLA organization is able to connect local teachers and lecturers to the foreign ones especially from Arabic emirate countries.

Quality is a business oriented to customer or user satisfaction. In the world of learning, quality is closely related to the outcome achieved after the learning process. Similarly with Arabic Learning. In Indonesia, Arabic is taught from the level of Madrasah Ibtidaiyyah to Higher Education especially those under the auspices of the Ministry of Religious Affairs. As a non-Arabic speaking country, Indonesia has a high learning Arabic interest. This expectation is then used as a standard in the acquisition of learning Arabic. Therefore, the curriculum, as a standard of learning process must be adjusted to foreign language learning standards, one of which is made by ACTFL. The ACTFL (American Councils on the Teaching of Foreign Language) is a national association for professional language education from all levels of teaching and represents all languages including Arabic. In detail, ACTFL provides an explanation of Arabic skills and samples that are intended to assist Arabic teachers, students and assessment specialists according to predetermined standards that include four skills in Arabic (istima ', kalam, qira'ah, and kitabah ).This study aims to obtain an analysis of standard Arabic language learning in madrasah in Indonesia based on ACTFL standards. Content analysis in the form of Madrasah Tsanawiyah curriculum document and ACTFL 2012 Proficiency Guidance document. The results of this study indicate that the standard of learning Arabic in Islamic schools in Indonesia is at the level of novice law hing novice mid for the fourth maharah. This indicates that the standard of learning Arabic in Indonesia is in accordance with the standards applicable at the international level, so that basically been able to meet the expectations of its users. Keywords: Quality, Arabic Curriculum at Madrasa Tsanawiya, ACTFL Standards

The article shows the role of Prof. Władysław Kuraszkiewicz in creating and developing Byelorussian investigations in Poland after World War II. In the interwar period he investigated Russian dialects in Podlasie, Polesie and Helm Regions. In 1937 he was the first to collect rich dialectae materials in 70 villages between the Bug and the Narew Rivers, which he published in 1939 The Outline of east-slavonic dialectology with examples of dialectal texts, and edition, Warsaw 1963, made him famous. Prof. Kuraszkiewicz was the reviewer of the first three volumes of the Atlas of East Slavonic Dialects of Bialystok Region (Wrocław 1980–1993). Before 1985 he initiated the investigations of the Atlas of East Slavonic Dialects of the Bug River Region, carried out by to teams: the Institute of Slavistic Studies in Warsaw and the Institute of Slavistic Studies UMCS in Lublin. He also contributed to the development of scientific personnel. He promoted and reviewed the doctor`s and assistant-professor research. He supported the development of Byelorussian studies and set up “International Association of Byelorussists and Polish Byelorussists Society”.

Background: Musculoskeletal disorders (MSD) affect millions of people worldwide. Musculoskeletal Health Questionnaire (MSK-HQ) is a valid and reliable tool to assess the health of patients with MSD. However, this scale is not available in the Arabic language. The purpose of this study was to translate and cross-culturally adapt the Musculoskeletal Health Questionnaire (MSK-HQ) into Arabic (MSK-HQ-Ar) and evaluate its validity and reliability among participants with MSD. Methods: This cross-sectional study used guidelines from the International Society for Pharmacoeconomics and Outcomes Research (ISPOR) to translate as well as validate the psychometric properties of MSK-HQ-Ar. Patients with MSD (n = 149) living in Taif participated in the study. Cronbach’s alpha and the intraclass correlation coefficient (ICC) were used to assess internal consistency and test-retest reliability of MSK-HQ-Ar respectively. Spearman’s correlation was used to assess the correlation between MSK-HQ-Ar and the European quality of life five-dimension, five-level scale (EQ-5D-5L). Results: Out of 149 participants, 119 completed the MSK-HQ-Ar twice. The scale showed good internal consistency, Cronbach’s alpha (0.88), and reliability (ICC 0.92–0.95). A strong association was found with the EQ-5D-5L scores. Conclusion: The adapted MSK-HQ-Arabic version revealed acceptable psychometric properties and is a valid and reliable outcome measure to assess MSK health among Arabic speaking patients with MSD.

SummaryThere has been a growing interest in Health Informatics applications, research, and education within the Middle East and North African Region over the past twenty years. People of this region share similar cultural and religious values, primarily speak the Arabic language, and have similar health care related issues, which are in dire need of being addressed. Health Informatics efforts, organizations, and initiatives within the region have been largely under-represented within, but not ignored by, the International Medical Informatics Association (IMIA). Attempts to create bonds and collaboration between the different organizations of the region have remained scattered, and often, resulted in failure despite the fact that the need for a united health informatics collaborative within the region has never been more crucial than today. During the 2017 MEDINFO, held in Hangzhou, China, a new organization, the Middle East and North African Health Informatics Association (MENAHIA) was conceived as a regional non-governmental organization to promote and facilitate health informatics uptake within the region endorsing health informatics research and educational initiatives of the 22 countries represented within the region. This paper provides an overview of the collaboration and efforts to date in forming MENAHIA and displays the variety of initiatives that are already occurring within the MENAHIA region, which MENAHIA will help, endorse, support, share, and improve within the international forum of health informatics.

This volume consists of 38 papers presented at the summer 2000 meeting of the International Clinical Phonetics and Linguistics Association, hosted by Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh. The scope of the collection is ambitious in many respects. All levels of linguistic analysis are covered, from pragmatics through to acoustics, although approximately two thirds of the papers deal with phonology and phonetics. The full range of ages is represented, from a paper by John Locke on the functions of infant babbling through to Jacqueline Guendozi and Nicole Muller's paper on repair strategies in the conversation of an elderly subject with Alzheimer disease. The majority of the papers consider developmental and acquired disorders, although a few consider normal and bilingual language development. Although English is the most frequently studied language, data from Arabic, Greek, Korean, Portugese, Putonghua, Swedish, and several other languages are also featured. The editors are justly proud of the international feel to the research, with contributors working on five continents.

Daylight efficiency correlates to window design. Guidelines recommend a 20 per cent window-to-floor ratio (WFR) at 900mm windowsill height, where acceptable 300 lx to 500 lx measured at 900mm working plane height. However, Islamic religious schools use a 300mm height table known as ‘rehal’. Studies neglect the difference in required working plane height that effect window design and the illuminance level. A study was established to propose Syaheeza’s Daylight Rule of Thumb (DRT) for Islamic religious schools. This paper aims to highlight the reliability of the methodology framework used in Syaheeza’s DRT, such as surveys, Arabic handwriting performance assessment and computer simulations. Keywords: Daylighting; Islamic religious school; methodology framework eISSN: 2398-4287© 2021. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians/Africans/Arabians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21834/ebpj.v6i17.2877

Abstract Early life adversities (ELAs) are shown as significant risk factors for chronic health conditions (CHCs). ELAs include multiple types of abuse such as the social abuse (peer, community, and collective violence). The purpose is to describe the relationship between childhood social abuse and chronic conditions in adulthood among a sample of adults in Tunisia and to investigate the role of obesity and tobacco use as mediators of this association. A cross-sectional study was conducted in Tunisia, from January to June 2016 using the Arabic Adverse Childhood Experiences International Questionnaire (ACE-IQ). Items of social abuse (peer violence, witnessing community violence, and exposure to collective violence) were analyzed. A total of 2,120 adults were enrolled. After adjustment for age, gender, and intrafamilial ELA, social adversities were associated significantly with the selected CHC. Experiencing more than two social ELA increase the risk of occurrence of hypertension and coronary diseases. After accounting for the indirect effect of body mass index, statistically significant partial mediation effects were observed for the cumulative number of social ELA as the exposure variable and chronic diseases as the outcome variable (p ≤ .001; % mediated = 44.5%). These findings support an association between many chronic health disorders and childhood social abuse, independently of intrafamilial ACEs.

AbstractAstronomers wanting to chart the whole sky, or even part of it, 24/7, must collaborate across nations, continents, and hemispheres. The Greeks were perhaps the first to do this, though Eratosthenes' measurement of the diameter of the earth was done when Alexandria and Syene were both part of Ptolemaic Egypt. The Golden Age of Arabic/Moslem astronomy coincided with times when there were very large caliphates and similar empire-like structures. The situation was very different for European astronomy at all times, with periods of successful international collaborations alternating with periods of disaster. Von Zach's “celestial police” agreed in 1800 at Lilienfeld to divide up the sky and look for the “missing” planet between Mars and Jupiter. The observatory was ransacked and papers burned by retreating Napoleonic soldiers in 1813. Skipping ahead most of a century, the Carte du Ciel, George Ellery Hale's Solar Union, Kapteyn's selected areas, and several other cooperative projects had scarcely started when the Great War broke out, and a German eclipse expedition under Erwin Freundlich, which had gone to the Crimea to look for bending of starlight, was imprisoned. All members eventually got home, but the equipment was never recovered.While British eclipse expeditions organized by Eddington saw the bending of light from Sobral and Principe in 1919, the IAU, founded in the same year, explicitly excluded Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and the other central powers (even neutrals were not admitted for several years). Indeed Germany did not adhere until 1952. IAU membership now is generally driven by financial issues, but the solution of one nation, two adhering organizations for China was a major victory for international compromise. Coming down to the present, it is interesting that Europe, the site of the outbreak of both the World Wars, has led in the establishment of the European Southern Observatory, the European Space Research Organization (now ESA), and Astronomy and Astrophysics. Even the USA is gradually learning to cooperate with other astronomical nations (though we are still not brilliantly good at it). And the current projects for very large ground-based observing facilities, with acronyms like LOFAR, SKA, GMT, EVLT, and TMT, involve most of Europe, North America, China, Japan, India, and other parts of Asia and South America. A printed version of my FM2 presentation is in press for Vol. 43 (December 2015 issue) of the Journal of American Association of Variable Star Observers (roughly half of whose membership resides outside the US).I thank Gudrun Wolfschmidt for a list of the astronomers who made up the “celestial police”.

Multidisciplinary management tumor boards are now conducted worldwide for the management of patients with cancer. Studies evaluating their influence on decision making and patient outcome are limited; however, single-center studies have reported significant changes in diagnosis and treatment plans. A survey from Arabic countries showed widespread use and reliance on tumor boards for decision making. A recent multi-institutional survey of veteran affairs (VA) hospitals in the United States found limited association between the presence of tumor boards and care and outcomes. The Cancer Care Outcomes Research and Surveillance Consortium looked at the association between tumor board features and measures of quality of care. Results of overall survival among the patients of these physicians participating in tumor boards is ongoing, but preliminary results are outlined along with a recent ASCO survey of international members on the presence, utilization, and influence of tumor boards in this article. Tumor boards allow for implementation of clinical practice guidelines and may help capture cases for clinical trials. Efforts to improve preparations, structure, and conduct of tumor boards, research methods to monitor their performance, teamwork, and outcomes are outlined also in this article. The concept of mini-tumor boards and more efficient methods for MDM in countries with limited resources are also discussed. In suboptimal settings, such as small community hospitals, rural areas, and areas with limited resources, boundaries in diagnosis and management can be overcome, or at least improved, with tumor boards, especially with the use of video-conferencing facilities. Studies from the United Kingdom showed that special training of multidisciplinary teams (MDT) led to better team dynamics and communication, improved patient satisfaction, and improved clinical outcome. The weight of the benefits versus the time and effort spent to improve efficiency, patient care, and better time management in the United States and in the international oncology community is also reviewed in this article.

Abstract Audiovisual translation ( AVT ), including subtitling, constitutes a fundamental part of Translation Theories and Translation Studies; however, it has been neglected till recent years. Gradually, a number of studies begun to appear especially those attributed to the European Association for Studies in Screen Translation. As these studies continually increase, new technologies and media forms became in a glare of publicity. These technologies and forms ,i.e. international and intercultural communications led to the emergence of new forms of translation. The most efficacious and widely-spread form is cinematography. The translation of cinematography works is called AVT. Scholars state ten kinds of AVT which can be united and classified into two main groups, i.e. subtitling and revoicing. The present study concerns subtitling which generally means producing a dialogue translation in a film or an animated film in the form of titles usually appear at the bottom of the image or the screen . It attempts to shed light on subtitling( and in particular of swear words ) from English into Arabic in Terence Winter's The Wolf of Wall Street movie. It aims at investigating how the subtitler of this movie has dealt with these words in the original dialogue with the existence of the constraints imposed upon him. A quantitative analysis of the strategies used in subtitling the words and the number of those, the words, which have been changed through rendering , have been set to answer such a question.

Objectives Sexual dysfunction in systemic lupus erythematous (SLE) patients is an important issue to be tackled. We aimed to study the prevalence of sexual dysfunction in SLE women and detect its association with depression, functional disability and quality of life. Methods This study included 94 SLE females. Ninety-eight control females agreed to participate. Patients and controls answered a written form of the Arabic version of the Female Sexual Function Index (FSFI), Beck Depression Inventory (BDI), Health Assessment Questionnaire–Disability Index (HAQ-DI) and Short Form 36 (SF-36). Disease activity and damage were assessed using the SLE Disease Activity Index and the Systemic Lupus International Collaborating Clinics/American College of Rheumatology Damage Index. Results The frequency of sexual dysfunction was similar in the patients and control groups (77.7% versus 82.7%) while the BDI, HAQ-DI and SF-36 scores were significantly worse in SLE patients. SLE patients with and without sexual dysfunction differed in neither disease characteristics nor disease activity and damage indices. The FSFI showed a strong positive correlation with SF-36, and strong inverse correlations with BDI and HAQ-DI in the patients group while it had a weaker positive correlation with SF-36 and no correlations with the other two indices in the control group. Conclusion No significant difference was found in the prevalence of sexual dysfunction between SLE patients and controls. Sexual dysfunction in SLE patients is mostly related to depression, poor functional status, increased pain, poor health perception and bad quality of life. Neither disease activity nor damage contributes significantly to sexual dysfunction in lupus females.

Background The association between type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) and low total serum testosterone (LST) has been identified in several cross-sectional studies. Objectives To assess the prevalence of androgen deficiency and erectile dysfunction (ED) and their relation to glycemic control within a sample of Egyptian men with T2DM. Research Design and Methods A cross-sectional study including 70 men having T2DM. Their ages ranged from 30 to 50 years. They were evaluated for symptoms of androgen deficiency and ED, using a validated Arabic-translated Androgen Deficiency in Aging Males questionnaire and five-items version of the International Index of Erectile Function-5, respectively. Total testosterone (TT), glycated hemoglobin (HbA1c), follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), luteinizing hormone (LH), and prolactin were measured for all study subjects. Penile hemodynamics was assessed using penile duplex study for subjects who gave history of ED. Results LST was found in 40% of studied men, and 92.9% of them reported overt symptoms of androgen deficiency. ED was detected in 85.7% of those with LST, as opposed to 31.0% of those with normal TT ( P < 0.000). TT was lower in diabetic men with ED compared to those without ED (12.04 ± 5.36 vs 17.11 ± 7.11 nmol/L, P < 0.001). Significant negative correlation was found between TT and age, body mass index, waist circumference, systolic and diastolic blood pressures, and HBA1c ( P < 0.00). FSH, LH, and prolactin levels were within the normal reference range in all subjects. HbA1c was higher in patients who had LST with ED, compared to those with normal TT and without ED. However, multivariate logistic regression analysis did not reveal a significant association between HBA1c and LST levels. Conclusion LST, symptoms of androgen deficiency, and ED are common in the studied sample of Egyptian men with T2DM. Inappropriately normal FSH and LH in face of LST may denote a state of hypogonadotropic hypogonadism. HBA1c was found to be more significantly associated with ED than with LST.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to unpack the customer due diligence (CDD) vulnerabilities and to examine and analyze the UAE specific dynamics that make the country exposed to these threats. This research also intends to put on the table suitable solutions and remedial action steps that the UAE government, regulators and financial institutions (FIs) can adopt. Design/methodology/approach This study is qualitative in nature. Findings Despite the impressive regulatory framework and the satisfactory practices by FIs, there still remains some UAE specific challenges that make it difficult to undertake CDD for certain customers. The challenges that were identified include difficulties in Arabic names, complications in identifying the beneficial owners, impediments in establishing the source of wealth/funds, concerns with politically exposed persons, the increasing cost of compliance that resulted in a pattern of de-risking within FIs. Research limitations/implications The international bodies whose mandate is to formulate the necessary anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism policies and regulations for global implementation together with Association of Certified Anti-Money Laundering Specialists (ACAMS) have published sufficient studies on CDD-related issues in the UAE. Yet on the other hand, very limited literature was found by independent scholars. This paper will, therefore, largely reference publications by Financial Action Task Force, the International Narcotics Control Strategy Report and ACAMS. It will also include works by respected law firms that have operations in the UAE, local publications, government documents, academic papers by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, legal journals and others. Originality/value Illicit actors exploit the UAE’s relatively open business environment, a multitude of global banks and exchange houses and global transportation links to undertake illicit financial activity […] the UAE does not have any major anti-money laundering (AML) deficiencies. However, the monitoring of FIs for AML purposes, particularly in the area of CDD, could be improved. This paper unpacks the CDD vulnerabilities and analyzes the UAE specific dynamics that make the country exposed to these threats. This research also puts on the table suitable remedial action steps that the UAE government, regulators and FIs can adopt.

The first decade of the 15th century Hijrah is over. It saw the establishmentof the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) and was markedby the development of cooperation and collaboration between various Islamicorganizations and institutions around the world. The results have been mostencouraging. This collaboration has contributed toward the initiation of anera of discussions and debates on the Islamization of knowledge and thedevelopment of a methodology for the reconstruction of Islamic thought.Among the consequences has been the unfolding of various intellectual forums.One such intellectual forum for the last five years has been the AmericanJournal of Islamic Social Sciences (AJISS) published jointly by the IIIT andthe Association for Muslim Social Scientists (AMSS). We are greatly encouragedby its steadily increasing circulation and by the enhanced participationof social scientists as well as lay scholars.'AbdulHamid AbuSulayman, now Rector of the International IslamicUniversity (IIU). Malaysia, continues to send us his inspiring selection andcommentary of Qur'anic verses as the "Guiding Light:'In this issue, for the first time, we are induding a paper by Taha Jabiral 'Alwani, the President of the IDT and author of several scholarly titlesin Arabic. This paper is the English rendering of his lecture delivered inRabat, Morocco at a conference held under the aegis of the Islamic Educational,Scientific and Cultural Organization (ISESCO). He sketches a briefargument for establishing an Islamic alternative in thought and knowledge,not only for the benefit of Muslims, but for the common good of humanity.Another first is the paper by Eric Winkel, a multi-lingual political scientistof the faculty of IIU Malaysia, who provjdes us with an analysis of Habermasand Foucault. This paper entitled "Remembering Islam . . . " bringsthese postwar leaders of the Frankfurt school of anarchist and radical critiqueinto the discussion of the Islamic paradigm. Winkel explains thecharacterization of Habermas and Foucault of existing epistemologies as "pernicious,pervasive and truth distorting," and shows how their own vision ofthe possible future world is extremely restricted and inadequate. He suggeststhat we remember that Islam, as the divine guidance of Allah, provides thebasis for a truly emancipatory meta critique.Moving from philosophical issues to the more concrete, Ausaf Ali's paperon " . . . Islamization of Social and Behavioral Sciences" argues for a moral ...

Abstract Introduction: Cancer is a serious condition that has an affect not only on patients' physical but also on their emotional well-being.Adults with hematological cancers (HC) have high prevalence rates of depression and anxiety.No reports are yet available about their prevalence in such patients' population in the Arab world. We aimed in this study to determine the prevalence of depression and GAD in HC patients seen at our facility. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted and recruited 211 participants. Institutional Review Board approval was obtained prior to conducting the study. All patients 14 years or older, with confirmed HC in the period of March 2014 -March 2015 were asked to participate in the study. Patients known to have a mental disorder were excluded. After obtaining the informed consent, a structured face to face interview was conducted using an internally developed and validated questionnaire. Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7) standardized questionnaire, translated into Arabic language was used to screen participants for GAD.It is 7-item scale that provides a 0-21 severity score. A score 5 to 9 is indicative of mild GAD, a score of 10 indicates moderate GAD, while a score of 15 indicates severe GAD. We only report cases of moderate and severe GAD. Patient Health Questionaire-9 (PHQ-9) standardized, translated into Arabic language was used to screen participants for depression.It includes 9 items; with severity score of 0-27. Scores of 5, 10, 15 and 20 represents cut off points for mild, moderate, moderately severe and severe depression respectively. A cut-off point of 10 is used to identify depression in our study. Results: The median age was 46 (27 - 64) years and 121 (57.35%) were males. GAD was detected in 47 (22.3%) and depression was detected in 98 (46.5%) participants; while concurrent GAD and depression were detected in 38 (18.01%). Multivariate analyses revealed that the presence of multiple co-morbidities and tense home atmosphere are significant predictors for GAD and depression, while lower or no education is only associated with depression. We found no association between gender, smoking, family income or being on active therapy and the presence of depression or GAD. Conclusion: The prevalence of GAD and depression in HC in KAMC seems to be in the same range compared to what is reported by the international studies. Health care providers in the region ought to screen HC patients for depression and GAD as early referral and intervention may improve their emotional well being and possibly their disease outcome. Table 1. Multivariate analysis for patients with anxiety (n=211) Variable (anxiety) OR 95% CI P-value Gender Female vs. male 1.499 (0.687 - 3.271) 0.3092 Education College graduate vs. not educatedElementary/middle/high vs. not educated 1.849 2.295 (0.522 - 6.192) (0.874 - 6.030) 0.6910 0.1749 Employment Employed vs. unemployed 1.242 (0.484 - 3.186) 0.6520 Marital status Unmarried vs. married 1.914 (0.867 - 4.225) 0.1080 Support Socially supported vs. poorly supported 2.107 (0.707 - 6.276) 0.1810 Home atmosphere Tense vs. relaxed home atmosphere 4.494 (1.686 - 11.979) 0.0027 Income Low income vs. high income 1.043 (0.426 - 2.549) 0.9272 Comorbidities Comorbidity vs. no comorbidity 7.673 (3.136 - 18.777) 0.0001 Actively receiving treatment Yes vs. no 1.053 (0.424 - 2.615) 0.9120 Table 2. Multivariate analysis for patients with depression (n=211) Variable (depression) OR 95% CI P-Value Gender Females vs. males 1.352 (0.682 - 2.680) 0.3874 Education College/graduate vs. elementary/middle/highN ot educated vs. elementary/middle/high 1.365 2.541 (0.584 - 3.190) (1.106 - 5.833) 0.7309 0.0803 Employment Employed vs. unemployed 2.270 (1.000 - 5.149) 0.0499 Marital status Unmarried vs. married 1.806 (0.901 - 3.621) 0.0960 Family support Supported vs. poorly supported 1.854 (0.728 - 4.725) 0.1957 Home atmosphere Tense vs. relaxed 2.591 (1.199 - 5.599) 0.0154 Income Low vs. high 1.816 (0.779 - 4.235) 0.1670 Comorbidities Comorbidity vs. no comorbidity 6.578 (3.315 - 13.055) 0.0001 Actively receiving treatment Yes vs. no 1.627 (0.744 - 3.562) 0.2230 Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Background and Objectives: Cerebral aneurysms can cause disability or death during rupture, but information on the etiology of cerebral aneurysms is currently lacking. Periodontal disease causes both systemic inflammation and local inflammation of the oral cavity. Systemic inflammation is a major cause of cerebral aneurysms. The aim of our study was to determine whether the presence of periodontal disease is related to the occurrence of unruptured cerebral aneurysms in a nationwide population-based cohort. Materials and Methods: We analyzed data on demographics, previous medical history, and laboratory test results of 209,620 participants from the Korean National Health Insurance System-Health Screening Cohort. The presence of periodontal disease and oral hygiene parameters, including the number of lost teeth, tooth brushing frequency per day, dental visits for any reason, and expert teeth scaling, were investigated. The occurrences of unruptured cerebral aneurysms (I67.1) were defined according to the International Statistical Classification of Diseases Related Health Problems-10. Results: The mean age of the participants was 53.7 ± 8.7 years, and 59.4% were male. Periodontal disease was found in 20.9% of the participants. A total of 2160 (1.0%) cases of unruptured cerebral aneurysms developed after 10.3 years of median follow up. In multivariate analysis, the presence of periodontal disease was significantly associated with an increased risk of unruptured cerebral aneurysms (hazard ratio: 1.21, 95% confidence interval: 1.09–1.34, p < 0.001). Conclusion: The presence of periodontal disease could be associated with the occurrence of unruptured cerebral aneurysms. It should be noted that when periodontal diseases are present, the risk of aneurysms is increased in the future. TRANSLATE with x English Arabic Hebrew Polish Bulgarian Hindi Portuguese Catalan Hmong Daw Romanian Chinese Simplified Hungarian Russian Chinese Traditional Indonesian Slovak Czech Italian Slovenian Danish Japanese Spanish Dutch Klingon Swedish English Korean Thai Estonian Latvian Turkish Finnish Lithuanian Ukrainian French Malay Urdu German Maltese Vietnamese Greek Norwegian Welsh Haitian Creole Persian // TRANSLATE with COPY THE URL BELOW Back EMBED THE SNIPPET BELOW IN YOUR SITE Enable collaborative features and customize widget: Bing Webmaster Portal Back //

06–579El-Yasin, Mohammed K. (Yarmouk U, Irbid, Jordan; majlouny@yahoo.com) & Abdulla K. Al-Shehabat, Translating proverbs. Babel (John Benjamins) 51.2 (2005), 161–173.06–580Flowerdew, John (City U Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China; enjohnf@cityu.edu.hk) & Alina Wan, Genre analysis of tax computation letters: How and why tax accountants write the way they do. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006),133–153.06–581Francis, Norbert (Northern Arizona U, USA; norbert.francis@nau.edu), The development of secondary discourse ability and metalinguistic awareness in second language learners. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 16.1 (2006), 37–60.06–582Gimenez, Julio (Middlesex U, London, UK; jgimenez@mdx.ac.uk), Embedded business emails: Meeting new demands in international business communication. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006), 154–172.06–583Hamston, Julie, Pathways to multiliteracies: Student teachers' critical reflections on a multimodal text. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Australian Literacy Educators' Association) 29.1 (2006), 38–51.06–584Hassan Al-Saqqaf, Abdullah (Sultan Qaboos U, Muscat), The linguistics of loanwords in Hadrami Arabic. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.1 (2006), 75–93.06–585Hüllen, Werner (U Duisburg-Essen, Germany;werner.huellen@uni-essen.de), Foreign language teaching – a modern building on historical foundations. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 16.1 (2006), 61–87.06–586Léwy, Nicolas (U Neuchâtel, Switzerland; nicolas.lewy@unine.ch), François Grosjean, Lysiane Grosjean, Isabelle Racine & Carole Yersin, Un modèle psycholinguistique informatique de la reconnaissance des mots dans la chaîne parlée du français [A computational psycholinguistic model for word recognition in French connected speech]. Journal of French Language Studies (Cambridge University Press) 15.1 (2005), 25–48.06–587Macken-Horarik, Mary, Hierarchies in diversities: What students' examined responses tell us about literacy practices in contemporary school English. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Australian Literacy Educators' Association) 29.1 (2006), 52–78.06–588Nelson, Mike (U Turku, Finland; mike.nelson@utu.fi), Semantic associations in Business English: A corpus-based analysis. English for Specific Purposes (Elsevier) 25.2 (2006), 217–234.06–589Siepmann, Dirk (Universität-GH Siegen, Germany; dsiepmann@t-online.de), Collocation, colligation and encoding dictionaries (Part II: Lexicographical aspects). International Journal of Lexicography (Oxford University Press) 19.1 (2006), 1–39.06–590Thue Vold, Eva (U Bergen, Norway; eva.vold@roman.uib.no), Epistemic modality markers in research articles: A cross-linguistic and cross-disciplinary study. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 16.1 (2006), 61–87.06–591Williams, Ian A. (U de Cantabria, Santander, Spain; williams@unican.es), Thematic items referring to research and researchers in the Discussion section of Spanish biomedical articles and English-Spanish translations. Babel (John Benjamins) 51.2 (2005), 124–160.06–592Williams, John N. (U Cambridge, UK; jnw12@cam.ac.uk), Incremental interpretation in second language sentence processing. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 71–88.06–593Winter, Jo & Anne Pauwels (U Western Australia; jewinter@cyllene.uwa.edu.au), Men staying at home looking after their children: Feminist linguistic reform and social change. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 16.1 (2006), 16–36.

Abstract Background Increased anxiety was frequently reported during the 2020 global COVID-19 pandemic. An association between anxiety and increased body weight has been documented. Identifying associations between diet quality and anxiety may facilitate the development of preventive dietary policy, particularly relevant since obesity appears to increase the risk of adverse COVID-19 outcomes. In this study we aim to examine associations between changes in diet pattern and body weight and anxiety levels during the COVID-19 pandemic among Israeli respondents to an international online survey. Methods Conducted between March 30–April 252,020, this was cross-sectional, international and online study. The questionnaire was developed and tested in Hebrew and translated into six other languages: English, Arabic, Spanish, French, Italian, and Russian. The survey was conducted on a Google Survey platform, the link to which was posted on several social media platforms. Adults aged 18 or older who saw and responded to the link on a social media site comprised the study population. Results Of the 3979 eligible respondents, 1895 indicated their current location as Israel. Most Israeli respondents completed the survey in Hebrew (83.2%) followed by Arabic (9.4%), though responses were recorded in all seven of the survey languages. The median age was 33 (IQ = 22) years, and 75.7% were female. Almost 60% indicated that their pre-pandemic diet was healthier than their current diet, and 25.2% indicated they had gained weight during the pandemic. The median Mediterranean diet score was 9 (IQ = 3). While the median General Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) score was 5 (IQ = 8), only 37.3% of participants reported at least mild anxiety (a GAD-7 score of 5 or more), while 10.7% reported moderate anxiety or greater (a GAD-7 score of 10 or more). In a multivariate logistic regression model of at least mild anxiety, being male and completing the survey in Hebrew significantly reduced odds of at least mild anxiety, while a worsening of diet quality during the pandemic, weight gain, and isolation significantly increased odds of at least mild anxiety. Conclusions During the COVID pandemic, changes in nutrition quality and habits were associated with greater anxiety. These findings suggest the need for routine and continuous surveillance of the nutritional and psychological consequences of outbreaks as part of healthcare preparedness efforts. Organizations responsible for community-based health services (such as Israeli health plans) should adopt specific interventions to improve case finding and support individuals at increased risk of anxiety and declining nutrition status within primary healthcare settings. These interventions should include the provision of appropriate diagnostic instruments, training of medical staff, feedback to physicians and nurses, and raising awareness among the relevant patient population and their caregivers. Primary care physicians should refer people with high anxiety or substantial weight gain during the pandemic to appropriate mental health and dietetic treatment, as needed. Trial registration NCT04353934.

Abstract Background Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and related isolation measures have substantial adverse economic, social, and psychological consequences and expose children to increased risk of violence. The present study aimed to investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on violence against children in Egypt. Methods An online survey, in Arabic, was disseminated during the period from 9 to 13 April 2020, to parents of children who were up to 18 years old residing in Egypt, selected using a snowball sampling technique, during the period from 25 March to 8 April during the implementation of the nationwide compulsory isolation measures against COVID-19 (25 March to 8 April 2020). The survey covered three areas: socio-demographic data, psychological impact measured using the Impact of Event Scale-Revised (IES-R), and violence against children during the past 2 weeks measured using a modified parent-report of a child abuse screening tool (ICAST-P) developed by the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect. Results Out of 1118 completed survey responses, 90.5% of children were subjected to violent discipline, 88.7% experienced psychological aggression, and 43.2% encountered severe physical punishment. Approximately 60% of respondents reported a moderate-to-severe psychological impact (IES-R scores ≥ 33), which was associated with a higher rate of violent discipline (OR: 9.3; 95% CI: 5.37–16.027; p < 0.001). Conclusions This is the first study in Egypt to provide evidence on the association of COVID-19 pandemic, its psychological impact, and increased rates of violence against children. Effective multilevel strategies are urgently required to protect children from violence and its catastrophic consequences during the continually evolving COVID-19 pandemic.

Abstract Background The prognosis of replantation of an avulsed tooth is affected by the first aid management in the first 15 min after traumatic incident. Knowledge of the optimal management is crucial to successful replantation. The objective of this study was to investigate the effectiveness of educational intervention using the Arabic version of the "save your tooth" poster designed by the International Association of Dental Traumatology IADT, in improving the knowledge of schoolchildren about first aid management of avulsion of permanent teeth. Methods An interventional educational study was undertaken. A total of 550 schoolchildren aged 9–12 years participated in this study. Thirteen public primary schools in Damascus city were selected. A questionnaire was developed to measure the knowledge of schoolchildren about avulsion of permanent teeth. The translated IADT education poster about avulsion management was adopted.The content of this poster was explained to the children. Two months later, the subjects were re-evaluated using the same questionnaire. Paired sample t-test was used to test the differences existed between the two assessments. Result A total of 537 schoolchildren completed the questionnaires in which (n = 305) 57% were females and (n = 232) 43% were males. The findings demonstrated significant improvement in the participants’ responses after interventional education (P < 0.05). The mean score of knowledge increased significantly from 3.71 at the baseline to 4.03 after the intervention (P < 0.003). Conclusion The findings of the present study showed that the level of knowledge of Syrian schoolchildren regarding first-aid management of avulsion of permanent teeth was limited at the baseline. The follow-up results showed that the educational intervention based on the “save your tooth” poster was significantly effective in improving the knowledge of schoolchildren. Further interventions to educate all Syrian schoolchildren about avulsion could be of great value to prevent its negative aesthetic, functional, psychological, economic impacts.

06–162Ansary, Hasan (Shiraz U, Iran; ansary2877@yahoo.com) & Esmat Babaii (Teacher Training U, Iran), The generic integrity of newspaper editorials: A systemic functional perspective. RELC Journal (Sage) 36.3 (2005), 271–295.06–163Barnbrook, Geoff (U Birmingham, UK; G.Barnbrook@bham.ac.uk), Usage notes in Johnson'sDictionary. The International Journal of Lexicography (Oxford University Press) 18.2 (2005), 189–201.06–164Brumfit, Christopher, Rosamond Mitchell, Brenda Johnston, Peter Ford (U Southampton, UK) & Florence Myles, Language study in higher education and the development of criticality. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.2 (2005), 145–168.06–165Byrnes, Heidi (Georgetown U, USA), Perspectives. The Modern Language Journal (Blackwell) 89.4 (2005), 582–616.06–166Camps, Joaquim (U Florida, USA), The emergence of the imperfect in Spanish as a foreign language: The association between imperfective morphology and state verbs. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching (Mouton de Gruyter) 43.3 (2005), 163–192.06–167Cook, Guy (The Open U, UK; g.cook@open.ac.uk), Calm seas or troubled waters? Transitions, definitions and disagreements in applied linguistics. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.3 (2005), 282–301.06–168Els, Theo van (U Nijmegen, the Netherlands; t.vanels@ru.nl), Multilingualism in the European Union. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.3 (2005), 263–281.06–169Hanks, Patrick (Brandeis U, USA & Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences, Germany; hanks@bbaw.de), Johnson and modern lexicography. The International Journal of Lexicography (Oxford University Press) 18.2 (2005), 243–266.06–170Herschensohn, Julia, Jeff Stevenson & Jeremy Waltmunson (U Washington, USA), Children's acquisition of L2 Spanish morphosyntax in an immersion setting. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching (Mouton de Gruyter) 43.3 (2005), 193–217.06–171Hjörne, Eva (Göteborg U, Sweden; eva.hjorne@ped.gu.se) & Roger Säljö, The pupil welfare team as a discourse community: Accounting for school problems. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 15.4 (2004), 321–338.06–172Hood, Susan & Gail Forey (U of Technology, Sydney, Australia; sue.hood@uts.edu.au), Introducing a conference paper: Getting interpersonal with your audience. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Elsevier) 4.4 (2005), 291–306.06–173Juul, Holger (U Copenhagen, Denmark; juul@hum.ku.dk), Grammatical awareness and the spelling of inflectional morphemes in Danish. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.1 (2005), 87–112.06–174Juzwik, Mary M. (Michigan State U, USA; mmjuzwik@msu.edu), What rhetoric can contribute to an ethnopoetics of narrative performance in teaching: The significance of parallelism in one teacher's narrative. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 15.4 (2004), 359–386.06–175Katz, Stacey (U Utah, USA; skatz@hum.utah.edu) & Johanna Watzinger-Tharp, Toward an understanding of the role of applied linguists in foreign language departments. The Modern Language Journal (Blackwell) 89.4 (2005), 490–502.06–176Leung, Constant (King's College, U London, UK), Convivial communication: Recontextualizing communicative competence. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.2 (2005), 119–144.06–177Lind, Marianne (Bredtvet Resource Centre, Norway), Conversation – more than words: A Norwegian case study of the establishment of a contribution in aphasic interaction. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.2 (2005), 213–239.06–178Mautner, Gerlinde (Vienna U of Economics and Business Administration, Austria), Time to get wired: Using web-based corpora in critical discourse analysis. Discourse & Society (Sage) 16.6 (2005), 809–828.06–179Otani, Hiroaki (Hoshi U, Japan; hiroaki-otani@jcom.home.ne.jp), Investigating intercollocations – towards an archaeology of text. The International Journal of Lexicography (Oxford University Press) 18.1 (2005), 1–24.06–180Pahl, Kate (U Sheffield, UK; k.pahl@sheffield.ac.uk), Narratives, artifacts and cultural identities: An ethnographic study of communicative practices in homes. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 15.4 (2004), 339–358.06–181Sawyer, R. Keith (U Washington, USA; keith@keithsawyer.com) & Sarah Berson, Study group discourse: How external representations affect collaborative conversation. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 15.4 (2004), 387–412.06–182Solbjørg, Aud (Skulstad U Bergen, Norway; aud.skulstad@eng.uib.no), Competing roles: Student teachers using asynchronous forums. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.3 (2005), 346–363.06–183Thompson, Paul (U Reading, UK), Points of focus and position: Intertextual reference in PhD theses. Journal of English for Academic Purposes (Elsevier) 4.4 (2005), 307–323.06–184Üstünel, Eda (Mugla U, Turkey; eustunel@mu.edu.tr) & Paul Seedhouse, Why that, in that language, right now? Code-switching and pedagogical focus. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Blackwell) 15.3 (2005), 302–325.06–185Werry, Chris (San Diego State U, USA; cwerry@mail.sdsu.edu), Rhetoric and reflexivity in cognitive theories of language. Language and Communication (Elsevier) 25.4 (2005), 377–397.06–186Yuan, Boping & Yang Zhao (Cambridge U, UK), Resumptive pronouns in English–Chinese and Arabic–Chinese interlanguages. International Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching (Mouton de Gruyter) 43.3 (2005), 219–237.

Abstract Background and Aims Male sexual dysfunction is commonly prevalent in patients with end stage renal disease (ESRD) and has been partly attributed to the concurrent state of hyperprolactinemia and hypogonadism, often observed in this patient population. The aim of this study was to evaluate the hormone profile and sexual function of ESRD patient, using validated questionnaires, in attempt to explore this association. Method This was a prospective study which included 98 patients with ESRD who followed in the outpatient department of a tertiary medical centre over a period of 1 year. Patients receiving treatment for hyperprolactinemia or those known to have an endocrine disorder were excluded in addition to patients receiving medical or surgical treatment for erectile dysfunction (ED) or premature ejaculation (PE). After filling the international index for erectile function-5 and the Arabic index for PE questionnaire, morning serum samples were taken from patients to measure testosterone and prolactin levels. Descriptive statistics was used to report frequency or means of variables. Chi-square test was used to examine associations between categorical variables. P&lt;0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results Out of the 98 ESRD patients, 72 (73.6%) were treated with hemodialysis, 13 (13.2%) with peritoneal dialysis and 13 (13.2%) with medical treatment only. Diabetes mellitus was observed in all patients (type 1, 52%; and type 2, 48%), while hypertension, coronary heart disease and dyslipidemia were detected in 97.1%, 34.3% and 25.5%, respectively. The mean age, serum testosterone and prolactin levels were 52.4 ± 12.1 years, 12.95 ± 6.5 nmol/L and 514.2 ± 592.8mIU/L. Results of the PE index questionnaire revealed that 86 (87.7) patients had PE, 9 (9.1%) probable PE and 3 (3.1%) no PE. With IIEF-5, ED was detected in 96 patients; it was severe in 23 (23.5%), moderate- severe ED in 29 (29.4%), mild-moderate ED in 30 (30.4%) and mild in 14 (14.7%). 55 patients had high prolactin while 33 had low testosterone levels. Table 1 presents the IIEF-5 and PE questionnaire results in patients with low/normal testosterone and normal/high prolactin. No significant differences were observed in IIEF or PE levels between patients with low/normal testosterone and normal/high prolactin. Conclusion ESRD is commonly associated with sexual dysfunction that is more likely to be attributed to organic causes rather than solely to endocrine disturbances.

07–305Allen, Shanley E. M. (Boston U, USA), Martha Cregg & Diane Pesco, The effect of majority language exposure on minority language skills: The case of Inuktitut. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.5 (2006), 578–596.07–306Barkhuizen, Gary (U Auckland, New Zealand), Ute Knoch & Donna Starks, Language practices, preferences and policies: Contrasting views of Pakeha, Maori, Pasifika and Asian students. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development (Multilingual Matters) 27.5 (2006), 375–391.07–307Bedore, Lisa M. (U Texas at Austin, USA; lbedore@mail.utexas.edu), Christine E. Fiestas, Elizabeth D. Pena & Vanessa J. Nagy, Cross-language comparisons of maze use in Spanish and English in functionally monolingual and bilingual children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.3 (2006), 249–261.07–308Boumans, Louis (Radboud U, Nijmegen, the Netherlands; l.boumans@let.ru.nl), The attributive possessive in Moroccan Arabic spoken by young bilinguals in the Netherlands and their peers in Morocco. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.3 (2006), 233–247.07–309de Klerk, Vivian (Rhodes U, Grahamstown, South Africa), Codeswitching, borrowing and mixing in a corpus of Xhosa English. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.5 (2006), 597–614.07–310Dorian, Nancy C., Negative borrowing in an indigenous-language shift to the dominant national language. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.5 (2006), 557–577.07–311Fflur Huws, Catrın, Adran y Gyfraıth & Adeılad Hugh Owen (Ceredigion, Wales, UK; trh@aber.ac.uk), The Welsh language act 1993: A measure of success. 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(Christian Heritage College, Australia), ‘Mr travelling-at-will Ted Doyle’: Discourses in a multiliteracies classroom. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy (Australian Literacy Educators' Association) 29.2 (2006), 132–149.07–320Ngai, Phyllis Bo-Yuen (U Montana, USA), Grassroots suggestions for linking native-language learning, Native American studies, and mainstream education in reservation schools with mixed Indian and white student populations. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Multilingual Matters) 19.2 (2006), 220–236.07–321Pika, Simone (U St Andrews, Scotland; sp60@st-andrews.ac.uk), Elena Nicoladis & Paula F. Marentette, A cross-cultural study on the use of gestures: Evidence for cross-linguistic transfer?Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.3 (2006), 319–327.07–322Portelli, John (U Malta), Language: An important signifier of masculinity in a bilingual context. 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Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.3 (2006), 299–307.07–331Soukup, Barbara (Georgetown U, USA; bks5@georgetown.edu), Language news in review: UNESCO and the quest for cultural diversity. Language Policy (Springer) 5.2 (2006), 209–218.07–332Tillman, Amy E. (Georgia State U, USA), A love affair with pidgin. English Today (Cambridge University Press) 22.3 (2006), 53–60.07–333Torres, Lourdes (DePaul U, Chicago, USA), Bilingual discourse markers in indigenous languages. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.5 (2006), 615–624.07–334Trudell, Barbara (SIL International, Nairobi, Kenya), Language development and social uses of literacy: A study of literacy practices in Cameroonian minority language communities. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.5 (2006), 625–642.07–335Wang, Hongyuan & Ying Yang (Yulin College, Shaanxi, China), Using letter words in China. English Today (Cambridge University Press) 22.3 (2006), 51–52.07–336Yiakoumetti, Androula (U Cambridge, UK), A bidialectal programme for the learning of Standard Modern Greek in Cyprus. Applied Linguistics (Oxford University Press) 27.2 (2006), 295–317.

06–782Baumgardner, Robert J. (Texas A&M U, USA; Robert_Baumgardner@tamu-commerce.edu), The appeal of English in Mexican commerce. World Englishes (Blackwell) 25.2 (2006), 251–266.06–783Bunta, Ferenc (Temple U, USA), Ingrid Davidovich & David Ingram, The relationship between the phonological complexity of a bilingual child's words and those of the target languages. International Journal of Bilingualism (Kingston Press), 10.1 (2006), 71–88.06–784Christiansen, Pia Vanting (Roskilde U, Denmark), Language policy in the European Union: European/English/Elite/Equal/Esperanto Union?Language Problems & Language Planning (John Benjamins) 30.1 (2006), 21–44.06–785Cook, Vivian, Benedetta Bassetti, Chise Kasai, Miho Sasaki & Jun Arata Takahashi, Do bilinguals have different concepts? The case of shape and material in Japanese L2 users of English. International Journal of Bilingualism (Kingston Press) 10.2 (2006), 137–152.06–786Costa, Albert (U Barcelona, Spain; acosta@ub.edu), Wido La Heij & Eduardo Navarrette, The dynamics of bilingual lexical access. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.2 (2006), 137–151.06–787Dagenais, Diane, Elaine Day & Kelleen Toohey (Simon Fraser U, Canada), A multilingual child's literacy practices and contrasting identities in the figured worlds of French immersion classrooms. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.2 (2006), 205–218.06–788Dailey-O'Cain, Jennifer & Grit Liebscher, Language learners' use of discourse markers as evidence for a mixed code. International Journal of Bilingualism (Kingston Press), 10.1 (2006), 89–109.06–789De Groot, Annette M. B. (U Amsterdam, The Netherlands; a.m.b.degroot@uva.nl) & Ingrid K. Christoffels, Language control in bilinguals: Monolingual tasks and simultaneous interpreting. 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Introduction Since December 2010 the dramatic spectacle of the spread of mass uprisings, civil unrest, and protest across North Africa and the Middle East have been chronicled daily on mainstream media and new media. Broadly speaking, the Arab Spring—as it came to be known—is challenging repressive, corrupt governments and calling for democracy and human rights. The convulsive events linked with these debates have been striking not only because of the rapid spread of historically momentous mass protests but also because of the ways in which the media “have become inextricably infused inside them” enabling the global media ecology to perform “an integral part in building and mobilizing support, co-ordinating and defining the protests within different Arab societies as well as trans-nationalizing them” (Cottle 295). Images of mass protests have been juxtaposed against those of individuals prepared to self-destruct for political ends. Video clips and photographs of the individual suffering of Tunisian Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation and the Bahraini Abdulhad al-Khawaja’s emaciated body foreground, in very graphic ways, political struggles that larger events would mask or render invisible. Highlighting broad commonalties does not assume uniformity in patterns of protest and media coverage across the region. There has been considerable variation in the global media coverage and nature of the protests in North Africa and the Middle East (Cottle). In Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen uprisings overthrew regimes and leaders. In Syria it has led the country to the brink of civil war. In Bahrain, the regime and its militia violently suppressed peaceful protests. As a wave of protests spread across the Middle East and one government after another toppled in front of 24/7 global media coverage, Bahrain became the “Arab revolution that was abandoned by the Arabs, forsaken by the West … forgotten by the world,” and largely ignored by the global media (Al-Jazeera English). Per capita the protests have been among the largest of the Arab Spring (Human Rights First) and the crackdown as brutal as elsewhere. International organizations have condemned the use of military courts to trial protestors, the detaining of medical staff who had treated the injured, and the use of torture, including the torture of children (Fisher). Bahraini and international human rights organizations have been systematically chronicling these violations of human rights, and posting on Websites distressing images of tortured bodies often with warnings about the graphic depictions viewers are about to see. It was in this context of brutal suppression, global media silence, and the reluctance of the international community to intervene, that the Bahraini-Danish human rights activist Abdulhad al-Khawaja launched his “death or freedom” hunger strike. Even this radical action initially failed to interest international editors who were more focused on Egypt, Libya, and Syria, but media attention rose in response to the Bahrain Formula 1 race in April 2012. Pro-democracy activists pledged “days of rage” to coincide with the race in order to highlight continuing human rights abuses in the kingdom (Turner). As Al Khawaja’s health deteriorated the Bahraini government resisted calls for his release (Article 19) from the Danish government who requested that Al Khawaja be extradited there on “humanitarian grounds” for hospital treatment (Fisk). This article does not explore the geo-politics of the Bahraini struggle or the possible reasons why the international community—in contrast to Syria and Egypt—has been largely silent and reluctant to debate the issues. Important as they are, those remain questions for Middle Eastern specialists to address. In this article I am concerned with the overlapping and interpenetration of two ecologies. The first ecology is the ethical framing of a prison hunger strike as a corporeal-environmental act of (self) destruction intended to achieve political ends. The second ecology is the operation of global media where international inaction inadvertently foregrounds the political struggles that larger events and discourses surrounding Egypt, Libya, and Syria overshadow. What connects these two ecologies is the body of the hunger striker, turned into a spectacle and mediated via a politics of affect that invites a global public to empathise and so enter into his suffering. The connection between the two lies in the emaciated body of the hunger striker. An Ecological Humanities Approach This exploration of two ecologies draws on the ecological humanities and its central premise of connectivity. The ecological humanities critique the traditional binaries in Western thinking between nature and culture; the political and social; them and us; the collective and the individual; mind, body and emotion (Rose & Robin, Rieber). Such binaries create artificial hierarchies, divisions, and conflicts that ultimately impede the ability to respond to crises. Crises are major changes that are “out of control” driven—primarily but not exclusively—by social, political, and cultural forces that unleash “runaway systems with their own dynamics” (Rose & Robin 1). The ecological humanities response to crises is premised on the recognition of the all-inclusive connectivity of organisms, systems, and environments and an ethical commitment to action from within this entanglement. A founding premise of connectivity, first articulated by anthropologist and philosopher Gregory Bateson, is that the “unit of survival is not the individual or the species, but the organism-and-its-environment” (Rose & Robin 2). This highlights a dialectic in which an organism is shaped by and shapes the context in which it finds itself. Or, as Harries-Jones puts it, relations are recursive as “events continually enter into, become entangled with, and then re-enter the universe they describe” (3). This ensures constantly evolving ecosystems but it also means any organism that “deteriorates its environment commits suicide” (Rose & Robin 2) with implications for the others in the eco-system. Bateson’s central premise is that organisms are simultaneously independent, as separate beings, but also interdependent. Interactions are not seen purely as exchanges but as dynamic, dialectical, dialogical, and mutually constitutive. Thus, it is presumed that the destruction or protection of others has consequences for oneself. Another dimension of interactions is multi-modality, which implies that human communication cannot be reduced to a single mode such as words, actions, or images but needs to be understood in the complexity of inter-relations between these (see Rieber 16). Nor can dissemination be reduced to a single technological platform whether this is print, television, Internet, or other media (see Cottle). The final point is that interactions are “biologically grounded but not determined” in that the “cognitive, emotional and volitional processes” underpinning face-to-face or mediated communication are “essentially indivisible” and any attempt to separate them by privileging emotion at the expense of thought, or vice versa, is likely to be unhealthy (Rieber 17). This is most graphically demonstrated in a politically-motivated hunger strike where emotion and volition over-rides the survivalist instinct. The Ecology of a Prison Hunger Strike The radical nature of a hunger strike inevitably gives rise to medico-ethical debates. Hunger strikes entail the voluntary refusal of sustenance by an individual and, when prolonged, such deprivation sets off a chain reaction as the less important components in the internal body systems shut down to protect the brain until even that can no longer be protected (see Basoglu et al). This extreme form of protest—essentially an act of self-destruction—raises ethical issues over whether or not doctors or the state should intervene to save a life for humanitarian or political reasons. In 1975 and 1991, the World Medical Association (WMA) sought to negotiate this by distinguishing between, on the one hand, the mentally/psychological impaired individual who chooses a “voluntary fast” and, on the other hand, the hunger striker who chooses a form of protest action to secure an explicit political goal fully aware of fatal consequences of prolonged action (see Annas, Reyes). This binary enables the WMA to label the action of the mentally impaired suicide while claiming that to do so for political protesters would be a “misconception” because the “striker … does not want to die” but to “live better” by obtaining certain political goals for himself, his group or his country. “If necessary he is willing to sacrifice his life for his case, but the aim is certainly not suicide” (Reyes 11). In practice, the boundaries between suicide and political protest are likely to be much more blurred than this but the medico-ethical binary is important because it informs discourses about what form of intervention is ethically appropriate. In the case of the “suicidal” the WMA legitimises force-feeding by a doctor as a life-saving act. In the case of the political protestor, it is de-legitimised in discourses of an infringement of freedom of expression and an act of torture because of the pain involved (see Annas, Reyes). Philosopher Michel Foucault argued that prison is a key site where the embodied subject is explicitly governed and where the exercising of state power in the act of incarceration means the body of the imprisoned no longer solely belongs to the individual. It is also where the “body’s range of significations” is curtailed, “shaped and invested by the very forces that detain and imprison it” (Pugliese 2). Thus, prison creates the circumstances in which the incarcerated is denied the “usual forms of protest and judicial safeguards” available outside its confines. The consequence is that when presented with conditions that violate core beliefs he/she may view acts of self-destruction—such as hunger strikes or lip sewing—as one of the few “means of protesting against, or demanding attention” or achieving political ends still available to them (Reyes 11; Pugliese). The hunger strike implicates the state, which, in the act of imprisoning, has assumed a measure of power and responsibility for the body of the individual. If a protest action is labelled suicidal by medical professionals—for instance at Guantanamo—then the force-feeding of prisoners can be legitimised within the WMA guidelines (Annas). There is considerable political temptation to do so particularly when the hunger striker has become an icon of resistance to the state, the knowledge of his/her action has transcended prison confines, and the alienating conditions that prompted the action are being widely debated in the media. This poses a two-fold danger for the state. On the one hand, there is the possibility that the slow emaciation and death while imprisoned, if covered by the media, may become a spectacle able to mobilise further resistance that can destabilise the polity. On the other hand, there is the fear that in the act of dying, and the spectacle surrounding death, the hunger striker would have secured the public attention to the very cause they are championing. Central to this is whether or not the act of self-destruction is mediated. It is far from inevitable that the media will cover a hunger strike or do so in ways that enable the hunger striker’s appeal to the emotions of others. However, when it does, the international scrutiny and condemnation that follows may undermine the credibility of the state—as happened with the death of the IRA member Bobby Sands in Northern Ireland (Russell). The Media Ecology and the Bahrain Arab Spring The IRA’s use of an “ancient tactic ... to make a blunt appeal to sympathy and emotion” in the form of the Sands hunger strike was seen as “spectacularly successful in gaining worldwide publicity” (Willis 1). Media ecology has evolved dramatically since then. Over the past 20 years communication flows between the local and the global, traditional media formations (broadcast and print), and new communication media (Internet and mobile phones) have escalated. The interactions of the traditional media have historically shaped and been shaped by more “top-down” “politics of representation” in which the primary relationship is between journalists and competing public relations professionals servicing rival politicians, business or NGOs desire for media attention and framing issues in a way that is favourable or sympathetic to their cause. However, rapidly evolving new media platforms offer bottom up, user-generated content, a politics of connectivity, and mobilization of ordinary people (Cottle 31). However, this distinction has increasingly been seen as offering too rigid a binary to capture the complexity of the interactions between traditional and new media as well as the events they capture. The evolution of both meant their content increasingly overlaps and interpenetrates (see Bennett). New media technologies “add new communicative ingredients into the media ecology mix” (Cottle 31) as well as new forms of political protests and new ways of mobilizing dispersed networks of activists (Juris). Despite their pervasiveness, new media technologies are “unlikely to displace the necessity for coverage in mainstream media”; a feature noted by activist groups who have evolved their own “carnivalesque” tactics (Cottle 32) capable of creating the spectacle that meets television demands for action-driven visuals (Juris). New media provide these groups with the tools to publicise their actions pre- and post-event thereby increasing the possibility that mainstream media might cover their protests. However there is no guarantee that traditional and new media content will overlap and interpenetrate as initial coverage of the Bahrain Arab Spring highlights. Peaceful protests began in February 2011 but were violently quelled often by Saudi, Qatari and UAE militia on behalf of the Bahraini government. Mass arrests were made including that of children and medical personnel who had treated those wounded during the suppression of the protests. What followed were a long series of detentions without trial, military court rulings on civilians, and frequent use of torture in prisons (Human Rights Watch 2012). By the end of 2011, the country had the highest number of political prisoners per capita of any country in the world (Amiri) but received little coverage in the US. The Libyan uprising was afforded the most broadcast time (700 minutes) followed by Egypt (500 minutes), Syria (143), and Bahrain (34) (Lobe). Year-end round-ups of the Arab Spring on the American Broadcasting Corporation ignored Bahrain altogether or mentioned it once in a 21-page feature (Cavell). This was not due to a lack of information because a steady stream has flowed from mobile phones, Internet sites and Twitter as NGOs—Bahraini and international—chronicled in images and first-hand accounts the abuses. However, little of this coverage was picked up by the US-dominated global media. It was in this context that the Bahraini-Danish human rights activist Abdulhad Al Khawaja launched his “freedom or death” hunger strike in protest against the violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations, the treatment of prisoners, and the conduct of the trials. Even this radical action failed to persuade international editors to cover the Bahrain Arab Spring or Al Khawaja’s deteriorating health despite being “one of the most important stories to emerge over the Arab Spring” (Nallu). This began to change in April 2012 as a number of things converged. Formula 1 pressed ahead with the Bahrain Grand Prix, and pro-democracy activists pledged “days of rage” over human rights abuses. As these were violently suppressed, editors on global news desks increasingly questioned the government and Formula 1 “spin” that all was well in the kingdom (see BBC; Turner). Claims by the drivers—many of who were sponsored by the Bahraini government—that this was a sports event, not a political one, were met with derision and journalists more familiar with interviewing superstars were diverted into covering protests because their political counterparts had been denied entry to the country (Fisk). This combination of media events and responses created the attention, interest, and space in which Al Khawaja’s deteriorating condition could become a media spectacle. The Mediated Spectacle of Al Khawaja’s Hunger Strike Journalists who had previously struggled to interest editors in Bahrain and Al Khawaja’s plight found that in the weeks leading up to the Grand Prix and since “his condition rapidly deteriorated”’ and there were “daily updates with stories from CNN to the Hindustan Times” (Nulla). Much of this mainstream news was derived from interviews and tweets from Al Khawaja’s family after each visit or phone call. What emerged was an unprecedented composite—a diary of witnesses to a hunger strike interspersed with the family’s struggles with the authorities to get access to him and their almost tangible fear that the Bahraini government would not relent and he would die. As these fears intensified 48 human rights NGOs called for his release from prison (Article 19) and the Danish government formally requested his extradition for hospital treatment on “humanitarian grounds”. Both were rejected. As if to provide evidence of Al Khawaja’s tenuous hold on life, his family released an image of his emaciated body onto Twitter. This graphic depiction of the corporeal-environmental act of (self) destruction was re-tweeted and posted on countless NGO and news Websites (see Al-Jazeera). It was also juxtaposed against images of multi-million dollar cars circling a race-track, funded by similarly large advertising deals and watched by millions of people around the world on satellite channels. Spectator sport had become a grotesque parody of one man’s struggle to speak of what was going on in Bahrain. In an attempt to silence the criticism the Bahraini government imposed a de facto news blackout denying all access to Al Khawaja in hospital where he had been sent after collapsing. The family’s tweets while he was held incommunicado speak of their raw pain, their desperation to find out if he was still alive, and their grief. They also provided a new source of information, and the refrain “where is alkhawaja,” reverberated on Twitter and in global news outlets (see for instance Der Spiegel, Al-Jazeera). In the days immediately after the race the Danish prime minister called for the release of Al Khawaja, saying he is in a “very critical condition” (Guardian), as did the UN’s Ban-Ki Moon (UN News and Media). The silencing of Al Khawaja had become a discourse of callousness and as global media pressure built Bahraini ministers felt compelled to challenge this on non-Arabic media, claiming Al Khawaja was “eating” and “well”. The Bahraini Prime Minister gave one of his first interviews to the Western media in years in which he denied “AlKhawaja’s health is ‘as bad’ as you say. According to the doctors attending to him on a daily basis, he takes liquids” (Der Spiegel Online). Then, after six days of silence, the family was allowed to visit. They tweeted that while incommunicado he had been restrained and force-fed against his will (Almousawi), a statement almost immediately denied by the military hospital (Lebanon Now). The discourses of silence and callousness were replaced with discourses of “torture” through force-feeding. A month later Al Khawaja’s wife announced he was ending his hunger strike because he was being force-fed by two doctors at the prison, family and friends had urged him to eat again, and he felt the strike had achieved its goal of drawing the world’s attention to Bahrain government’s response to pro-democracy protests (Ahlul Bayt News Agency). Conclusion This article has sought to explore two ecologies. The first is of medico-ethical discourses which construct a prison hunger strike as a corporeal-environmental act of (self) destruction to achieve particular political ends. The second is of shifting engagement within media ecology and the struggle to facilitate interpenetration of content and discourses between mainstream news formations and new media flows of information. I have argued that what connects the two is the body of the hunger striker turned into a spectacle, mediated via a politics of affect which invites empathy and anger to mobilise behind the cause of the hunger striker. The body of the hunger striker is thereby (re)produced as a feature of the twin ecologies of the media environment and the self-environment relationship. References Ahlul Bayt News Agency. “Bahrain: Abdulhadi Alkhawaja’s Statement about Ending his Hunger Strike.” (29 May 2012). 1 June 2012 ‹http://abna.ir/data.asp?lang=3&id=318439›. Al-Akhbar. “Family Concerned Al-Khawaja May Be Being Force Fed.” Al-Akhbar English. (27 April 2012). 1 June 2012 ‹http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/family-concerned-al-khawaja-may-be-being-force-fed›. 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On 23 August 2005, John Howard, then Prime Minister, called together Muslim ‘representatives’ from around the nation for a Muslim Summit in response to the London bombings in July of that year. One of the outcomes of the two hour summit was a Statement of Principles committing Muslim communities in Australia to resist radicalisation and pursue a ‘moderate’ Islam. Since then the ill-defined term ‘moderate Muslim’ has been used in both the political and media discourse to refer to a preferred form of Islamic practice that does not challenge the hegemony of the nation state and that is coherent with the principles of secularism. Akbarzadeh and Smith conclude that the terms ‘moderate’ and ‘mainstream’ are used to describe Muslims whom Australians should not fear in contrast to ‘extremists’. Ironically, the policy direction towards regulating the practice of Islam in Australia in favour of a state defined ‘moderate’ Islam signals an attempt by the state to mediate the practice of religion, undermining the ethos of secularism as it is expressed in the Australian Constitution. It also – arguably – impacts upon the citizenship rights of Australian Muslims in so far as citizenship presents not just as a formal set of rights accorded to an individual but also to democratic participation: the ability of citizens to enjoy those rights at a substantive level. Based on the findings of research into how Australian Muslims and members of the broader community are responding to the political and media discourses on terrorism, this article examines the impact of these discourses on how Muslims are practicing citizenship and re-defining an Australian Muslim identity. Free Speech Free speech has been a hallmark of liberal democracies ever since its defence became part of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Australian Constitution does not expressly contain a provision for free speech. The right to free speech in Australia is implied in Australia’s ratification of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), article 19 of which affirms: Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. The ultimate recent endorsement of free speech rights, arguably associated with the radical free speech ‘open platform’ movement of the 1960s at the University of California Berkeley, constructs free speech as essential to human and civil liberties. Its approach has been expressed in terms such as: “I reject and detest XYZ views but will defend to the utmost a person’s right to express them”. An active defence of free speech is based on the observation that, unless held to account, “[Authorities] would grant free speech to those with whom they agree, but not to minorities whom they consider unorthodox or threatening” (“Online Archives of California”). Such minorities, differing from the majority view, do so as a right accorded to citizens. In very challenging circumstances – such as opposing the Cold War operations of the US Senate Anti-American Activities Committee – the free speech movement has been celebrated as holding fast (or embodying a ‘return’) to the true meaning of the American First Amendment. It was in public statements of unpopular and minority views, which opposed those of the majority, that the right to free speech could most non-controvertibly be demonstrated. Some have argued that such rights should be balanced by anti-vilification legislation, by prohibitions upon incitement to violence, and by considerations as to whether the organisation defended by the speaker was banned. In the latter case, there can be problems with excluding the defence of banned organisations from legitimate debate. In the 1970s and 1980s, for example, Sinn Fein was denounced in the UK as the ‘political wing of the IRA’ (the IRA being a banned organisation) and denied a speaking position in many forums, yet has proved to be an important party in the eventual reconciliation of the Northern Ireland divide. In effect, the banning of an organisation is a political act and such acts should best be interrogated through free speech and democratic debate. Arguably, such disputation is a responsibility of an involved citizenry. In general, liberal democracies such as Australia do not hesitate to claim that citizens have a right to free speech and that this is a right worth defending. There is a legitimate expectation by Australians of their rights as citizens to freedom of expression. For some Australian Muslims, however, the appeal to free speech seems a hollow one. Muslim citizens run the risk of being constructed as ‘un-Australian’ when they articulate their concerns or opinions. Calls by some Muslim leaders not to reprint the Danish cartoons depicting images of the Prophet Mohammed for example, met with a broader community backlash and drew responses that, typically, constructed Muslims as a threat to Australian cultural values of freedom and liberty. These kinds of responses to expressions by Australian Muslims of their deeply held convictions are rarely, if ever, interpreted as attempts to curtail Australian Muslims’ rights to free speech. There is a poor fit between what many Australian Muslims believe and what they feel the current climate in Australia allows them to say in the public domain. Positioned as the potential ‘enemy within’ in the evolving media and political discourse post September 11, they have been allocated restricted speaking positions on many subjects from the role and training of their Imams to the right to request Sharia courts (which could operate in parallel with Australian courts in the same way that Catholic divorce/annulment courts do). These social and political restrictions lead them to question whether Muslims enjoy citizenship rights on an equal footing with Australians from the broader community. The following comment from an Australian woman, an Iraqi refugee, made in a research interview demonstrates this: The media say that if you are Australian it means that you enjoy freedom, you enjoy the rights of citizenship. That is the idea of what it means to be Australian, that you do those things. But if you are a Muslim, you are not Australian. You are a people who are dangerous, a people who are suspicious, a people who do not want democracy—all the characteristics that make up terrorists. So yes, there is a difference, a big difference. And it is a feeling all Muslims have, not just me, whether you are at school, at work, and especially if you wear the hijab. (Translated from Arabic by Anne Aly) At the same time, Australian Muslims observe some members of the broader community making strong assertions about Muslims (often based on misunderstanding or misinformation) with very little in the way of censure or rebuke. For example, again in 2005, Liberal backbenchers Sophie Panopoulos and Bronwyn Bishop made an emotive plea for the banning of headscarves in public schools, drawing explicitly on the historically inherited image of Islam as a violent, backward and oppressive ideology that has no place in Western liberal democracy: I fear a frightening Islamic class emerging, supported by a perverse interpretation of the Koran where disenchantment breeds disengagement, where powerful and subversive orthodoxies are inculcated into passionate and impressionable young Muslims, where the Islamic mosque becomes the breeding ground for violence and rejection of Australian law and ideals, where extremists hijack the Islamic faith with their own prescriptive and unbending version of the Koran and where extremist views are given currency and validity … . Why should one section of the community be stuck in the Dark Ages of compliance cloaked under a veil of some distorted form of religious freedom? (Panopoulos) Several studies attest to the fact that, since the terrorist attacks in the United States in September 2001, Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, have been positioned as other in the political and media discourse (see for example Aly). The construct of Muslims as ‘out of place’ (Saniotis) denies them entry and representation in the public sphere: a key requisite for democratic participation according to Habermas (cited in Haas). This notion of a lack of a context for Muslim citizenship in Australian public spheres arises out of the popular construction of ‘Muslim’ and ‘Australian’ as mutually exclusive modes of being. Denied access to public spaces to partake in democratic dialogue as political citizens, Australian Muslims must pursue alternative communicative spaces. Some respond by limiting their expressions to closed spheres of communication – a kind of enforced silence. Others respond by pursuing alternative media discourses that challenge the dominant stereotypes of Muslims in Western media and reinforce majority-world cultural views. Enforced Silence In closed spheres of discussion, Australian Muslims can openly share their perceptions about terrorism, the government and media. Speaking openly in public however, is not common practice and results in forced silence for fear of reprisal or being branded a terrorist: “if we jump up and go ‘oh how dare you say this, rah, rah’, he’ll be like ‘oh he’s going to go off, he’ll blow something up’”. One research participant recalled that when his work colleagues were discussing the September 11 attacks he decided not to partake in the conversation because it “might be taken against me”. The participant made this decision despite the fact that his colleagues were expressing the opinion that United States foreign policy was the likely cause for the attacks—an opinion with which he agreed. This suggests some support for the theory that the fear of social isolation may make Australian Muslims especially anxious or fearful of expressing opinions about terrorism in public discussions (Noelle-Neumann). However, it also suggests that the fear of social isolation for Muslims is not solely related to the expression of minority opinion, as theorised in Noelle-Neumann’s Spiral of Silence . Given that many members of the wider community shared the theory that the attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Centre in 2001 may have been a response to American foreign policy, this may well not be a minority view. Nonetheless, Australian Muslims hesitated to embrace it. Saniotis draws attention to the pressure on Australian Muslims to publicly distance themselves from the terrorist attacks of September 11 and to openly denounce the actions of terrorists. The extent to which Muslims were positioned as a threatening other was contingent on their ability to demonstrate that they too participated in the distal responses to the terrorist attacks—initial pity for the sufferer and eventual marginalisation and rejection of the perceived aggressor. Australian Muslims were obliged to declare their loyalty and commitment to Australia’s ally and, in this way, partake in the nationalistic responses to the threat of terrorism. At the same time however, Australian Muslims were positioned as an imagined enemy and a threat to national identity. Australian Muslims were therefore placed in a paradoxical bind- as Australians they were expected to respond as the victims of fear; as Muslims they were positioned as the objects of fear. Even in discussions where their opinions are congruent with the dominant opinion being expressed, Australian Muslims describe themselves as feeling apprehensive or anxious about expressing their opinions because of how these “might be taken”. Pursuing alternative discourses The overriding message from the research project’s Muslim participants was that the media, as a powerful purveyor of public opinion, had inculcated a perception of Muslims as a risk to Australia and Australians: an ‘enemy within’; the potential ‘home grown terrorist’. The daily experience of visibly-different Australian Muslims, however, is that they are more fearing than fear-inspiring. The Aly and Balnaves fear scale indicates that Australian Muslims have twice as many fear indicators as non-Muslims Australians. Disengagement from Western media and media that is seen to be influenced or controlled by the West is widespread among Australian Muslims who increasingly argue that the media institutions are motivated by an agenda that includes profit and the perpetuation of a negative stereotype of Muslims both in Australia and around the globe, particularly in relation to Middle Eastern affairs. The negative stereotypes of Muslims in the Australian media have inculcated a sense of victimhood which Muslims in Australia have used as the basis for a reconstruction of their identity and the creation of alternative narratives of belonging (Aly). Central to the notion of identity among Australian Muslims is a sense of having their citizenship rights curtailed by virtue of their faith: of being included in a general Western dismissal of Muslims’ rights and experiences. As one interviewee said: If you look at the Channel Al Jazeera for example, it’s a channel but they aren’t making up stories, they are taping videos in Iraqi, Palestine and other Muslim countries, and they just show it to people, that’s all they do. And then George Bush, you know, we hear on the news that George Bush was discussing with Tony Blair that he was thinking to bomb Al Jazeera so why would these people have their right to freedom and we don’t? So that’s why I think the people who are in power, they have the control over the media, and it’s a big political game. Because if it wasn’t then George Bush, he’s the symbol of politics, why would he want to bomb Al Jazeera for example? Amidst leaks and rumours (Timms) that the 2003 US bombing of Al Jazeera was a deliberate attack upon one of the few elements of the public sphere in which some Western-nationality Muslims have confidence, many elements of the mainstream Western media rose to Al Jazeera’s defence. For example, using an appeal to the right of citizens to engage in and consume free speech, the editors of influential US paper The Nation commented that: If the classified memo detailing President Bush’s alleged proposal to bomb the headquarters of Al Jazeera is provided to The Nation, we will publish the relevant sections. Why is it so vital that this information be made available to the American people? Because if a President who claims to be using the US military to liberate countries in order to spread freedom then conspires to destroy media that fail to echo his sentiments, he does not merely disgrace his office and soil the reputation of his country. He attacks a fundamental principle, freedom of the press—particularly a dissenting and disagreeable press—upon which that country was founded. (cited in Scahill) For other Australian Muslims, it is the fact that some media organisations have been listed as banned by the US that gives them their ultimate credibility. This is the case with Al Manar, for example. Feeling that they are denied access to public spaces to partake in democratic dialogue as equal political citizens, Australian Muslims are pursuing alternative communicative spaces that support and reinforce their own cultural worldviews. The act of engaging with marginalised and alternative communicative spaces constitutes what Clifford terms ‘collective practices of displaced dwelling’. It is through these practices of displaced dwelling that Australian Muslims essentialise their diasporic identity and negotiate new identities based on common perceptions of injustice against Muslims. But you look at Al Jazeera they talk in the same tongue as the Western media in our language. And then you look again at something like Al Manar who talks of their own tongue. They do not use the other media’s ideas. They have been attacked by the Australians, been attacked by the Israelis and they have their own opinion. This statement came from an Australian Muslim of Jordanian background in her late forties. It reflects a growing trend towards engaging with media messages that coincide with and reinforce a sense of injustice. The Al Manar television station to which this participant refers is a Lebanese based station run by the militant Hezbollah movement and accessible to Australians via satellite. Much like Al Jazeera, Al Manar broadcasts images of Iraqi and Palestinian suffering and, in the recent war between Israel and Hezbollah, graphic images of Lebanese casualties of Israeli air strikes. Unlike the Al Jazeera broadcasts, these images are formatted into video clips accompanied by music and lyrics such as “we do not fear America”. Despite political pressure including a decision by the US to list Al Manar as a terrorist organisation in December 2004, just one week after a French ban on the station because its programming had “a militant perspective with anti-Semitic connotations” (Jorisch), Al Manar continued to broadcast videos depicting the US as the “mother of terrorism”. In one particularly graphic sequence, the Statue of Liberty rises from the depths of the sea, wielding a knife in place of the torch and dripping in blood, her face altered to resemble a skull. As she rises out of the sea accompanied by music resembling a funeral march the following words in Arabic are emblazoned across the screen: On the dead bodies of millions of native Americans And through the enslavement of tens of millions Africans The US rose It pried into the affairs of most countries in the world After an extensive list of countries impacted by US foreign policy including China, Japan, Congo, Vietnam, Peru, Laos, Libya and Guatamala, the video comes to a gruelling halt with the words ‘America owes blood to all of humanity’. Another video juxtaposes images of Bush with Hitler with the caption ‘History repeats itself’. One website run by the Coalition against Media Terrorism refers to Al Manar as ‘the beacon of hatred’ and applauds the decisions by the French and US governments to ban the station. Al Manar defended itself against the bans stating on its website that they are attempts “to terrorise and silence thoughts that are not in line with the US and Israeli policies.” The station claims that it continues on its mission “to carry the message of defending our peoples’ rights, holy places and just causes…within internationally agreed professional laws and standards”. The particular brand of propaganda employed by Al Manar is gaining popularity among some Muslims in Australia largely because it affirms their own views and opinions and offers them opportunities to engage in an alternative public space in which Muslims are positioned as the victims and not the aggressors. Renegotiating an ‘Othered’ Identity The negative portrayal of Muslims as ‘other’ in the Australian media and in political discourse has resulted in Australian Muslims constructing alternative identities based on a common perception of injustice. Particularly since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001 and the ensuing “war on terror”, the ethnic divisions within the Muslim diaspora are becoming less significant as Australian Muslims reconstruct their identity based on a notion of supporting each other in the face of a global alliance against Islam. Religious identity is increasingly becoming the identity of choice for Muslims in Australia. This causes problems, however, since religious identity has no place in the liberal democratic model, which espouses secularism. This is particularly the case where that religion is sometimes constructed as being at odds with the principles and values of liberal democracy; namely tolerance and adherence to the rule of law. This problematic creates a context in which Muslim Australians are not only denied their heterogeneity in the media and political discourse but are dealt with through an understanding of Islam that is constructed on the basis of a cultural and ideological clash between Islam and the West. Religion has become the sole and only characteristic by which Muslims are recognised, denying them political citizenship and access to the public spaces of citizenship. Such ‘essentialising practices’ as eliding considerable diversity into a single descriptor serves to reinforce and consolidate diasporic identity among Muslims in Australia, but does little to promote and assist participatory citizenship or to equip Muslims with the tools necessary to access the public sphere as political citizens of the secular state. In such circumstances, the moderate Muslim may be not so much a ‘preferred’ citizen as one whose rights has been constrained. Acknowledgment This paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project, 2005-7, involving 10 focus groups and 60 in-depth interviews. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members. References Akbarzadeh, Shahram, and Bianca Smith. The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media (The Age and Herald Sun Newspapers). Melbourne: Monash University, 2005. Aly, Anne, and Mark Balnaves. ”‘They Want Us to Be Afraid’: Developing Metrics of the Fear of Terrorism.” International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities and Nations 6 (2007): 113-122. Aly, Anne. “Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media.” Australian Journal of Social Issues 42.1 (2007): 27-40. Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. London: Harvard UP, 1997. Haas, Tanni. “The Public Sphere as a Sphere of Publics: Rethinking Habermas’s Theory of the Public Sphere.” Journal of Communication 54.1 (2004): 178- 84. Jorisch, Avi. J. “Al-Manar and the War in Iraq.” Middle East Intelligence Bulletin 5.2 (2003). Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth. “The Spiral of Silence: A Theory of Public Opinion.” Journal of Communication 24.2 (1974): 43-52. “Online Archives of California”. California Digital Library. n.d. Feb. 2008 < http://content.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/kt1199n498/?&query= %22open%20platform%22&brand=oac&hit.rank=1 >. Panopoulos, Sophie. Parliamentary debate, 5 Sep. 2005. Feb. 2008 < http://www.aph.gov.au.hansard >. Saniotis, Arthur. “Embodying Ambivalence: Muslim Australians as ‘Other’.” Journal of Australian Studies 82 (2004): 49-58. Scahill, Jeremy. “The War on Al-Jazeera (Comment)”. 2005. The Nation. Feb. 2008 < http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051219/scahill >. Timms, Dominic. “Al-Jazeera Seeks Answers over Bombing Memo”. 2005. Media Guardian. Feb. 2008 < http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/nov/23/iraq.iraqandthemedia >.

On 23 August 2005, John Howard, then Prime Minister, called together Muslim ‘representatives’ from around the nation for a Muslim Summit in response to the London bombings in July of that year. One of the outcomes of the two hour summit was a Statement of Principles committing Muslim communities in Australia to resist radicalisation and pursue a ‘moderate’ Islam. Since then the ill-defined term ‘moderate Muslim’ has been used in both the political and media discourse to refer to a preferred form of Islamic practice that does not challenge the hegemony of the nation state and that is coherent with the principles of secularism. Akbarzadeh and Smith conclude that the terms ‘moderate’ and ‘mainstream’ are used to describe Muslims whom Australians should not fear in contrast to ‘extremists’. Ironically, the policy direction towards regulating the practice of Islam in Australia in favour of a state defined ‘moderate’ Islam signals an attempt by the state to mediate the practice of religion, undermining the ethos of secularism as it is expressed in the Australian Constitution. It also – arguably – impacts upon the citizenship rights of Australian Muslims in so far as citizenship presents not just as a formal set of rights accorded to an individual but also to democratic participation: the ability of citizens to enjoy those rights at a substantive level. Based on the findings of research into how Australian Muslims and members of the broader community are responding to the political and media discourses on terrorism, this article examines the impact of these discourses on how Muslims are practicing citizenship and re-defining an Australian Muslim identity. Free Speech Free speech has been a hallmark of liberal democracies ever since its defence became part of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Australian Constitution does not expressly contain a provision for free speech. The right to free speech in Australia is implied in Australia’s ratification of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), article 19 of which affirms: Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. The ultimate recent endorsement of free speech rights, arguably associated with the radical free speech ‘open platform’ movement of the 1960s at the University of California Berkeley, constructs free speech as essential to human and civil liberties. Its approach has been expressed in terms such as: “I reject and detest XYZ views but will defend to the utmost a person’s right to express them”. An active defence of free speech is based on the observation that, unless held to account, “[Authorities] would grant free speech to those with whom they agree, but not to minorities whom they consider unorthodox or threatening” (“Online Archives of California”). Such minorities, differing from the majority view, do so as a right accorded to citizens. In very challenging circumstances – such as opposing the Cold War operations of the US Senate Anti-American Activities Committee – the free speech movement has been celebrated as holding fast (or embodying a ‘return’) to the true meaning of the American First Amendment. It was in public statements of unpopular and minority views, which opposed those of the majority, that the right to free speech could most non-controvertibly be demonstrated. Some have argued that such rights should be balanced by anti-vilification legislation, by prohibitions upon incitement to violence, and by considerations as to whether the organisation defended by the speaker was banned. In the latter case, there can be problems with excluding the defence of banned organisations from legitimate debate. In the 1970s and 1980s, for example, Sinn Fein was denounced in the UK as the ‘political wing of the IRA’ (the IRA being a banned organisation) and denied a speaking position in many forums, yet has proved to be an important party in the eventual reconciliation of the Northern Ireland divide. In effect, the banning of an organisation is a political act and such acts should best be interrogated through free speech and democratic debate. Arguably, such disputation is a responsibility of an involved citizenry. In general, liberal democracies such as Australia do not hesitate to claim that citizens have a right to free speech and that this is a right worth defending. There is a legitimate expectation by Australians of their rights as citizens to freedom of expression. For some Australian Muslims, however, the appeal to free speech seems a hollow one. Muslim citizens run the risk of being constructed as ‘un-Australian’ when they articulate their concerns or opinions. Calls by some Muslim leaders not to reprint the Danish cartoons depicting images of the Prophet Mohammed for example, met with a broader community backlash and drew responses that, typically, constructed Muslims as a threat to Australian cultural values of freedom and liberty. These kinds of responses to expressions by Australian Muslims of their deeply held convictions are rarely, if ever, interpreted as attempts to curtail Australian Muslims’ rights to free speech. There is a poor fit between what many Australian Muslims believe and what they feel the current climate in Australia allows them to say in the public domain. Positioned as the potential ‘enemy within’ in the evolving media and political discourse post September 11, they have been allocated restricted speaking positions on many subjects from the role and training of their Imams to the right to request Sharia courts (which could operate in parallel with Australian courts in the same way that Catholic divorce/annulment courts do). These social and political restrictions lead them to question whether Muslims enjoy citizenship rights on an equal footing with Australians from the broader community. The following comment from an Australian woman, an Iraqi refugee, made in a research interview demonstrates this: The media say that if you are Australian it means that you enjoy freedom, you enjoy the rights of citizenship. That is the idea of what it means to be Australian, that you do those things. But if you are a Muslim, you are not Australian. You are a people who are dangerous, a people who are suspicious, a people who do not want democracy—all the characteristics that make up terrorists. So yes, there is a difference, a big difference. And it is a feeling all Muslims have, not just me, whether you are at school, at work, and especially if you wear the hijab. (Translated from Arabic by Anne Aly) At the same time, Australian Muslims observe some members of the broader community making strong assertions about Muslims (often based on misunderstanding or misinformation) with very little in the way of censure or rebuke. For example, again in 2005, Liberal backbenchers Sophie Panopoulos and Bronwyn Bishop made an emotive plea for the banning of headscarves in public schools, drawing explicitly on the historically inherited image of Islam as a violent, backward and oppressive ideology that has no place in Western liberal democracy: I fear a frightening Islamic class emerging, supported by a perverse interpretation of the Koran where disenchantment breeds disengagement, where powerful and subversive orthodoxies are inculcated into passionate and impressionable young Muslims, where the Islamic mosque becomes the breeding ground for violence and rejection of Australian law and ideals, where extremists hijack the Islamic faith with their own prescriptive and unbending version of the Koran and where extremist views are given currency and validity … . Why should one section of the community be stuck in the Dark Ages of compliance cloaked under a veil of some distorted form of religious freedom? (Panopoulos) Several studies attest to the fact that, since the terrorist attacks in the United States in September 2001, Islam, and by association Australian Muslims, have been positioned as other in the political and media discourse (see for example Aly). The construct of Muslims as ‘out of place’ (Saniotis) denies them entry and representation in the public sphere: a key requisite for democratic participation according to Habermas (cited in Haas). This notion of a lack of a context for Muslim citizenship in Australian public spheres arises out of the popular construction of ‘Muslim’ and ‘Australian’ as mutually exclusive modes of being. Denied access to public spaces to partake in democratic dialogue as political citizens, Australian Muslims must pursue alternative communicative spaces. Some respond by limiting their expressions to closed spheres of communication – a kind of enforced silence. Others respond by pursuing alternative media discourses that challenge the dominant stereotypes of Muslims in Western media and reinforce majority-world cultural views. Enforced Silence In closed spheres of discussion, Australian Muslims can openly share their perceptions about terrorism, the government and media. Speaking openly in public however, is not common practice and results in forced silence for fear of reprisal or being branded a terrorist: “if we jump up and go ‘oh how dare you say this, rah, rah’, he’ll be like ‘oh he’s going to go off, he’ll blow something up’”. One research participant recalled that when his work colleagues were discussing the September 11 attacks he decided not to partake in the conversation because it “might be taken against me”. The participant made this decision despite the fact that his colleagues were expressing the opinion that United States foreign policy was the likely cause for the attacks—an opinion with which he agreed. This suggests some support for the theory that the fear of social isolation may make Australian Muslims especially anxious or fearful of expressing opinions about terrorism in public discussions (Noelle-Neumann). However, it also suggests that the fear of social isolation for Muslims is not solely related to the expression of minority opinion, as theorised in Noelle-Neumann’s Spiral of Silence . Given that many members of the wider community shared the theory that the attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Centre in 2001 may have been a response to American foreign policy, this may well not be a minority view. Nonetheless, Australian Muslims hesitated to embrace it. Saniotis draws attention to the pressure on Australian Muslims to publicly distance themselves from the terrorist attacks of September 11 and to openly denounce the actions of terrorists. The extent to which Muslims were positioned as a threatening other was contingent on their ability to demonstrate that they too participated in the distal responses to the terrorist attacks—initial pity for the sufferer and eventual marginalisation and rejection of the perceived aggressor. Australian Muslims were obliged to declare their loyalty and commitment to Australia’s ally and, in this way, partake in the nationalistic responses to the threat of terrorism. At the same time however, Australian Muslims were positioned as an imagined enemy and a threat to national identity. Australian Muslims were therefore placed in a paradoxical bind- as Australians they were expected to respond as the victims of fear; as Muslims they were positioned as the objects of fear. Even in discussions where their opinions are congruent with the dominant opinion being expressed, Australian Muslims describe themselves as feeling apprehensive or anxious about expressing their opinions because of how these “might be taken”. Pursuing alternative discourses The overriding message from the research project’s Muslim participants was that the media, as a powerful purveyor of public opinion, had inculcated a perception of Muslims as a risk to Australia and Australians: an ‘enemy within’; the potential ‘home grown terrorist’. The daily experience of visibly-different Australian Muslims, however, is that they are more fearing than fear-inspiring. The Aly and Balnaves fear scale indicates that Australian Muslims have twice as many fear indicators as non-Muslims Australians. Disengagement from Western media and media that is seen to be influenced or controlled by the West is widespread among Australian Muslims who increasingly argue that the media institutions are motivated by an agenda that includes profit and the perpetuation of a negative stereotype of Muslims both in Australia and around the globe, particularly in relation to Middle Eastern affairs. The negative stereotypes of Muslims in the Australian media have inculcated a sense of victimhood which Muslims in Australia have used as the basis for a reconstruction of their identity and the creation of alternative narratives of belonging (Aly). Central to the notion of identity among Australian Muslims is a sense of having their citizenship rights curtailed by virtue of their faith: of being included in a general Western dismissal of Muslims’ rights and experiences. As one interviewee said: If you look at the Channel Al Jazeera for example, it’s a channel but they aren’t making up stories, they are taping videos in Iraqi, Palestine and other Muslim countries, and they just show it to people, that’s all they do. And then George Bush, you know, we hear on the news that George Bush was discussing with Tony Blair that he was thinking to bomb Al Jazeera so why would these people have their right to freedom and we don’t? So that’s why I think the people who are in power, they have the control over the media, and it’s a big political game. Because if it wasn’t then George Bush, he’s the symbol of politics, why would he want to bomb Al Jazeera for example? Amidst leaks and rumours (Timms) that the 2003 US bombing of Al Jazeera was a deliberate attack upon one of the few elements of the public sphere in which some Western-nationality Muslims have confidence, many elements of the mainstream Western media rose to Al Jazeera’s defence. For example, using an appeal to the right of citizens to engage in and consume free speech, the editors of influential US paper The Nation commented that: If the classified memo detailing President Bush’s alleged proposal to bomb the headquarters of Al Jazeera is provided to The Nation, we will publish the relevant sections. Why is it so vital that this information be made available to the American people? Because if a President who claims to be using the US military to liberate countries in order to spread freedom then conspires to destroy media that fail to echo his sentiments, he does not merely disgrace his office and soil the reputation of his country. He attacks a fundamental principle, freedom of the press—particularly a dissenting and disagreeable press—upon which that country was founded. (cited in Scahill) For other Australian Muslims, it is the fact that some media organisations have been listed as banned by the US that gives them their ultimate credibility. This is the case with Al Manar, for example. Feeling that they are denied access to public spaces to partake in democratic dialogue as equal political citizens, Australian Muslims are pursuing alternative communicative spaces that support and reinforce their own cultural worldviews. The act of engaging with marginalised and alternative communicative spaces constitutes what Clifford terms ‘collective practices of displaced dwelling’. It is through these practices of displaced dwelling that Australian Muslims essentialise their diasporic identity and negotiate new identities based on common perceptions of injustice against Muslims. But you look at Al Jazeera they talk in the same tongue as the Western media in our language. And then you look again at something like Al Manar who talks of their own tongue. They do not use the other media’s ideas. They have been attacked by the Australians, been attacked by the Israelis and they have their own opinion. This statement came from an Australian Muslim of Jordanian background in her late forties. It reflects a growing trend towards engaging with media messages that coincide with and reinforce a sense of injustice. The Al Manar television station to which this participant refers is a Lebanese based station run by the militant Hezbollah movement and accessible to Australians via satellite. Much like Al Jazeera, Al Manar broadcasts images of Iraqi and Palestinian suffering and, in the recent war between Israel and Hezbollah, graphic images of Lebanese casualties of Israeli air strikes. Unlike the Al Jazeera broadcasts, these images are formatted into video clips accompanied by music and lyrics such as “we do not fear America”. Despite political pressure including a decision by the US to list Al Manar as a terrorist organisation in December 2004, just one week after a French ban on the station because its programming had “a militant perspective with anti-Semitic connotations” (Jorisch), Al Manar continued to broadcast videos depicting the US as the “mother of terrorism”. In one particularly graphic sequence, the Statue of Liberty rises from the depths of the sea, wielding a knife in place of the torch and dripping in blood, her face altered to resemble a skull. As she rises out of the sea accompanied by music resembling a funeral march the following words in Arabic are emblazoned across the screen: On the dead bodies of millions of native Americans And through the enslavement of tens of millions Africans The US rose It pried into the affairs of most countries in the world After an extensive list of countries impacted by US foreign policy including China, Japan, Congo, Vietnam, Peru, Laos, Libya and Guatamala, the video comes to a gruelling halt with the words ‘America owes blood to all of humanity’. Another video juxtaposes images of Bush with Hitler with the caption ‘History repeats itself’. One website run by the Coalition against Media Terrorism refers to Al Manar as ‘the beacon of hatred’ and applauds the decisions by the French and US governments to ban the station. Al Manar defended itself against the bans stating on its website that they are attempts “to terrorise and silence thoughts that are not in line with the US and Israeli policies.” The station claims that it continues on its mission “to carry the message of defending our peoples’ rights, holy places and just causes…within internationally agreed professional laws and standards”. The particular brand of propaganda employed by Al Manar is gaining popularity among some Muslims in Australia largely because it affirms their own views and opinions and offers them opportunities to engage in an alternative public space in which Muslims are positioned as the victims and not the aggressors. Renegotiating an ‘Othered’ Identity The negative portrayal of Muslims as ‘other’ in the Australian media and in political discourse has resulted in Australian Muslims constructing alternative identities based on a common perception of injustice. Particularly since the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre in September 2001 and the ensuing “war on terror”, the ethnic divisions within the Muslim diaspora are becoming less significant as Australian Muslims reconstruct their identity based on a notion of supporting each other in the face of a global alliance against Islam. Religious identity is increasingly becoming the identity of choice for Muslims in Australia. This causes problems, however, since religious identity has no place in the liberal democratic model, which espouses secularism. This is particularly the case where that religion is sometimes constructed as being at odds with the principles and values of liberal democracy; namely tolerance and adherence to the rule of law. This problematic creates a context in which Muslim Australians are not only denied their heterogeneity in the media and political discourse but are dealt with through an understanding of Islam that is constructed on the basis of a cultural and ideological clash between Islam and the West. Religion has become the sole and only characteristic by which Muslims are recognised, denying them political citizenship and access to the public spaces of citizenship. Such ‘essentialising practices’ as eliding considerable diversity into a single descriptor serves to reinforce and consolidate diasporic identity among Muslims in Australia, but does little to promote and assist participatory citizenship or to equip Muslims with the tools necessary to access the public sphere as political citizens of the secular state. In such circumstances, the moderate Muslim may be not so much a ‘preferred’ citizen as one whose rights has been constrained. Acknowledgment This paper is based on the findings of an Australian Research Council Discovery Project, 2005-7, involving 10 focus groups and 60 in-depth interviews. The authors wish to acknowledge the participation and contributions of WA community members. References Akbarzadeh, Shahram, and Bianca Smith. The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media (The Age and Herald Sun Newspapers). Melbourne: Monash University, 2005. Aly, Anne, and Mark Balnaves. ”‘They Want Us to Be Afraid’: Developing Metrics of the Fear of Terrorism.” International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities and Nations 6 (2007): 113-122. Aly, Anne. “Australian Muslim Responses to the Discourse on Terrorism in the Australian Popular Media.” Australian Journal of Social Issues 42.1 (2007): 27-40. Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. London: Harvard UP, 1997. Haas, Tanni. “The Public Sphere as a Sphere of Publics: Rethinking Habermas’s Theory of the Public Sphere.” Journal of Communication 54.1 (2004): 178- 84. Jorisch, Avi. J. “Al-Manar and the War in Iraq.” Middle East Intelligence Bulletin 5.2 (2003). Noelle-Neumann, Elisabeth. “The Spiral of Silence: A Theory of Public Opinion.” Journal of Communication 24.2 (1974): 43-52. “Online Archives of California”. California Digital Library. n.d. Feb. 2008 http://content.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/kt1199n498/?&query= %22open%20platform%22&brand=oac&hit.rank=1>. Panopoulos, Sophie. Parliamentary debate, 5 Sep. 2005. Feb. 2008 http://www.aph.gov.au.hansard>. Saniotis, Arthur. “Embodying Ambivalence: Muslim Australians as ‘Other’.” Journal of Australian Studies 82 (2004): 49-58. Scahill, Jeremy. “The War on Al-Jazeera (Comment)”. 2005. The Nation. Feb. 2008 http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051219/scahill>. Timms, Dominic. “Al-Jazeera Seeks Answers over Bombing Memo”. 2005. Media Guardian. Feb. 2008 http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/nov/23/iraq.iraqandthemedia>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Aly, Anne, and Lelia Green. "‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen." M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/08-aly-green.php>. APA Style Aly, A., and L. Green. (Apr. 2008) "‘Moderate Islam’: Defining the Good Citizen," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/08-aly-green.php>.