Journal articles on the topic 'International Buddhist Meditation Center'

During fieldwork in Ladakh in July–August 2018, three authors from Asian studies, anthropology, and religious studies backgrounds researched “multiple Buddhisms” in Ladakh, India. Two case studies are presented: a Buddhist monastery festival by the Drikung Kagyü Tibetan Buddhist sect, and a Theravada monastic complex, called Mahabodhi International Meditation Center (MIMC). Through the transnational contexts of both of these case studies, we argue that Buddhist leaders adapt their teachings to appeal to specific audiences with the underlying goal of preserving the tradition. The Buddhist monastery festival engages with both the scientific and the magical or mystical elements of Buddhism for two very different European audiences. At MIMC, a secular spirituality mixes with Buddhism for international tourists on a meditation retreat. Finally, at MIMC, Thai Buddhist monks learn how to fight the decline of Buddhism through missionizing Theravada Buddhism in this land dominated by Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhism. Paying attention to this multiplicity—to “multiple Buddhisms”—we argue, makes space for the complicated, ambiguous, and at times contradictory manner in which Buddhism is positioned in regards to secularism and secularity.

This paper examines how the Buddhist revival, the Chan revival, and recent popularity of transnational meditation practices have facilitated Chinese women practicing Buddhist meditation in contemporary China. With the influence of the opening of China and growing transnational networks, there has been an increasing number of Han Chinese monastics and lay people practicing transnational meditation, such as samādhi, vipassanā and mindfulness, in the past two decades. Despite the restriction of accessing Chan halls at monasteries, some Chinese nuns and laywomen have traveled to learn meditation in different parts of China, and international meditation centers in Southeast Asia to study with yogis from all over the world. Surprisingly some returned female travelers have taken significant roles in organizing meditation retreats, and establishing meditation centers and meditation halls. Through examining some ethnographic cases of Chinese nuns and laywomen, this paper argues that the transnational meditation movement has an impact not only on gender equality, especially concerning Chinese women practicing meditation, but also on the development of contemporary Chinese Buddhism. The significant role of Chinese female meditators in promoting Buddhist meditation can reflect a trend of re-positioning the Chan School in contemporary China.

What are the criteria for counting something as Buddhist? This discipline-defining question has become increasingly perplexing as Buddhism is transmitted across the globe, taking new forms as it adapts to new contexts, especially as non-Buddhists increasingly come to participate in the meditation activities of Buddhist communities in the West. Through an ethnographic analysis of a Shambhala center in the southern United States, this article suggests that the best way to talk about such groups is neither through categorizing membership demographics, nor by ranking the different degrees of Buddhism practiced in Shambhala as more or less authentic, but rather by focusing on how the group ultimately coheres despite inevitable differences in opinion. Thus instead of defining what is ‘authentically’ Buddhist among Shambhalians, this article tracks the manner in which certain Buddhist forms of signification (especially meditation) are shared regardless of personal religious identities, forging a community through common interest.

Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) is applied in various fields such as medicine, cognitive science, business, and education. The mindfulness of Buddhism is at the center of MBSR, and this means that Buddhist meditation has a great effect on modern society. For Buddhist meditations on death, the Aṅguttara Nikāya suggests mindfulness of death (maraṇasati), referring to ten methods of mindfulness and meditation on impurity (asubhānupassin), which are expounded in the Dīgha Nikāya. In this article, I explore two meditations on death that could have a positive effect if applied to an area of education like MBSR. Through numerous experiments, terror management theory (TMT) has proved that many positive psychological changes occur when human beings contemplate death. TMT argues that when mortality salience is triggered, psychological changes occur, such as considering internal values, such as the meaning of life and happiness, or increasing the frequency of carrying out good deeds for others, rather than focusing on external values (e.g., wealth, fame, and appearance). The educational application of Buddhist meditations on death is used in the same context and has a similar purpose to TMT. In addition, I discuss that meditations on death also have the effect of cultivating “the power of acceptance for death”, which is gained by everyone, including those who practice and their loved ones. For educational applications of meditations on death, the mindfulness of death is related to death and temporality, and meditation on impurity can be applied by using death-related images. Moreover, based on the duration of a session and the training time per session, I note that these methods can be applied only to meditation or mixed with the content of death-related education, for example, the meaning of death, the process of dying, near-death experiences, and grief education.

Tujuan kegiatan ini adalah untuk memberikan penyuluhan tentang kemampuan seseorang untuk menyadari dan menerima emosi sebagai bagian diri. Emosi sering sekali dianggap negative, sehingga cenderung diabaikan dan ditolak. Dengan kondisi demikian, pola asuh orang tua sering mendorong anak untuk mengabaikan, menekan maupun menolak emosi, yang menjadi bibit masalah di kemudian hari. Sejatinya manusia terlahir dengan membawa emosi dasar yang akan berkembang sejalan dengan interaksi manusia dengan lingkungannya. Kerentanan emosional berarti mengakui, menerima dan memahami emosinya sendiri. Dengan kondisi demikian individu dapat mengelola emosi tersebut dengan baik, sehingga menjadi sumber kekuatannya. Ketrampilan mengelola emosi tersebut menjadikan manusia menjadi cerdas emosi. Kecerdasan emosional ini merupakan salah satu factor penting yang menentukan kesuksesan seorang manusia.

Abstract Today, across all the places where the various Buddhist schools have established themselves, there is a broad phenomenon with heterogeneous characteristics and manifestations called engaged Buddhism or socially engaged Buddhism. What unites the advocates of this movement is the way the Buddhist notion of dukkha (i.e., ‘suffering’) is interpreted to include the economic, political, social, and even ecological dimensions of suffering in the contemporary world. Engaged Buddhists have reformulated the normative teachings of dukkha to make them relevant to current issues. In this paper, I present an example of ecologically and socially engaged Theravāda Buddhism of the Maap Euang Meditation Center for Sufficiency Economy, in Thailand near Bangkok. Members of this community have developed a form of engaged Buddhism that treats ideas of “sufficiency” economy and peasant agroecology. To understand this movement, I will argue that the discipline of Buddhist Studies needs to combine the study of ancient canonical texts with the study of their contemporary interpretations.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the notion and function of silent landscape in a touristic experience by presenting the findings of a study on silent retreats in a Buddhist meditation retreat center in Northern India. Design/methodology/approach This study adopted a sensory ethnography approach applied through interviews and participant observation methods conducted during and after nine retreats in a meditation center. Findings This study suggests that silent landscapes are not only backdrops of touristic experiences but can be considered as inter-subjective performative and resourceful milieu of engagement that intertwine intimate embodied experiences with broader social and cultural values. Originality/value Despite landscapes having been thoroughly investigated in tourist studies, this paper underlines the pertinence of mobilizing the lens of other forms of presences such as affects, embodiment, sensoriality and sonority to understand the inter-relation between tourists-selves and the surrounding world encountered during their travels.

The COVID-19 outbreak made many public activities shift with the main activity center being at home. This situation is a new reality that is also experienced by the world of education. Like it or not, like it or not, all parties starting from the teacher, parents, and students must be prepared to live a new life (new normal) through a learning approach using information technology and electronic media so that the teaching process can take place properly. In parents the condition can be more severe, because not only must be able to concentrate on work but also must act as a teacher for children who study at home. So the stressors can be multiplied and parents are very much asked to be able to handle this situation well. Meditation in the Buddhist tradition comes from the word bhavana which means culture or mental development. Mental development referred to here is broad mental development.Keywords: Samatha Meditation, Covid-19, Mental Health

AbstractIn South Korea, the distance between Buddhist monastics and lay devotees tends to reduce as monasteries and temples multiply in urban areas. Even the remote mountain monasteries have broadened their access to lay visitors. Nowadays monastic and lay Buddhists have more occasions to meet than before and the current intensification of their relationships brings important redefinitions of their respective identities. This paper explores how far this new spatial proximity signifies a rapprochement between monastic and lay Buddhists. Through an ethnographic approach and a participant observation methodology I focus on a one-week retreat for laity in a Buddhist monastery dedicated to meditation. This case study examines the ambiguous goal of this retreat programme that combined two aims: initiating lay practitioners to the monastic lifestyle and the practice of kanhwa son meditation; and establishing a group of lay supporters affiliated to the temple. This temporary monastic experience was directed towards an intense socialisation of the participants to the norms and values of an ascetic lifestyle, blurring some aspects of the border between lay and monastic practices of Buddhism. However, this paper suggests that this transitory rapprochement contributed to both challenge and strengthen the distinction between the renouncers (ch'ulga) and the householders (chaega).

The Tale of Prince Samuttakote. A Buddhist Epic from Thailand. Trans. Thomas John Hudak. Ohio University (Center for International Studies, Athens, Ohio) 1993. xxix, 276 pp. + 6 b/w plates. Pbk $20.00, £14.95.

The article is dedicated for the 85th anniversary of His Holiness Dalai Lama the 14th Tenzin Gyatso and considers his contribution to establishing the dialogue between academic research and spirituality. It depicts main points of Dalai Lama’s way in science, the results of which he described in his book ‘The Universe in a Single Atom. How Science and Spirituality Can Serve Our World’. In this book His Holiness tried to explain the possibility of reaching a unified vision of the world, based not only on science but also on spirituality. Dalai Lama is sure of the necessity of the dialogue between science and Buddhism; he believes that there are certain points, where science and Buddhist philosophy come very close to each other, and may form a good base for such a dialogue. It is for example non-theistic character of both science and Buddhism, the similarity of their methods of cognition, along with the common goal of attaining the truth. Dalai Lama raises one important question: Should there be a place for ethics in science? Giving the positive answer, he then proves it expressly. For several decades Dalai Lama has been undertaking active efforts to facilitate the dialogue between science and spirituality. Recently Russian scholars have also joined this process. By Dalai Lama’s initiative two big conferences were held under the aegis of the program “Fundamental knowledge: dialogues of Russian and Buddhist scholars”. As a result of these meetings the joint Russian and Buddhist research center was organized in South India to study the altered states of conciseness, basing on various types of Buddhist meditation.

Introduction At present, the mental health of members in international Buddhist organizations is often damaged by decontextualized concepts and misleading meditation training. As the treatment of resulting mental diseases presents therapeutic challenges, currently diagnostic and related therapeutic considerations are crucial. Objectives Since subjects predominantly reported having received several diagnoses, with depression, anxiety disorder, and post-traumatic stress disorder being the most frequently assigned, a diagnostic assessment device was employed for further differentiation. Methods The questionnaire SCL-90 was used to evaluate the nine dimensions: interpersonal sensitivity, depression, anxiety, paranoid ideation, psychoticism, somatization, obsessive-compulsive disorder, hostility and phobic anxiety. Results In a pilot group of eight German-speaking subjects of different Buddhist groups the general psychological burden (GSI) was significantly elevated in six of them. However, the intensity of responses in precisely those two individuals in whom it was not increased was far below the norm (PSDI). Furthermore, seven of the subjects had an above-average number of symptoms indicating burden (PST). All of them showed a heightened level of interpersonal sensitivity and for most of the subjects anxiety, depression, paranoid ideation and psychoticism were above the mean value of the norm group. Conclusions As for psychiatric treatment and psychotherapy, extended research with a larger group of such subjects and at the beginning of their treatment is crucial. Particularly, hypotheses on the causes of their social insecurity, depressivity, paranoid thinking as well as psychoticism based on the distorted concepts and neologisms these persons were exposed to (e.g. ‘karma-purification ’) as well as their ways of ‘meditation-training’ seems to hold core relevance. Disclosure This research was funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research, funding reference number: 01UL1823X.

In early 2014 activist Amanda Ream and members of Eviction Free San Francisco disrupted the fifth annual Wisdom 2.0 conference, at which Silicon Valley leaders discuss the benefits of ‘mindfulness’ practices. It was another confrontation between working-class residents of San Francisco and the technology employees who have gentrified their neighborhoods. A member of the East Bay Meditation Center in Oakland, Ream’s actions garnered support from other ‘socially engaged’ Buddhists from Berkeley and elsewhere. Secular critics have likewise questioned the appropriation of Buddhist practices by corporations whose business practices and products arguably undermine the cultivation of mindfulness. This article intervenes in these debates by outlining an approach called Contemplative Media Studies, which integrates critical media studies with the emerging field of Contemplative Studies. I argue that market imperatives have favored a corporate-friendly understanding of mindfulness that perpetuates structural injustice, and conclude that an expanded notion of civic mindfulness must include the revitalization of journalism and the development of non-commercial media systems.

Psychiatric rehabilitation aims to promote health recovery from significant losses, both physical and psychological, that have derailed the lives of adults and young adults diagnosed with a serious mental illness (SMI) so that they can actively participate in rebuilding and recreating themselves. The population faces premature morbidity and experiences higher than average rates of chronic and life-threatening disorders. When participants join the BU Center for Psychiatric Rehabilitation services’ programs, they take on the role of student, increasing their knowledge, skills, and supports to further their personal goals and recovery journeys. The submission, Musical Odyssey: From Pain to Recovery, is an original poem informed by the values and practices of my work in the field of psychiatric rehabilitation as well as my recent medical experience as a patient. The poem was inspired primarily by my four-month experience of having to navigate through the primary care system and advocate for myself to get services for two herniated discs while working. During this period I was teaching three courses: Empowering Ourselves through Song, Buddhist Psychology’s Path of Recovery, and Mindfulness: The Practice of Buddhist Psychology.In the 2018 fall semester, I was role modeling recovery-oriented rehabilitation for my students, a Certified Peer Support Specialist, and three interns (two from BU School of Social Work and one from Tufts University). Despite excruciating pain from two herniated discs, I taught almost all the classes before and after a micro-discectomy and hemi-laminectomy surgery at the Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and prepared detailed lesson plans for my interns who had the opportunity to develop their clinical and teachings skills while receiving my support. My suffering and sharing of daily meditation, music listening, and singing helped grow everyone’s awareness, compassion, and commitment to mindfulness practice.

The purpose of the article is to provide new information about the initial stage of the process of restoration and revival of Buddhist traditions after the period of repression and atheistic prohibitions. It shows the role of representatives of the Buddhist clergy in the person of the Khambo lamas of the USSR and the MPR Zh.-D. Gomboev, S. Gombozhav and P. B. Baldanzhapov in establishing international relations between the countries, in the creation and opening of the Buddhist Institute in Ulaanbaatar at the Gandantekchenlin Monastery in 1970. The article is written mainly onthe source base of archival materials stored in the private personal archive of P. B. Baldanzhapov kept in the funds of the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the IMBT SB RAS, such as personal correspondence, copies and drafts of letters of appeals to government and other administrative organizations, plans and programs of visits and receptions of foreign delegations, reports and messages, drafts of articles, photographs. While writing the article, such research methods were used as historical retrospective, which showed the reason for the decline of Buddhist traditions by the early 60s of the last century, a comparative method that allowed assessing the contribution of Buddhist figures in historical perspective, as well as content analysis used for working with archival documents. Results. It has been stated that since the late 50-ies the policy of the Soviet government towards all confessions, including Buddhist, has changed. The main reason for which were political interests of the state aimed at improving its political image in the world, in expanding international relations of the USSR with the states of Southeast Asia, which allowed the Central Religious Board of the Buddhists of the USSR to establish ties with foreign Buddhist organizations and prominent religious public figures of other countries. Since the mid-60-70-ies, due to the joint efforts of Buryat and Mongolian Buddhist figures, actions were initiated for obtaining permission to open a Buddhist educational institution in Ulan-Bator, with the opening of which in 1970 the main threat to the existence of the Buddhist church among the Mongolian peoples was solved t.e. the disappearance of the system of education and training of young lamas.

AbstractVarious interpretations of Kāśyapaparivarta § 68 have been attempted in the Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda tradition. This passage, which consists in a simile likening a magician devoured by his own creation to a monk involved in meditation practice, appears prima facie absurd, insofar as the similarity between the tenor and the vehicle is not readily apparent. This article mainly consists of two parts: The first part examines the received interpretations of the simile and reconstructs their interrelationship from a historical perspective. The second part explores the literary dimension of the simile and argues that its ostensible absurdity is rooted in a pun which is visible only in Middle Indo-Aryan and seems to serve no purpose. Coming to terms with the opaque and pointless pun, this essay is aimed at a new interpretation of Kāśyapaparivarta § 68 and, it is hoped, a deeper understanding of the literary playfulness inherent in the making of the Kāśyapaparivarta as a so-called early Mahāyāna sūtra against the backdrop of the Sanskritization of Buddhist sūtra literature.

<p class="1Body">Guangxiao Temple is located in Guangzhou (a coastal city in Southern China), and has a long history. The present study conducted an onsite investigation of Guangxiao’s precious Buddhist relics, and combined this with a textual analysis of <em>Annals of Guangxiao Temple</em>, to discuss its history and multi-roles in Asia-Pacific Buddhism. It is argued that Guangxiao’s 1,700-year history can be seen as a microcosm of Chinese Buddhist history. As the special geographical position, Guangxiao Temple often acted as a stopover point for Asian missionary monks in the past. It also played a central role in propagating various elements of Buddhism, including precepts school, Chan (Zen), esoteric (Shingon) Buddhism, and Pure Land. Particulary, Huineng, the sixth Chinese patriarch of Chan Buddhism, made his first public Chan lecture and was tonsured in Guangxiao Temple; Esoteric Buddhist master Amoghavajra’s first teaching of esoteric Buddhism is thought to have been in Guangxiao Temple. It was also a translation center in Southern China, where Buddhist scriptures were translated by Yijing and the Shurangama-sūtra was translated by Paramitiin ­– these texts served to promote the establishment of Mahāyāna Buddhism as the mainstream philosophy of Chinese (even Asia-Pacific) Buddhism. With the development of globalization, Guangxiao Temple is now exerting even more positive effects on the propagation of Buddhism via international communications and Buddhist tourism. Our onsite investigation also identificated the words in the mantra pillar (826 B.C). This significant finding suggests the popularity of esoteric Buddhism in Sourthern China, and will be helpful for Buddhist study in the future.</p>

Introduction. Making public knowledge pertaining to Buddhist culture proves important and topical enough due to the steady growth of global significance attributed to East and Central Asia. Therefore, insights into monuments of Buddhist heritage represented in vast collections of Russia — at advanced academic and technological levels with an emphasis on the active use of digital technologies — shall yield solutions to quite a number of sociocultural development problems, and strengthen positions of our nation in Asia’s geopolitical environments. Goals. The study aims at analyzing the current state of the art in digitization of Tibetan Buddhism’s written heritage and assessing some promising AI related technologies development trends. Materials and methods. The study provides a comparative analysis of activities by the Buddhist Digital Resource Center (BDRC) consortium, an oldest and most successful initiatives operating since 1999, for advanced approaches in this field. The use of artificial intelligence methods to solve the problem of creating a machine-readable text corpus of Buddhist writings and machine translation is considered as a promising direction. Results. The work discloses key principles of digitization and representation of written monuments implemented on the new digital platform BUDA (Buddhist Digital Archives), shows effectiveness of the underlying IIIF (International Image Interoperability Framework) and LOD (Linked Open Data) architectures. The efforts to assess artificial intelligence technologies prospects included a pilot study on the use of ‘deep learning’ neural network methods to create an experimental model for optical recognition of Tibetan characters which yielded a result of 94 % of recognized characters. This lays a foundation for flow-line decoding of Tibetan-language scans and creating a comprehensive corpus of Buddhist writings in a machine-readable format, which offers the challenge of developing new efficient digital textual tools. Conclusions. The integration of existing and promising approaches allows for a digital transformation of Buddhist written traditions, the latter to open new functioning forms and development opportunities in the contemporary world backed with a possibility to reveal the cultural and intellectual potential of Buddhist civilization for modern society to the full.

Introduction. Making public knowledge pertaining to Buddhist culture proves important and topical enough due to the steady growth of global significance attributed to East and Central Asia. Therefore, insights into monuments of Buddhist heritage represented in vast collections of Russia — at advanced academic and technological levels with an emphasis on the active use of digital technologies — shall yield solutions to quite a number of sociocultural development problems, and strengthen positions of our nation in Asia’s geopolitical environments. Goals. The study aims at analyzing the current state of the art in digitization of Tibetan Buddhism’s written heritage and assessing some promising AI related technologies development trends. Materials and methods. The study provides a comparative analysis of activities by the Buddhist Digital Resource Center (BDRC) consortium, an oldest and most successful initiatives operating since 1999, for advanced approaches in this field. The use of artificial intelligence methods to solve the problem of creating a machine-readable text corpus of Buddhist writings and machine translation is considered as a promising direction. Results. The work discloses key principles of digitization and representation of written monuments implemented on the new digital platform BUDA (Buddhist Digital Archives), shows effectiveness of the underlying IIIF (International Image Interoperability Framework) and LOD (Linked Open Data) architectures. The efforts to assess artificial intelligence technologies prospects included a pilot study on the use of ‘deep learning’ neural network methods to create an experimental model for optical recognition of Tibetan characters which yielded a result of 94 % of recognized characters. This lays a foundation for flow-line decoding of Tibetan-language scans and creating a comprehensive corpus of Buddhist writings in a machine-readable format, which offers the challenge of developing new efficient digital textual tools. Conclusions. The integration of existing and promising approaches allows for a digital transformation of Buddhist written traditions, the latter to open new functioning forms and development opportunities in the contemporary world backed with a possibility to reveal the cultural and intellectual potential of Buddhist civilization for modern society to the full.

In the decades following the Korean War (1950–1953), support from Korea’s Jogye Order, the largest of Korea’s Buddhist sects, was instrumental for establishing Korean Buddhism overseas. However, in recent decades, Korean Buddhism has been facing a growing domestic crisis and the number of the Jogye Order’s annual monastic recruits has been declining steadily. This domestic membership crisis has affected Korean Buddhism abroad, as the order has lost over half its foreign temples over the last decade. Nevertheless, despite these downward trends, the nine international branches of the Hanmaum Seon Center, founded by the Jogye Order’s Seon Master Daehaeng, have remained strong. Given the successful example of the Hanmaum Seon Center’s international branches, the Jogye Order’s future efforts abroad might find success by focusing on lay-oriented modes of practice, while balancing their involvement both with local Korean émigré communities and with outreach to local non-Koreans.

The article discusses international relations between the Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Committee (Buruckom) and Committee of Sciences of Mongolia (Mongolian Scientific Institute (Monuchcom or Sudar bichgiin khyreelen). They were the first research institutions in Mongolia and Buryatia and formed the bases of the modern Academy of Sciences of Mongolia, and the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IMBTS SB RAS). It is actual and quite important to study the formation history of these research institutions in general, and research departments, in particular, libraries playing a great role in the history of modern science development, in relation to their upcoming 100th anniversaries. Such researches fill in the gaps in the countries’ historical past, draw attention to national cultural traditions and are connected with the problems of preserving written historical and cultural monuments. The authors used archival documents kept in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of IMBTS SB RAS to highlight the history of forming and developing the collections of Buruchkom’s Manuscript Department and Monuchkom’s Research Library. They are the correspondence of the Buryat-Mongolian Scientific Committee leaders with Monuchcom scholars, datsan councils, khoshun executive committees and lamas on the issues of xylographing Buddhist treaties and supplementing library funds stored in the archive of the Center for Oriental manuscripts and xylographies of IMBT SB RAS.

The author, Professor Emeritus of Kyoto University and the University of Shiga Prefecture , of which he is also ex-President, completed his studies at the graduate school of architecture in Kyoto University. He has specialized in the history of town planning and Planning for Conservation; he has carried out surveys on the history and design of historical towns and villages in Kyoto and the Shiga area; and he has been involved in archaeological excavations and restoration works on Buddhist sites in Gandhara. He has also acted as Visiting Professor, International Research Center for Japanese Studies. The text that follows was presented at the international symposion on "Globalization and Local Identity, " organized jointly by the World Society for Ekistics and the University of Shiga Prefecture in Hikone, Japan, 19-24 September, 2005.

The collection of the Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences Siberian Branch is based on Tibet and Mongolian books accumulated by generations of Buryat scholars, local historians, museum workers. In accordance with the RF Government Regulations of December 23, 2016 № 2800-r, RAS SB Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies is an academic organization to deposit of the RF Archival Fund documents that constitute the national property. To preserve and to study this rich heritage, the Institute’s Center for Oriental Manuscripts and Xylography was established. The author describes in detail the specialized database comprising bibliographic records of medical literature in the Center’s Tibetan collection. Based on the revealed information objects, authority records (metadata) of the following types were created: «person», «work», and «location». The rare publications were processed in accordance with the description scheme introduced by the international consortium Asian Classics Input Project (ACIP). The database gives insight into the content and genre diversity of the Tibetan medical literature corpus оn the whole, and may be used for developing offline and online apps for research and education; it can also make the core of e-libraries and knowledge bases.

187 Background: Total relaxation (TR), a mindfulness-based intervention based on the Buddha’s teaching of Sutra on Full Awareness of Breathing (Anapanasati Sutta) and Sutra on the Four Establishments of Mindfulness (Satipatthana Sutta). This study was aimed (1) to explore benefits of TR perceived by laypersons and (2) to share experience in piloting the intervention in cancer patients. Methods: Laypersons who attended the 5 - day retreat program with daily TR sessions at Khao Yai, Nakhon Ratchasima, Thailand during October 22-26, 2014 responded to the Edmonton Symptom Assessment Scale (ESAS) before and after the TR session on the first day (TR1 Before, TR1 After) and after the fourth TR session (TR4 After). ESAS was responded by cancer patients who visited Horizon Cancer Center, Bumrungrad International Hospital before and after their participation in a 45 minute TR group session. Paired t-test was used to evaluate the before-after difference in score of each matched variables. Results: Of 162 laypersons, 90.74% responded. They reported a significant improvement of all ESAS items (p < 0.001). Ten cancer patients (6 breast, 2 colon, and 1 stomach cancers and 1 lymphoma) who participated in the TR group session also saw the improvement of all ESAS items, with the mean differences ranging from 0.36 (feeling depressed) to 3.09 points (fatigue/tiredness). No adverse events were observed. Conclusions: Total relaxation is a Buddhist mindfulness-based technique that can improve undesirable symptoms of layperson and cancer patients.

Background Patients from various countries may have unique patterns of using complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) and unique reasons for using it. Objective Our objective was to assess the use of CAM among patients from the Gulf region attending the Executive and International Health Program of the Department of General Internal Medicine at Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota. Methods This cross-sectional survey was administered to all patients who were from the Gulf region and were undergoing outpatient evaluation in the Executive and International Health Program. After their initial medical evaluation by a physician, the patients were invited to anonymously complete the modified International Complementary and Alternative Medicine Questionnaire. Results The survey was completed by 69 patients (41 women, 27 men; mean age, 45.4 years). The most frequently seen providers for CAM treatments were physicians (71.0% of patients), spiritual healers (29.0%), and chiropractors (20.3%). CAM treatments most frequently received from a physician were massage therapy (51.0%), hijama (38.8%), spiritual healing (24.5%), and acupuncture or herbs (16.3%). The most frequently used dietary supplements were ginger (42.0%), bee products (30.4%), and garlic (27.5%). The most common self-help therapies were prayers for health (68.1%), meditation (15.9%), and relaxation techniques (11.6%). CAM therapy, including visits to CAM providers, was used by 92.8% of patients. CAM was mainly used to improve well-being and long-term health conditions rather than for acute illnesses. Conclusion The use of CAM was high among our patients from the Gulf region, and the CAM therapies used by this population differed from the ones used by US patients. Physicians providing care to patients from the Gulf region should be aware of how the use of CAM may affect the care needs of these patients.

There are phenomena of Chan Buddhism as philosophical and religious dogma and embodiment of its rules in the center of the article. Study object is poetry of monks and nuns written during Song dynasty (lyrics of Dumu Jingang, Zhenru, Daoqian and Daoqiang). The study is based on the works of the Chinese (Hu Shih), Ukrainian (N. S. Isaieva), Russian (M.I. Vorobyova-Desyatovskaya, M.S. Ulanov), French (H.Ciхоus, C. Clement), Germany (S. Weigel) and American (N. Miller) researchers. However, in the same time we have noticed lack of the works addressed to analysis of the Chan poetry, its’ themes, images and symbols, so this space is ready and open for follow-up study. The main purpose of the article is to highlight the common and distinctive features of poetic works written by women and men as well as to designate level of themes transformation specific for Chan Buddhist poetry written by nuns and monks of Song Dynasty after analyzing meanings and poetics of their poetry. To achieve this goal, several methods were used – hermeneutic, historical and cultural, historical and literary, comparative methods as well as semantic and poetical analysis. This methodological base allow considering the lyrics of monks and nuns through the prism of the right explanation. Moreover, it help us to analyze gender and religious components, so we have highlighted the characteristics that are common and different for the Buddhist poetry of women and men. The article claims that particulary interesting point for researchers in feminist literary studies is the question of whether the text of a female author is different from the text of a male author. The French theorist of feminist literary studies E. Cixоus and the American psychologist N. Miller argue that the «female style» exists, but it is quite difficult to describe. According to the German literary critic S. Weigel and Doctor of Philology N.S. Isaeva, there are certain specific features that are inherent in works of art written by women (discontinuity, indentation, inconsistency, subjectivity, the desire for pleasure, the description of their own feelings), and for works written by men (logic, regularity, objectivity). If take a look at the issue of «female» and «male» style from the standpoint of Chan Buddhism, the closest position will be a completely different one. In some theoretical works concerning «feminine» it has been repeatedly emphasized that it does not oppose «masculine», because «feminine» by its nature denies the binary, dichotomy and hierarchy of created structures (including textual). Similarly, the chan denies any opposition and contrast. The results of our research show that Chan Buddhist poetry has a lot of themes created by using Chan Buddhist images and symbols. We have established that due to approach of Chan women and men are collateral because there is no dualism in the world, but after conducting a gender study we found that despite the principles of Chan Buddhism, it is still possible to identify similar and different features in the poetry of monks and nuns. We have found some transformation in the poetry written by men and women: at the level of themes, at the level of stylistic devices, as well as in the emotional component of poetry. Firstly, there are some themes which are found only in the poetry of monks: the theme of equality of everyone in front of Buddhist teachings, the theme of solitude (loneliness) or the theme of excommunication from the vain world, the theme of liberation from suffering (worries and attachments), the theme of meditative practices, the theme of accessibility of Chan teachings for everyone, the theme of suffering, the theme of harmony. Accordingly, in the lyrics of the nuns we found out the theme of joy, the theme of death, the theme of illusory contradictions. Secondly, there are small amount of stylistic devices in the Chan lyrics, but, despite this, we have concluded that only epithets are common to both the poems of monks and the poems of nuns. Antithesis and rhetorical questions are a sign of «male» style, and hyperbole is inherent in «female» style. Thirdly, the poetry of monks are objective and rational, what is a characteristic of «male» literature, while the poems of nuns are characterized by subjectivity and sensuality, what is a characteristic of «female» literature. On the contrary, we have detected that some themes are common for the monks’ and nuns’ poetry: theme of life’s worldliness, theme of meditation, theme of ease and lightness, theme of contradictions’ illusory, theme of isolation and solitude, theme of separation people to Chan Buddhists and laymen. To embody these themes authors used different images and symbols and such variety of stylistic devices shows that individual styles of writing in Chan Buddhism exist even though it may seem impossible in religious poetry, which conveys ideas of the certain religious doctrine. In summary, there is a plenty of Chan lyrics that have not been researches by Chinese scientists. Moreover, this poetry haven’t even been translated into other languages, hence, haven’t been analyzed and expounded by not Chinese researchers, so it is long-rage field to be researched.

My paper examines some of the many similarities between Mahayana Buddhism and Deweyan philosophy. It builds upon two previously published works. The first is my dialogue with Daisaku Ikeda President of Soka Gakkai International, a UN registered ngo currently active in one hundred ninety-two countries and territories, and the Director Emeritus of the Center for Dewey Studies, Larry Hickman (see Garrison, Hickman, and Ikdea, 2014). My paper will first briefly review some of the many similarities between Buddhism and Deweyan pragmatism. Second, I will also briefly review additional similarities in the published version of my Kneller Lecture to the American Educational Studies Association (see Garrison, 2019). In the present paper, I will introduce some new similarities of interest to educators. Among these are Dewey’s surprisingly Buddhist notions of language and logic as merely useful conventions. Secondly, I examine Dewey’s argument that “causation as ordered sequence is a logical category,” not an ontological category (LW 12: 454). The similarity to the opening chapter of Nagarjuna’s Madhyamaka, or Middle Way, is striking. I will suggest a logical reading has some interesting implications for student-teacher relations.

The article examines the creative path of Tsymzhit Purbuevna Vanchikova, doctor of historical sciences, professor, chief researcher of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan studies of the SB RAS, an Honored researcher of the Republic of Buryatia, whose 75th anniversary will be celebrated by the scientific community. Ts. P. Vanchikova gave 52 years to her native Institute, having prepared many monographs, articles, reviews and dozens of graduates, being the head of many scientific projects and international grants, a regular participant of numerous international forums. At the same time, the peculiarity of the researcher’s biography is shown not through the prism of a dynasty of Orientalists, but through the concept of fate. That is, her work is considered as a predetermined and logical continuation of the creative path of her father, a well-known source scholar, historiographer and a specialist in the study and publication of medieval texts, candidate of historical sciences Purbo Baldanzhapov, with whom the hero of the day has joint publications. In turn, this family tradition and predestination, which has been passed on to the daughter of the hero of the day, Tatyana Sergeevna, which fits perfectly into the 100-year cycle of the theory of generations. That is why the article also features the future lawyer-the favorite grandson of the anniversarian. Keywords: Professor Vanchikova Tsymzhit Purbuevna, the Center of Oriental manuscripts and xylographs, source studies, study and publication of medieval texts, historiography, Mongolian studies

According to Ray Oldenburg Third Place, refers to the place where people spend time between home ('first place') and place of work ('second place'). One example of a third place is a recreation center. According to Daniel D. Mclean, recreation can include a very wide variety of activities, including sports. Sports recreation is a type of sport that is intentionally done for personal gain, for fun. Life in a big city, like Jakarta, which is full of activities and routines can cause boredom and mental stress on the community. Based on data from the International Labor Organization, total working hours in a week in Jakarta increased in 2016 with a total of 32 hours compared to total working hours in 2006 of 27 hours and based on research from the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), Indonesia was in position 3 with the country with the worst balance between work and life with a figure reaching 14.3%. According to a psychologist, Kartasasmita, M. Psi, work is the highest cause of stress on a person. With Jakarta's condition like that, needed a facility that can accommodate the recreational and fitness needs of the community in the form of Third Place. The aim of this project is to improve the quality of life of urban communities, in terms of physical and psychological health and fitness. The design method used is comparison which refers to the Place theory in Architecture according to Christian Norberg Schulz. The main programs offered in this project include a fitness area, sports studio, spa, sauna, hydrotherapy pool, jogging track, bicycle track, yoga & meditation park, and supporting areas such as sports retail and dining areas. AbstrakMenurut Ray Oldenburg tempat ketiga (Third Place), mengacu pada tempat di mana orang menghabiskan waktu antara rumah ('tempat pertama') dan tempat bekerja (tempat 'kedua'). Salah satu contoh tempat ketiga adalah pusat rekreasi. Menurut Daniel D. Mclean, rekreasi dapat mencakup berbagai kegiatan yang sangat luas, termasuk olahraga. Rekreasi olahraga merupakan jenis olahraga yang sengaja dilakukan untuk kepentingan pribadi, untuk bersenang-senang. Kehidupan di kota besar, seperti Jakarta yang penuh dengan aktivitas dan rutinitas dapat menimbulkan kejenuhan dan tekanan mental pada masyarakatnya. Berdasarkan data dari International Labour Organization, total jam kerja dalam seminggu di Jakarta meningkat pada tahun 2016 dengan total 32 jam dibandingkan dengan total jam kerja pada tahun 2006 yaitu 27 jam dan berdasarkan penelitian dari Organisation For Economic Co-Operation And Development (OECD), Indonesia berada di posisi 3 dengan negara yang paling buruk keseimbangan antara kerja dan kehidupan dengan angka mencapai 14,3%. Menurut seorang psikolog, Kartasasmita, M. Psi, pekerjaan merupakan penyebab stress tertinggi pada seseorang. Dengan kondisi Jakarta yang seperti itu, diperlukan sarana yang dapat mewadahi kebutuhan rekreasi dan kebugaran masyarakat berupa Third Place. Tujuan proyek ini untuk meningkatkan kualitas hidup masyarakat perkotaan, dalam hal kesehatan dan kebugaran baik fisik maupun psikis tubuh. Metode desain yang digunakan yaitu komparasi yang mengacu kepada teori Place dalam Arsitektur menurut Christian Norberg Schulz. Program utama yang ditawarkan pada proyek ini terdapat area fitness, studio olahraga, spa, sauna, hydrotherapy pool, jogging track, bicycle track, yoga & meditation park, dan area penunjang seperti sport retail dan tempat makan.

Abstract Background Inflammatory Bowel Disease (IBD) is a chronic inflammatory disease of the gut, characterized by multiple symptoms of which some cannot be successfully managed by existing conventional therapies. The use of complementary alternative medicines (CAMs) and CAM services among patients with chronic disorders including IBD has increased globally over the past several years (Rawsthorne Gut 2012; Weizman APT 2012). The main aims of this study were (a) to profile the use of CAMs and CAM services in a cohort of IBD patients being treated at a Belgian IBD referral center and (b) to identify the clinical and demographic factors associated with the use of CAMs. Methods An anonymized and customized Dutch version of the international questionnaire to measure the use of complementary and alternative medicine (I-CAM-Q – Quandt J Altern Complement Med 2009) was provided over an 8-week period spanning September and October 2021) to all IBD patients visiting the IBD outpatient clinic and infusion unit. Pearson’s Chi-square test was used to identify the relationships between clinical and demographic variables (age, gender, educational status) and CAM usage. Results From among the 410 IBD (144 UC, 253 CD) patients who responded to the survey, 173 (42.2%) were using CAMs or had used CAMs. A vast majority (79.8%) of the CAM using IBD patients reported the use of nature-based therapies (aloe vera, green tea, curcumin, cannabis, vitamin/mineral supplements and probiotics), a fifth of which was accounted for by Cannabis and its derivatives. This was followed by mind-body therapies (42.1%) (mindfulness, yoga, acupuncture, hypnotherapy, meditation). Two-thirds of patients (66.7%) mentioned to use CAMs for IBD-related symptoms. 125/173 of the CAM using IBD patients attributed the use of CAMs to their know-how about the potential of CAMs in ameliorating symptoms (32%), low efficacy or presence of adverse effects of conventional therapies (29.6%), minimize disease burden (28.8%) and avoiding surgery (7.2%). A vast majority (93.9%) of the CAM using IBD patients who responded to the query stated that consultation with their gastroenterologist would be beneficial to ascertain possible interference with their ongoing conventional therapy. Conclusion A significant proportion of IBD patients use CAMs to manage the complicated and often systemic symptoms of IBD. The most frequently used CAMs included nature-based therapies such followed by mind-body medicine. Given that CAMs are not officially regulated as medicinal therapies, their impact on conventional therapies is not entirely clear and should be further studied. Multi-center surveys profiling the use of CAMs in IBD patients as well as other chronic disorders are warranted.

Background The incidence of mental health disorders in Canada is increasing with costs of CAD $51 billion (US $40 billion) per year. Depression is the most prevalent cause of disability while cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) is the best validated behavioral depression treatment. CBT, when combined with mindfulness meditation (CBT-M), has strong evidence for increased efficacy. While randomized controlled trials (RCTs) have demonstrated online CBT-M efficacy, comparisons with in-office delivery are lacking. Objective The aim of this research is to assess whether online group CBT-M (with standard psychiatric care) is non-inferior in efficacy and more cost-effective than office-based, on-site group CBT-M at post-intervention and 6-months follow-up in major depressive disorder. The study will also assess whether digitally recorded data (ie, online workbooks completed, Fitbit step count, and online text messages) predict depression symptom reduction in online participants. Methods This single-center, two-arm, noninferiority RCT employs assessor-blinded and self-report outcomes and economic evaluation. The research site is the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (Toronto), a research-based psychiatry institution where participants will be identified from service wait lists and through contacts with other Toronto clinics. Inclusion criteria are as follows: (1) aged 18-60 years, any ethnicity; (2) Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II) of mild severity (score ≥14) with no upper severity limit; (3) Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview-confirmed, psychiatric major depressive disorder diagnosis; (4) fluent in English. All patients are diagnosed by staff psychiatrists. Exclusion criteria are as follows: (1) receipt of weekly structured psychotherapy; (2) observation of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (5th Edition) criteria for severe alcohol or substance use disorder (in past 3 months), borderline personality disorder, schizophrenia (or other primary psychotic disorder), bipolar disorder, or obsessive-compulsive disorder; (3) clinically significant suicidal ideation (imminent intent or attempted suicide in the past 6 months); and (4) treatment-resistant depression. All participants receive standard psychiatric care, experimental participants receive online group CBT-M, and controls receive standard care in-office group CBT-M. The online group program (in collaboration with NexJ Health, Inc) combines smartphone and computer-accessed workbooks with mental health phone counselling (16 hours in 16 weeks) that coordinates software interactions (eg, secure text messaging and Fitbit-tracked walking). The primary outcome is BDI-II, and secondary outcomes are anxiety (Beck Anxiety Inventory), depression (ie, Quick Inventory of Depressive Symptomatology and 17-item Hamilton Depression Rating Scale), mindfulness (Five-Facet Mindfulness Questionnaire), quality of life (European Quality of Life Five Dimension), and pain (Brief Pain Inventory). Results Based on prior studies with the BDI-II and 80% power to reject an inferiority hypothesis with a 1-sided type I error rate of 5%, a sample of 78 per group is adequate to detect small-to-medium–effect sizes. Conclusions This study assesses online CBT-M efficacy and noninferiority in relation to in-person CBT, and the cost-effectiveness of both interventions. Trial Registration ClinicalTrials.gov NCT04825535; https://www.clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT04825535 International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) DERR1-10.2196/29726

Background Growing evidence links psychological well-being and resilience with superior cardiac health, but there remains a critical scientific gap about whether (or how) interventions that aim to cultivate psychological well-being reduce cardiac risk. Hispanic/Latino people in the United States have high cardiovascular disease risk and poorly controlled blood pressure (BP) compared with their peers of European ancestry, and they represent a population in need of new and innovative therapeutic approaches. As such, a focused intervention to boost psychological well-being holds promise as a novel therapeutic target for hypertension in Hispanic/Latino adults; to date, however, no research has explored whether a causal link is evident. Objective The aim of this paper is to detail the protocol for the ¡Alégrate! (Be Happy!) intervention, a Phase II randomized controlled trial testing initial efficacy in improving BP of a web-based positive psychological intervention designed to boost psychological well-being in Spanish-speaking Hispanic/Latino people with hypertension. Methods A total of 70 Hispanic/Latino people aged ≥18 years, fluent in Spanish, and with elevated BP (≥140/90 mm Hg) will be recruited in person from a single Federally Qualified Health Center in Chicago. Enrollees will be randomly assigned to 1 of 2 trial arms: (1) web-based positive psychological intervention or (2) an active control condition (eg, 3 times weekly emotion reporting). Our 5-week Spanish-language ¡Alégrate! intervention is web-based and delivers curricular content via didactic instruction, journaling, and assigned at-home practice—all accessed via our website using investigator-purchased tablet computers, with a unique username and password assigned to each enrollee. Targeted skills include noting daily positive events, positive reappraisal of stressful events, effective expression of gratitude, performing acts of kindness, and regular practice of mindfulness and meditation. The primary outcome is improvement in BP, both sitting values and 24-hour ambulatory readings, as measured at baseline and 5 and 12 weeks from baseline. Secondary outcomes include psychological well-being, engagement in healthy behaviors, and circulating levels of inflammatory markers. The outcomes of interest are collected by trained research staff through in-person interviews using the REDCap software. Results Activities of the ¡Alégrate! intervention were funded in August 2017, and data collection is ongoing. We expect to submit trial results for peer-reviewed publications in 2021, soon after recruitment has been concluded and statistical analyses are finalized. Conclusions Findings will provide evidence on whether interventions to boost psychological well-being and resilience have downstream effects on BP control and cardiovascular health, particularly as they are deployed in the Spanish language with cultural tailoring and via a web-based platform. If effective, we will have an easily disseminatable application that can positively impact well-being profiles and BP control in Hispanic/Latino people, with the possibility of addressing health disparities of this US racial/ethnic minority group. Trial Registration ClinicalTrials.gov NCT03892057; https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT03892057 International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID) PRR1-10.2196/17721

“When Giants Pass” Frederick O. Leh, M.D. When giants pass, they leave giant footprints and giant shoes to fill. Dr. Leh Siu Chuan passed away last August 2013, after suffering multi-organ failure following a stroke secondary to sick sinus syndrome. As in life, he was a fighter, refusing to give up the ghost for 3 years and 3 months, living in an intensive care unit at the hospital he spent his life serving and loving. Siu Chuan Y. Leh was born in Manila August 22, 1935, the third generation of Chinese immigrants from the Fukien Province in China. He was the second child in a brood of twelve, easily the brightest child and the apple of his father’s eye. He completed his medical studies at the Pontifical University of Santo Tomas. During the ignominous Vietnam War of the 60’s, he was able to get a position for a residency position in Otolaryngology at the University of Pennsylvania, and trained under the venerable Dr. Atkins, a protégé of both Dr. Jackson Sr. and Dr. Tucker of endoscopic fame. He had to leave his family behind – his wife Benita Leh, and three children – Shirley, Frederick and Sandra. On his second year of training, he sent for his wife and son, Frederick who would later follow in his footsteps as an otolaryngologist. Life was difficult during that time for a married resident. He received a stipend of only $200 a month, and had to moonlight in emergency rooms on weekends to make ends meet. When he finally completed his residency and passed the American Board of Otolaryngology exams, he gave up a possible lucrative partnership with his mentor to go back to the Philippines to serve his countrymen. Dr. Leh was invited to the Chinese General Hospital and Medical Center, and he served there prominently as its brightest Ear Nose and Throat practitioner. He became well-known in the Chinese community, taking time to hold clinic in the Ong’s Association Building along Benavidez in Chinatown. He later served as Chinese General Hospital’s Executive Assistant Medical Director until his health started to fail. He was also very active in the Philippine Otolaryngology scene, serving continuously as a Board Examiner, much feared by examinees for his strict and no-nonsense grilling of would-be diplomats. Dr. Leh rose rapidly through the ranks to become President of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. Under his watch, the PSOHNS expanded exponentially, gaining many new member hospitals and programs. He organized and professionalized the criteria for the accreditation program, ensuring high quality from all applicant programs. With all the kudos, fame and fortune, Dr. Leh was still not done. He was asked to take over a fledgling Tzu Chi Philippine Chapter, part of a Taiwanese Buddhist Foundation seeking to bring relief to the poor of the world. Dr. Leh organized and founded TIMA (the Tzu Chi International Medical Missions and Assistance), which later became the model for other medical missions in the world. For this Dr. Leh was awarded many times by Tzu Chi Foundation. His dream continues as the TIMA continues to treat thousands of people daily, and will soon open a clinic and perhaps a hospital to serve the less fortunate. Dr. Leh Siu Chuan is survived by his wife of 54 years, Benita Leh, and two doctor sons – Patrick, an orthopaedic surgeon, and Frederick, an otolaryngologist, and two daughters – Shirley, an auditor in New York, and Sandra, district manager for E. Excel Pharmaceuticals of Taiwan. He will live on in the memory of his colleagues and loved ones, and all who had the good fortune of knowing him.

BackgroundMusculoskeletal (MSK) pain affects bones, muscles, ligaments, tendons, fascia and nerves. The pain can occur suddenly (acute) and can become recurrent. The cause is not always clear but triggers can include obesity, trauma and injury, overuse, ageing, inflammation, and mental disorders. Conventional therapies such as rehabilitation, drugs and surgery treat the symptoms of MSK pain but often not the underlying cause. Integrative medicine (IM) is an alternative to conventional therapies as it focuses on the whole person, making use of all therapeutic approaches to promote healing and is being used more world-wide by both patients and healthcare professionals (HCPs). Connected to IM is the concept of self-healing, an intrinsic ability of the whole body that has developed throughout evolution. A recent publication describes the ‘self-healing concept’ as the innate ability of the body and mind to promote body networks to return the body to equilibrium and relieve pain.1 There are five body networks thought to be essential, the nervous system, microcirculation, immune modulation, muscular relaxation/contraction and psychological balance. Integral to the self-healing concept is that the body networks can be boosted and optimised by the use of IM which can act simultaneously through more than one body network (multi-modal). The use of IM is amenable to patients managing their own care (self-management) however, there is a need for both HCPs and patients to be educated on the self-healing concept.ObjectivesA global survey will be conducted to further understand the perception of patient and HCPs about the self-healing concept and its multi-modal IM approaches.MethodsThe multi-modal IM approaches of the self-healing concept are described here as well as the global survey which will inform and request feedback from HCPs and patients on the role of self-healing in supported self-management of MSK pain.ResultsMulti-modal IM approaches that boost and optimise body networks to reduce MSK pain within the self-healing concept include a variety of techniques. The innate ability of both the body and mind are integral to self-healing and psychological techniques such as yoga, mindfulness meditation, cognitive behavioural therapy and hypnosis are therapies that make use the strength of the mind. Regards the body, muscle strengthening through moderate exercise and physiotherapy is linked to an increase in microcirculation associated with muscle contraction/relaxation. Dietary patterns also have an important role in musculoskeletal well-being, as high intakes of protein, fat, and sugar are associated with a lower pain threshold. The use of traditional Chinese medicine has been shown to be effective, along with other natural therapies such as melatonin, menthol and cannabidiol and heat therapy which can be used to relieve pain and muscle cramps, increase blood flow and facilitate tissue healing. An increasing number of devices are being introduced to patients such as transcutaneous electrical nerve stimulation, which provides localised strong yet comfortable muscle contractions to ease musculoskeletal pain, and infra-red technology, which can potentially help enhance blood circulation and metabolism.The self-healing global survey is being developed for release in mid-2022. Around 15–20 simple questions will be asked of patients and HCPs via a digital platform/app. The insights generated will address unmet need, quality of life, importance of new innovative therapies, impact of treatment options and the impact of self-management, self-healing and sustainability on the healthcare system.ConclusionThe use of integrative medicine can boost and optimise the body networks within the self-healing concept and there are many options available for patient self-management of MSK. Results from the survey will identify current treatment gaps and what is needed to improve patient outcomes.This study was funded by Sanofi.References[1]McSwan J, Gudin J, et al. Journal of Pain Research. 2021;14:2943-58.AcknowledgementsThis study was funded by Sanofi. Thank you to the international group of experts for their time and efforts in the development of the self-healing concept: Joyce McSwan (PainWISE, Australia), Jeffrey Gudin (University of Miami, USA), Xue-Jun Song (Southern University of Science and Technology, China) Perola Grinberg Plapler (Hospital das Clínicas, Brazil), Hayet Kechemir (Sanofi CHC, France), Iva Igracki-Turudic (Sanofi CHC, Germany) and Gisele Pickering (Clinical Investigation Center CIC Inserm, France).Disclosure of InterestsNeil Betteridge Consultant of: Amgen, Eli Lilly, EULAR, GAfPA, Grunenthal, Heart Valve Voice and Sanofi

This study aims to examine how Buddhist mindfulness meditation influences the ethical temperament of its practitioner at the workplace. By adopting a constructivist grounded theory approach, we found six elements of Buddhist mindfulness meditation and three mechanisms underlying the ethical temperament of the participants at the workplace. Our findings suggest that Buddhist mindfulness meditation helps practitioners pursue a spiritual purpose guided by moral principles. Moreover, it helps them to overcome temptations and pressures against moral actions and makes them sensitive to the wellbeing of others. This study advances the literature of Buddhist principles and workplace ethics by identifying the mechanism of ethical behavior at the workplace influenced by mindfulness meditation.

The empirical application of Buddhist mindfulness meditation suggests by this notion of impact had stood through considerable development over two thousand and five hundred years ago. In this field, the exploration propounds the outcomes of mindfulness practice along with using survey method as well as the evolution of Buddhist mindfulness practice to around the world as treating psychological development. The target of the survey will suggest to the practitioners who are currently joining at the mindfulness meditation classes in the various meditation center of India and Myanmar. In this field, to collection of the most practical benefits of mindfulness will be examined in detail whatever we have got the result from survey. To deal with above mentioned issue, this field had tried to clarify the results from respondents who are practicing mindfulness in their experience as well as we have been trying to practice with them for some moments. The present paper will emphasize the discussing about Buddhist mindfulness and the impact of practicing mindfulness meditation.

The curtain rose. The howling of desert wind filled the performance hall in the Shanghai Grand Theatre. Into the center stage, where a scenic construction of a mountain cliff and a desert landscape was dimly lit, entered the character of the Daoist priest Wang Yuanlu (1849–1931), performed by Chen Yizong. Dressed in a worn and dusty outfit of dark blue cotton, characteristic of Daoist priests, Wang began to sweep the floor. After a few moments, he discovered a hidden chambre sealed inside one of the rock sanctuaries carved into the cliff.Signaled by the quick, crystalline, stirring wave of sound from the chimes, a melodious Chinese ocarina solo joined in slowly from the background. Astonished by thousands of Buddhist sūtra scrolls, wall paintings, and sculptures he had just accidentally discovered in the caves, Priest Wang set his broom aside and began to examine these treasures. Dawn had not yet arrived, and the desert sky was pitch-black. Priest Wang held his oil lamp high, strode rhythmically in excitement, sat crossed-legged in a meditative pose, and unfolded a scroll. The sound of the ocarina became fuller and richer and the texture of the music more complex, as several other instruments joined in.Below is the opening scene of the award-winning, theatrical dance-drama Dunhuang, My Dreamland, created by China’s state-sponsored Lanzhou Song and Dance Theatre in 2000. Figure 1a: Poster Side A of Dunhuang, My Dreamland Figure 1b: Poster Side B of Dunhuang, My DreamlandThe scene locates the dance-drama in the rock sanctuaries that today are known as the Dunhuang Mogao Caves, housing Buddhist art accumulated over a period of a thousand years, one of the best well-known UNESCO heritages on the Silk Road. Historically a frontier metropolis, Dunhuang was a strategic site along the Silk Road in northwestern China, a crossroads of trade, and a locus for religious, cultural, and intellectual influences since the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.). Travellers, especially Buddhist monks from India and central Asia, passing through Dunhuang on their way to Chang’an (present day Xi’an), China’s ancient capital, would stop to meditate in the Mogao Caves and consult manuscripts in the monastery's library. At the same time, Chinese pilgrims would travel by foot from China through central Asia to Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, playing a key role in the exchanges between ancient China and the outside world. Travellers from China would stop to acquire provisions at Dunhuang before crossing the Gobi Desert to continue on their long journey abroad. Figure 2: Dunhuang Mogao CavesThis article approaches the idea of “abroad” by examining the present-day imagination of journeys along the Silk Road—specifically, staged performances of the various Silk Road journey-themed dance-dramas sponsored by the Chinese state for enhancing its cultural and foreign policies since the 1970s (Kuang).As ethnomusicologists have demonstrated, musicians, choreographers, and playwrights often utilise historical materials in their performances to construct connections between the past and the present (Bohlman; Herzfeld; Lam; Rees; Shelemay; Tuohy; Wade; Yung: Rawski; Watson). The ancient Silk Road, which linked the Mediterranean coast with central China and beyond, via oasis towns such as Samarkand, has long been associated with the concept of “journeying abroad.” Journeys to distant, foreign lands and encounters of unknown, mysterious cultures along the Silk Road have been documented in historical records, such as A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Faxian) and The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Xuanzang), and illustrated in classical literature, such as The Travels of Marco Polo (Polo) and the 16th century Chinese novel Journey to the West (Wu). These journeys—coming and going from multiple directions and to different destinations—have inspired contemporary staged performance for audiences around the globe.Home and Abroad: Dunhuang and the Silk RoadDunhuang, My Dreamland (2000), the contemporary dance-drama, staged the journey of a young pilgrim painter travelling from Chang’an to a land of the unfamiliar and beyond borders, in search for the arts that have inspired him. Figure 3: A scene from Dunhuang, My Dreamland showing the young pilgrim painter in the Gobi Desert on the ancient Silk RoadFar from his home, he ended his journey in Dunhuang, historically considered the northwestern periphery of China, well beyond Yangguan and Yumenguan, the bordering passes that separate China and foreign lands. Later scenes in Dunhuang, My Dreamland, portrayed through multiethnic music and dances, the dynamic interactions among merchants, cultural and religious envoys, warriors, and politicians that were making their own journey from abroad to China. The theatrical dance-drama presents a historically inspired, re-imagined vision of both “home” and “abroad” to its audiences as they watch the young painter travel along the Silk Road, across the Gobi Desert, arriving at his own ideal, artistic “homeland”, the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. Since his journey is ultimately a spiritual one, the conceptualisation of travelling “abroad” could also be perceived as “a journey home.”Staged more than four hundred times since it premiered in Beijing in April 2000, Dunhuang, My Dreamland is one of the top ten titles in China’s National Stage Project and one of the most successful theatrical dance-dramas ever produced in China. With revenue of more than thirty million renminbi (RMB), it ranks as the most profitable theatrical dance-drama ever produced in China, with a preproduction cost of six million RMB. The production team receives financial support from China’s Ministry of Culture for its “distinctive ethnic features,” and its “aim to promote traditional Chinese culture,” according to Xu Rong, an official in the Cultural Industry Department of the Ministry. Labeled an outstanding dance-drama of the Chinese nation, it aims to present domestic and international audiences with a vision of China as a historically multifaceted and cosmopolitan nation that has been in close contact with the outside world through the ancient Silk Road. Its production company has been on tour in selected cities throughout China and in countries abroad, including Austria, Spain, and France, literarily making the young pilgrim painter’s “journey along the Silk Road” a new journey abroad, off stage and in reality.Dunhuang, My Dreamland was not the first, nor is it the last, staged performances that portrays the Chinese re-imagination of “journeying abroad” along the ancient Silk Road. It was created as one of many versions of Dunhuang bihua yuewu, a genre of music, dance, and dramatic performances created in the early twentieth century and based primarily on artifacts excavated from the Mogao Caves (Kuang). “The Mogao Caves are the greatest repository of early Chinese art,” states Mimi Gates, who works to increase public awareness of the UNESCO site and raise funds toward its conservation. “Located on the Chinese end of the Silk Road, it also is the place where many cultures of the world intersected with one another, so you have Greek and Roman, Persian and Middle Eastern, Indian and Chinese cultures, all interacting. Given the nature of our world today, it is all very relevant” (Pollack). As an expressive art form, this genre has been thriving since the late 1970s contributing to the global imagination of China’s “Silk Road journeys abroad” long before Dunhuang, My Dreamland achieved its domestic and international fame. For instance, in 2004, The Thousand-Handed and Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara—one of the most representative (and well-known) Dunhuang bihua yuewu programs—was staged as a part of the cultural program during the Paralympic Games in Athens, Greece. This performance, as well as other Dunhuang bihua yuewu dance programs was the perfect embodiment of a foreign religion that arrived in China from abroad and became Sinicized (Kuang). Figure 4: Mural from Dunhuang Mogao Cave No. 45A Brief History of Staging the Silk Road JourneysThe staging of the Silk Road journeys abroad began in the late 1970s. Historically, the Silk Road signifies a multiethnic, cosmopolitan frontier, which underwent incessant conflicts between Chinese sovereigns and nomadic peoples (as well as between other groups), but was strongly imbued with the customs and institutions of central China (Duan, Mair, Shi, Sima). In the twentieth century, when China was no longer an empire, but had become what the early 20th-century reformer Liang Qichao (1873–1929) called “a nation among nations,” the long history of the Silk Road and the colourful, legendary journeys abroad became instrumental in the formation of a modern Chinese nation of unified diversity rooted in an ancient cosmopolitan past. The staged Silk Road theme dance-dramas thus participate in this formation of the Chinese imagination of “nation” and “abroad,” as they aestheticise Chinese history and geography. History and geography—aspects commonly considered constituents of a nation as well as our conceptualisations of “abroad”—are “invariably aestheticized to a certain degree” (Bakhtin 208). Diverse historical and cultural elements from along the Silk Road come together in this performance genre, which can be considered the most representative of various possible stagings of the history and culture of the Silk Road journeys.In 1979, the Chinese state officials in Gansu Province commissioned the benchmark dance-drama Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, a spectacular theatrical dance-drama praising the pure and noble friendship which existed between the peoples of China and other countries in the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.). While its plot also revolves around the Dunhuang Caves and the life of a painter, staged at one of the most critical turning points in modern Chinese history, the work as a whole aims to present the state’s intention of re-establishing diplomatic ties with the outside world after the Cultural Revolution. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, it presents a nation’s journey abroad and home. To accomplish this goal, Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road introduces the fictional character Yunus, a wealthy Persian merchant who provides the audiences a vision of the historical figure of Peroz III, the last Sassanian prince, who after the Arab conquest of Iran in 651 C.E., found refuge in China. By incorporating scenes of ethnic and folk dances, the drama then stages the journey of painter Zhang’s daughter Yingniang to Persia (present-day Iran) and later, Yunus’s journey abroad to the Tang dynasty imperial court as the Persian Empire’s envoy.Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, since its debut at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on the first of October 1979 and shortly after at the Theatre La Scala in Milan, has been staged in more than twenty countries and districts, including France, Italy, Japan, Thailand, Russia, Latvia, Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and recently, in 2013, at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York.“The Road”: Staging the Journey TodayWithin the contemporary context of global interdependencies, performing arts have been used as strategic devices for social mobilisation and as a means to represent and perform modern national histories and foreign policies (Davis, Rees, Tian, Tuohy, Wong, David Y. H. Wu). The Silk Road has been chosen as the basis for these state-sponsored, extravagantly produced, and internationally staged contemporary dance programs. In 2008, the welcoming ceremony and artistic presentation at the Olympic Games in Beijing featured twenty apsara dancers and a Dunhuang bihua yuewu dancer with long ribbons, whose body was suspended in mid-air on a rectangular LED extension held by hundreds of performers; on the giant LED screen was a depiction of the ancient Silk Road.In March 2013, Chinese president Xi Jinping introduced the initiatives “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his journeys abroad in Kazakhstan and Indonesia. These initiatives are now referred to as “One Belt, One Road.” The State Council lists in details the policies and implementation plans for this initiative on its official web page, www.gov.cn. In April 2013, the China Institute in New York launched a yearlong celebration, starting with "Dunhuang: Buddhist Art and the Gateway of the Silk Road" with a re-creation of one of the caves and a selection of artifacts from the site. In March 2015, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning agency, released a new action plan outlining key details of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Xi Jinping has made the program a centrepiece of both his foreign and domestic economic policies. One of the central economic strategies is to promote cultural industry that could enhance trades along the Silk Road.Encouraged by the “One Belt, One Road” policies, in March 2016, The Silk Princess premiered in Xi’an and was staged at the National Centre for the Performing Arts in Beijing the following July. While Dunhuang, My Dreamland and Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road were inspired by the Buddhist art found in Dunhuang, The Silk Princess, based on a story about a princess bringing silk and silkworm-breeding skills to the western regions of China in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) has a different historical origin. The princess's story was portrayed in a woodblock from the Tang Dynasty discovered by Sir Marc Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist during his expedition to Xinjiang (now Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region) in the early 19th century, and in a temple mural discovered during a 2002 Chinese-Japanese expedition in the Dandanwulike region. Figure 5: Poster of The Silk PrincessIn January 2016, the Shannxi Provincial Song and Dance Troupe staged The Silk Road, a new theatrical dance-drama. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, the newly staged dance-drama “centers around the ‘road’ and the deepening relationship merchants and travellers developed with it as they traveled along its course,” said Director Yang Wei during an interview with the author. According to her, the show uses seven archetypes—a traveler, a guard, a messenger, and so on—to present the stories that took place along this historic route. Unbounded by specific space or time, each of these archetypes embodies the foreign-travel experience of a different group of individuals, in a manner that may well be related to the social actors of globalised culture and of transnationalism today. Figure 6: Poster of The Silk RoadConclusionAs seen in Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road and Dunhuang, My Dreamland, staging the processes of Silk Road journeys has become a way of connecting the Chinese imagination of “home” with the Chinese imagination of “abroad.” Staging a nation’s heritage abroad on contemporary stages invites a new imagination of homeland, borders, and transnationalism. Once aestheticised through staged performances, such as that of the Dunhuang bihua yuewu, the historical and topological landscape of Dunhuang becomes a performed narrative, embodying the national heritage.The staging of Silk Road journeys continues, and is being developed into various forms, from theatrical dance-drama to digital exhibitions such as the Smithsonian’s Pure Land: Inside the Mogao Grottes at Dunhuang (Stromberg) and the Getty’s Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China's Silk Road (Sivak and Hood). They are sociocultural phenomena that emerge through interactions and negotiations among multiple actors and institutions to envision and enact a Chinese imagination of “journeying abroad” from and to the country.ReferencesBakhtin, M.M. The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1982.Bohlman, Philip V. “World Music at the ‘End of History’.” Ethnomusicology 46 (2002): 1–32.Davis, Sara L.M. Song and Silence: Ethnic Revival on China’s Southwest Borders. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005.Duan, Wenjie. “The History of Conservation of Mogao Grottoes.” International Symposium on the Conservation and Restoration of Cultural Property: The Conservation of Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes and the Related Studies. Eds. Kuchitsu and Nobuaki. Tokyo: Tokyo National Research Institute of Cultural Properties, 1997. 1–8.Faxian. A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. Translated by James Legge. New York: Dover Publications, 1991.Herzfeld, Michael. Ours Once More: Folklore, Ideology, and the Making of Modern Greece. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985.Kuang, Lanlan. Dunhuang bi hua yue wu: "Zhongguo jing guan" zai guo ji yu jing zhong de jian gou, chuan bo yu yi yi (Dunhuang Performing Arts: The Construction and Transmission of “China-scape” in the Global Context). Beijing: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2016.Lam, Joseph S.C. State Sacrifice and Music in Ming China: Orthodoxy, Creativity and Expressiveness. New York: State University of New York Press, 1998.Mair, Victor. T’ang Transformation Texts: A Study of the Buddhist Contribution to the Rise of Vernacular Fiction and Drama in China. Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, 1989.Pollack, Barbara. “China’s Desert Treasure.” ARTnews, December 2013. Sep. 2016 <http://www.artnews.com/2013/12/24/chinas-desert-treasure/>.Polo, Marco. The Travels of Marco Polo. Translated by Ronald Latham. Penguin Classics, 1958.Rees, Helen. Echoes of History: Naxi Music in Modern China. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.Shelemay, Kay Kaufman. “‘Historical Ethnomusicology’: Reconstructing Falasha Liturgical History.” Ethnomusicology 24 (1980): 233–258.Shi, Weixiang. Dunhuang lishi yu mogaoku yishu yanjiu (Dunhuang History and Research on Mogao Grotto Art). Lanzhou: Gansu jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002.Sima, Guang 司马光 (1019–1086) et al., comps. Zizhi tongjian 资治通鉴 (Comprehensive Mirror for the Aid of Government). Beijing: Guji chubanshe, 1957.Sima, Qian 司马迁 (145-86? B.C.E.) et al., comps. Shiji: Dayuan liezhuan 史记: 大宛列传 (Record of the Grand Historian: The Collective Biographies of Dayuan). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959.Sivak, Alexandria and Amy Hood. “The Getty to Present: Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China’s Silk Road Organised in Collaboration with the Dunhuang Academy and the Dunhuang Foundation.” Getty Press Release. Sep. 2016 <http://news.getty.edu/press-materials/press-releases/cave-temples-dunhuang-buddhist-art-chinas-silk-road>.Stromberg, Joseph. “Video: Take a Virtual 3D Journey to Visit China's Caves of the Thousand Buddhas.” Smithsonian, December 2012. Sep. 2016 <http://www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution/video-take-a-virtual-3d-journey-to-visit-chinas-caves-of-the-thousand-buddhas-150897910/?no-ist>.Tian, Qing. “Recent Trends in Buddhist Music Research in China.” British Journal of Ethnomusicology 3 (1994): 63–72.Tuohy, Sue M.C. “Imagining the Chinese Tradition: The Case of Hua’er Songs, Festivals, and Scholarship.” Ph.D. Dissertation. Indiana University, Bloomington, 1988.Wade, Bonnie C. Imaging Sound: An Ethnomusicological Study of Music, Art, and Culture in Mughal India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.Wong, Isabel K.F. “From Reaction to Synthesis: Chinese Musicology in the Twentieth Century.” Comparative Musicology and Anthropology of Music: Essays on the History of Ethnomusicology. Eds. Bruno Nettl and Philip V. Bohlman. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. 37–55.Wu, Chengen. Journey to the West. Tranlsated by W.J.F. Jenner. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2003.Wu, David Y.H. “Chinese National Dance and the Discourse of Nationalization in Chinese Anthropology.” The Making of Anthropology in East and Southeast Asia. Eds. Shinji Yamashita, Joseph Bosco, and J.S. Eades. New York: Berghahn, 2004. 198–207.Xuanzang. The Great Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Regions. Hamburg: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation & Research, 1997.Yung, Bell, Evelyn S. Rawski, and Rubie S. Watson, eds. Harmony and Counterpoint: Ritual Music in Chinese Context. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996.

As interpersonal, racial, social, and international conflicts intensify in the world, it is important to safeguard the mental health of individuals affected by them. According to a Buddhist notion “if you want others to be happy, practice compassion; if you want to be happy, practice compassion,” compassion practice is an intervention to cultivate conflict-proof well-being. Here, compassion practice refers to a form of concentrated meditation wherein a practitioner attunes to friend, enemy, and someone in between, thinking, “I’m going to help them (equally).” The compassion meditation is based on Buddhist philosophy that mental suffering is rooted in conceptual thoughts that give rise to generic mental images of self and others and subsequent biases to preserve one’s egoism, blocking the ultimate nature of mind. To contextualize compassion meditation scientifically, we adopted a Bayesian active inference framework to incorporate relevant Buddhist concepts, including mind (buddhi), compassion (karuna), aggregates (skandhas), suffering (duhkha), reification (samaropa), conceptual thoughts (vikalpa), and superimposition (prapañca). In this framework, a person is considered a Bayesian Engine that actively constructs phenomena based on the aggregates of forms, sensations, discriminations, actions, and consciousness. When the person embodies rigid beliefs about self and others’ identities (identity-grasping beliefs) and the resulting ego-preserving bias, the person’s Bayesian Engine malfunctions, failing to use prediction errors to update prior beliefs. To counter this problem, after recognizing the causes of sufferings, a practitioner of the compassion meditation aims to attune to all others equally, friends and enemies alike, suspend identity-based conceptual thoughts, and eventually let go of any identity-grasping belief and ego-preserving bias that obscure reality. We present a brain model for the Bayesian Engine of three components: (a) Relation-Modeling, (b) Reality-Checking, and (c) Conflict-Alarming, which are subserved by (a) the Default-Mode Network (DMN), (b) Frontoparietal Network (FPN) and Ventral Attention Network (VAN), and (c) Salience Network (SN), respectively. Upon perceiving conflicts, the strengthening or weakening of ego-preserving bias will critically depend on whether the SN up-regulates the DMN or FPN/VAN, respectively. We propose that compassion meditation can strengthen brain regions that are conducive for suspending prior beliefs and enhancing the attunements to the counterparts in conflicts.

AbstractThis article analyses the interplay between the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM) standard, Buddhist socio-economic imaginaries, and values within the global production network (GPN) of organic rice. It asks, “How do transnational standardisation and local values interact in the global production network of organic rice?” Little research has been conducted on the imaginaries and values embedded in the GPNs of organic food. This research aims to fill this gap by examining the transition to organic agriculture among two prominent organic rice farming communities in Thailand, namely the Naso Producer Group and the Ban Thap Thai Organic Agricultural Cooperative. The article draws on a combination of desk research; interviews with governmental and non-governmental officials, standard experts/certifiers, and representatives of the IFOAM; focus group discussions and photo-elicitation sessions with organic rice farmers; on-site observations; and participant observations of mindfulness meditation courses and interviews with Buddhist monks. The results show that Buddhist socio-economic imaginaries have informed the way in which Thai organic rice farmers reconnect to their arable land through an organic farming method, enabling them to live meaningfully and mindfully. This implies that the connectivity of the GPNs of organic rice is not created purely by standards and certifications formulated by transnational private actors; rather, it is also shaped to a large extent by community values and shifts in local mindsets. This article contributes to the literature on food philosophy in the developing world and the governance of the GPNs of organic rice.

Recent EEG studies on the early postmortem interval that suggest the persistence of electrophysiological coherence and connectivity in the brain of animals and humans reinforce the need for further investigation of the relationship between the brain’s activity and the dying process. Neuroscience is now in a position to empirically evaluate the extended process of dying and, more specifically, to investigate the possibility of brain activity following the cessation of cardiac and respiratory function. Under the direction of the Center for Healthy Minds at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, research was conducted in India on a postmortem meditative state cultivated by some Tibetan Buddhist practitioners in which decomposition is putatively delayed. For all healthy baseline (HB) and postmortem (PM) subjects presented here, we collected resting state electroencephalographic data, mismatch negativity (MMN), and auditory brainstem response (ABR). In this study, we present HB data to demonstrate the feasibility of a sparse electrode EEG configuration to capture well-defined ERP waveforms from living subjects under very challenging field conditions. While living subjects displayed well-defined MMN and ABR responses, no recognizable EEG waveforms were discernable in any of the tukdam cases.

As most of my human contact became restricted to the Zoom screen in spring 2020, I discovered a serious limit to my capacity for looking. I also began finding it difficult to read. A ten-month headache taught me to stop taking ibuprofen and learn to manage tensions around my eyes and head as well as to shift roughly half of my reading to screenreaders and audio books. The need to restructure my own practices of seeing refocused my interest in theatre's engagement of the senses at the same time as the COVID-19 pandemic destroyed people's ability to smell, prompted them to hoard toilet paper, and created a U.S. boom in bidet purchases. These personal and cultural developments coincided with revived metaphors of blindness on the pandemic stage. This article begins with a brief discussion of The Blind, an “immersive audio/visual meditation journey” that Here Arts Center produced in 2021, and then centers on Blindness, the “socially distanced sound installation” produced by the Donmar Warehouse in 2020 followed by an international tour. I wonder at the reiteration of blindness as a tragic trope, seemingly unaffected by progress in disability rights, equity, and inclusion. I wonder at the appeal of wielding any contagious illness as metaphor during a global pandemic. My analysis turns particularly upon the relation between blindness and excrement in José Saramago's novel Blindness and the effect of cleansing the theatrical installation of any shit as well as the even more surprising choice to eliminate the voices of the blind characters. A detour through medieval French farces that link blindness and excrement reveals submerged tropes at play in these performative responses to fear of diminished capacity and diminished control—everything that individuals and societies cast out in order to maintain what we call health, whether literal or metaphorical.

ObjectiveThe objective was to assess the risk of HIV infection among the seasonal labour migrants of Nepal.IntroductionHIV and AIDS is not a new problem to global community and human civilization. Though much efforts had been taken yet its devastating effects can be seen in many areas like human productivity, public health, human rights etc. Nepal is experiencing a concentrated epidemic of HIV with prevalence at, or over, 5 percent in certain high-risk groups, such as intravenous drug users (IDUs), MSM, FSW, and migrant laborers in India who go to cities such as Mumbai. The possibility of transmission of HIV infection from these high-risk groups to the general population is a serious health concern. Nepal’s vulnerability to HIV has increased because of several factors including poverty coupled with the lack of employment opportunities, large-scale migration and ten years of conflict. [1]IBBS survey conducted in 2008 in mid-Terai regions reported the prevalence of HIV among seasonal migrants who had sexual contact with female sex workers in India was 2.6% [1] which indicates unsafe sex being one of the major factors of HIV transmission among the seasonal migrants. Similar study conducted among seasonal migrants reported that only 62% used condom during sex with sex worker and HIV infection was found only on those who visited Mumbai (6.1%) and had sex with sex workers without using condom [2].Seasonal migration for income generation in Mid-Terai part of Nepal is present since the time immemorial. People migrate to India generally to Bihar, Punjab, Uttaranchal, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi states. [2]Risk of HIV transmission among the seasonal migrants is very high. Separated from their spouses and adrift from social bindings, many to these migrants exercise unsafe sexual practices. Regular monitoring and health assistance to this population is lacking, especially in the case of those who migrate to neighboring countries like India, compared to those who receive authorized permission to work in other countries.MethodsAnalytical cross-sectional study was conducted to assess the risk of HIV among seasonal Labour migrants of three VDCs from three district of mid Terai Region of Nepal which is the transition point for seasonal migrants going to India. The study population was the male migrants of mid-Terai region visiting the study area who give oral consent and show interest to participate. 333 seasonal labor migrants’ men aged between 18 to 47 years who went to India for work for at least three months and have returned home within the last three years was selected purposively.ResultsThe Results found that majority of migrants were 15-25 age group which accounts for the 69.4% of the total participants and most of the respondents were found Disadvantaged dalit caste group which accounts for the 60.96 % of the total participants whereas 3.9% of participants were upper caste as well minority religious group. Majority of the participants were Hindu which accounts 84.7% and other were Muslim, Buddhist and Christian (15.3%). About 42 percent of the participants had their sexual intercourse onset at the age less than 18 years of age. The majority of the Migrants were found to be married, i.e. 86.49 percent. Among those that had sex with women 42.68 percent ever had sex with Female sex Worker (FSW) and rest 57.33 percent had no sex with FSW in abroad It was reported that 61.25 percent ever had sex with FSW in Nepal among them those who had sex with FSW 79.59 percent of the participants used condom during last sexual contact with FSWs in Nepal whereas 20.41 percent of the participants had not used condom. About 27.27 percent of the participants had sexual contact with the male partner whereas 72.73% had reported never had sexual contact with male partners. 53.22 % used condoms when having sexual contact with the male partners and 46.77 did not used condom.Among total respondents, 23.7 percent migrants were at risk of HIV and 76.3 percent migrants did not at risk of HIV. The risk of HIV in age group distribution found that, age group of 26-35 years was found to be 3.40 times higher in risk than 36-45 years. Similarly the risk of HIV was 4.643 times higher among age group 15-25 years as compared to 36-45 years. Among them Disadvantage Dalit caste had more risk than Upper caste. Similarly illiterate had more risk than Literate. In distribution of risk of HIV unmarried had high than ever married.ConclusionsThe Study showed that seasonal migrants of Nepal have increased vulnerability to HIV. The unmarried labor worker and disadvantaged caste group were in the higher risk of facing HIV infection. It is necessary to design better service delivery focusing on these areas and need to explore the real situations of labor migrants.ReferencesIntegrated Biological and Behavioural Surveillance survey (IBBS) among seasonal migrants of western and mid to far western regions, 2008, FHI/New Era.Integrated Biological and Behavioural Surveillance survey 2002, FHI/New Era, IBBS.National Center for AIDS and STD Control 2007 national estimates of HIV.Lowe D, Francis C 2006 protecting people on the move :applying lessons learned in Asia to improve HIV/AIDS interventions for mobile people. FHIPoudel KC, Masamine J, Okumura J, Joshi AB, Wakai S. 2004. Migrants’ risky sexual behaviours in India and at home in far western Nepal. “Tropical Medicine and International Health 9(8):897-903”.Poudel KC, Okumura J, Sherchand JB, Jimba M, Murakami I, Wakai S. 2003. Mumbai disease in far western Nepal: HIV infection and syphilis among male migrant-returnees and non-migrants. “Tropical Medicine and International Health 8(10):933-9”.

Photo by Sébastien Goldberg on Unsplash ABSTRACT Rohingya women face challenges that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they can act autonomously and decide freely among available options. Self-determination theory offers valuable insight into supporting these women within their unique situations. INTRODUCTION In August of 2017, military and paramilitary forces in Myanmar began purging the Rohingya Muslim population from the country, motivated by anti-Muslim prejudice of the Buddhist political and social majority. Mass murder, property destruction, kidnapping, torture, and sexual violence still affect Rohingya communities. As a result, more than a million individuals have fled Myanmar.[1] As of February 2021, approximately 880,000 Rohingya Muslims have taken refuge in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, the site of the largest refugee camps in the world.[2] The public health focus in these camps is on treatment of physical ailments and infectious diseases.[3] While women of reproductive age and adolescent girls experience the highest level of violence among Rohingya communities in both Myanmar and Bangladesh, they have consistently lacked access to sufficient sexual and reproductive care. In 1994, the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children exposed issues surrounding the sexual and reproductive health of displaced populations and propelled the recognition of SRH as a human right.[4] Human rights interventionists and public health officials have made progress in the integration of sexual and reproductive health education, facilities, and resources into refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. This includes the introduction of menstrual cleanliness facilities and educational conversations. However, Rohingya women and male cultural leaders, or gatekeepers, remain reluctant to accept these resources and education.[5] The prevalence of gender-based violence against women and restrictive policies enforced by the Bangladesh government heighten the barriers to the effective introduction of sexual and reproductive health resources and services.[6] A wealth of literature has pushed for the extension of clinical duties of beneficence and non-maleficence in the diagnosis and treatment of refugee and asylum-seeking communities.[7] Additionally, extensive research on Rohingya refugee communities has searched for ways to work around the complex social history and to accommodate power structures by integrating gatekeepers into SRH discussions.[8] However, as interventions have sought to overcome cultural and religious barriers, they have largely overlooked the protection of autonomy of sexual and reproductive health patients in Cox’s Bazar. This paper argues two points. First, attempts at improving outcomes in Cox’s Bazar ought to lead to Rohingya women’s autonomy and self-determination, both in mitigating control of male leaders over sexual and reproductive decisions and in ensuring the understanding and informed consent between patients and providers. Second, policy decisions ought to ensure post-treatment comprehensive care to shield Rohingya women from retribution by male community members. Self-determination theory offers guidance for state leaders and healthcare providers in pursuing these goals. l. Barriers to Sexual and Reproductive Health Services for Rohingya Women As part of its anti-Muslim narrative, the Buddhist majority has painted Rohingya women as hyper-reproductive. False narratives “of a Rohingya plan to spread Islam by driving demographic shifts” and accusations against Rohingya women for having “unusually large families” have motivated violent behavior and discriminatory regulations against Rohingya communities.[9] In reality, demographic data shows that “the Rohingya population has remained stable at 4% since 1980.”[10] In 2013, the government of Myanmar imposed regulations on Rohingya families in the Rakhine state, the region with the highest population of Rohingya Muslims, enforcing a two-child limit and requiring that Rohingya women obtain government authorization to marry and take a pregnancy test before receiving such permission. The majority has also subjected Rohingya females to acts of sexual violence to ostracize them and “dilute” Rohingya identity.[11] As a result, Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar experience unique illnesses and vulnerabilities requiring imminent treatment. Due to national policies in Bangladesh, “Rohingya [women] cannot receive HIV/AIDS testing and treatment in camps; birth control implants delivered by midwives; and comprehensive abortion care.”[12] Additionally, in accordance with patriarchal Rohingya community structure, male gatekeepers hold high authority over sexual and reproductive decisions of women, evidenced by the persistence of gender-based violence within refugee camps and traditional practices such as the marriage of minor girls to older Rohingya men.[13] Surveys of community members reveal that cultural and religious stigma against sexual and reproductive health care exists among these male gatekeepers as well as Rohingya women.[14] Due to their cultural and political position, Rohingya women are subject to unique power relations. This paper analyzes the ethical dilemmas that arise from two of those power relations: Rohingya women’s relationships with male gatekeepers and their relationships with interventionist healthcare providers. ll. Ethics of Including Male Community Members in Decisions Affecting Women’s Healthcare Autonomy A November 2019 survey of Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that had married or given birth within the past two years found that “around one half of the female Rohingya refugees do not use contraceptives, mainly because of their husbands’ disapproval and their religious beliefs.”[15] There are widespread misconceptions such as the belief that Islam does not permit the use of contraceptives.[16] The existence of such misconceptions and the power husbands and male leaders hold over the delivery of treatment creates dilemmas for healthcare practitioners in conforming to ethical principles of care. lll. Beneficence in Providing Care to Refugees While public health scholars and government officials hold divided opinions on the level of treatment required to fulfill refugees’ right to sexual and reproductive health care, most support enough care to ensure physical and psychological well-being.[17] Beneficence requires that healthcare providers and states “protect the rights of others[,] prevent harm from occurring to others[, and] remove conditions that will cause harm to others.”[18] Under the principle of beneficence, there is a duty to provide sexual and reproductive treatment to Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that is comparable to that received by citizens of the host state. In addition, the ethical principle of nonmaleficence may call for the creation of specialized care facilities for refugee communities, because a lack of response to refugees’ vulnerability and psychological trauma has the potential to generate additional harm.[19] In response to gendered power relations among the Rohingya community, husbands and male leaders are included in decisions surrounding maternal health and sexual and reproductive care for women. For example, healthcare professionals “have been found to impose conditions on SRH [sexual reproductive health] care that are not stated in the national… [menstrual regulation] guidelines, such as having a husband’s permission.”[20] The refugee healthcare community could do more to mitigate the potential of retribution taken by male community members against women that accept care by dispelling common misconceptions and precluding male community members from influencing female reproductive choices.[21] However, some current practices allow the infiltration of male community leaders and husbands into the diagnosis, decision-making, and treatment spaces. Deferring decisions to male leaders for the sake of expediency risks conditioning women’s access to care on male buy-in and diminishes Rohingya women’s autonomy over their sexual and reproductive health. lV. Male Influence and Female Autonomy Ensuring patients control their own treatment decisions is an essential component of the ethical obligation of healthcare professionals to respect patients’ autonomy. While patients can exercise their autonomy to accept the direction of the community, their autonomy is undermined when “external sources or internal states… rob [such persons]… of self-directedness.”[22] Sexual and reproductive health research on Rohingya women revealed that the presence of male family members during conversations “made female respondents uncomfortable to speak openly about their SRH [sexual and reproductive health]related experiences.”[23] The same study found that when male family members were absent, Rohingya women were more transparent and willing to discuss such topics.[24] These findings indicate that the mere presence of male family members exerts control over Rohingya women in conversations with practitioners. Male involvement also stalls conversations between providers and Rohingya women which may harm the achievement of understanding and informed consent in diagnosis and treatment spaces.[25] Women do have the option of bringing their male community leaders and family members into sexual health discussions. Yet healthcare providers ought to monitor patients individually and avoid programmatic decision making regarding male involvement in the treatment space. While it is the ethical imperative of health interventionists and the state of Bangladesh to fulfill the duties of care required by the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, the sole prioritization of expanding sexual and reproductive health care in Cox’s Bazar risks ignoring autonomy. V. Ethics of Paternalism in Provide-Patient Relations Rohingya women’s negative beliefs about contraceptives, such as the belief that they cause irreversible sterilization, are the second largest factor inhibiting their use.[26] To an extent, the Rohingya are justified in their skepticism. Prior to the 1990’s, Bangladesh used nonconsensual sterilization as a mechanism of population control to attain access to international aid. Though the international conversation surrounding reproduction shifted its focus towards reproductive rights following the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development, delivery of reproductive care in the global South is frequently characterized by lack of transparency and insufficient patient understanding of the risks and consequences of treatment. Additionally, women’s lack of control impacts follow-up care and long-term contraception. For example, when women seek the removal of implantable contraceptives, healthcare professionals often refuse to perform the requisite operation.[27] Patients must understand the risks of treatment in their own culture and circumstances where societal views, misconceptions, or fears may influence healthcare practices. Healthcare providers need to recognize the coercive potential they hold in their relations with patients and guard against breaches of patient autonomy in the delivery of treatment. In accordance with the principle of beneficence, healthcare providers treating refugees or individuals seeking asylum ought to abide by the same fiduciary responsibilities they hold toward citizens of the host state.[28] When patients show hesitancy or refusal toward treatment, healthcare providers ought to avoid achieving treatment by paternalistic practice such as “deception, lying, manipulation of information, nondisclosure of information, or coercion.”[29] Although well-intentioned, this practice undermines the providers’ obligation to respect patients’ autonomy.[30] The hesitancy of Rohingya women to accept some sexual or reproductive health care does not justify intentional lack of transparency, even when that treatment furthers their best health interests. However, paternalistic actions may be permissible and justified during medical emergencies.[31] Vl. Informed Consent Respecting Rohingya women’s autonomy also places affirmative duties on healthcare providers to satisfy understanding and informed consent. However, language barriers and healthcare providers’ misconceptions about Rohingya religion and culture impede the achievement of these core conditions of autonomy for Rohingya women.[32] In an interview, a paramedic in Cox’s Bazar described the types of conversations healthcare providers have with Rohingya women in convincing them to accept menstrual regulation treatment, a method to ensure that someone is not pregnant after a missed period: “We tell them [menstrual regulation] is not a sin… If you have another baby now, you will get bad impact on your health. You cannot give your children enough care. So, take MR [menstrual regulation] and care for your family.”[33] This message, like others conveyed to Rohingya women in counseling settings, carries unvalidated assumptions regarding the beliefs, needs, and desires of clients without making a proper attempt to confirm the truth of those assumptions. Healthcare providers’ lack of cultural competence and limited understanding of Bangladesh’s national reproductive health policy complicates communication with Rohingya women. Additionally, the use of simple language, though recommended by the WHO’s guideline on Bangladesh’s policy, is inadequate to sufficiently convey the risks and benefits of menstrual regulation and other treatments to Rohingya women.[34] For informed consent to be achieved, “the patient must have the capacity to be able to understand and assess the information given, communicate their choices and understand the consequences of their decision.”[35] Healthcare providers must convey sufficient information regarding the risks, benefits, and alternatives of treatment as well as the risks and benefits of forgoing treatment.[36] Sexual and reproductive health policies and practices must aim to simultaneously mitigate paternalism, promote voluntary and informed choice among Rohingya women, and foster cultural and political competency among healthcare providers. Vll. Self-Determination Theory Self-determination theory is a psychological model that focuses on types of natural motivation and argues for the fulfillment of three conditions shown to enhance self-motivation and well-being: autonomy, competence, and relatedness.[37] According to the theory, autonomy is “the perception of being the origin of one’s own behavior and experiencing volition in action;” competence is “the feeling of being effective in producing desired outcomes and exercising one’s capacities;” and, relatedness is “the feeling of being respected, understood, and cared for by others.”[38] Bioethicists have applied self-determination theory to health care to align the promotion of patient autonomy with traditional goals of enhancing patient well-being. Studies on the satisfaction of these conditions in healthcare contexts indicate that their fulfillment promotes better health outcomes in patients.[39] Like principlism, self-determination theory in Cox’s Bazar could allow for increased autonomy while maximizing the well-being of Rohingya women and behaving with beneficence Fostering self-determination requires that healthcare professionals provide patients with the opportunity and means of voicing their goals and concerns, convey all relevant information regarding treatment, and mitigate external sources of control where possible.[40] In Cox’s Bazar, health care organizations in the region and the international community can act to ensure women seeking health care are respected and able to act independently. A patient-centered care model would provide guidelines for the refugee setting.[41] Providers can maximize autonomy by utilizing language services to give SRH patients the opportunity and means to voice their goals and concerns, disclose sufficient information about risks, benefits, and alternatives to each procedure, and give rationales for each potential decision rather than prescribe a decision. They can promote the feeling of competence among patients by expressly notifying them of the level of reversibility of each treatment, introducing measures for health improvement, and outlining patients’ progress in their SRH health. Finally, they can promote relatedness by providing active listening cues and adopting an empathetic, rather than condescending, stance.[42] Healthcare organizations ought to provide training to promote cultural competency and ensure that practitioners are well-versed on national regulations regarding sexual reproductive health care in Bangladesh to avoid the presumption of patients’ desires and the addition of unnecessary barriers to care. Increased treatment options would make autonomy more valuable as women would have more care choices. Given the historical deference to international organizations like the UN and World Bank, multilateral and organizational intervention would likely bolster the expansion of treatment options. International organizations and donors ought to work with the government of Bangladesh to offer post-treatment comprehensive care and protection of women who choose treatment against the wishes of male community members to avoid continued backlash and foster relatedness.[43] CONCLUSION Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh face unique power relations that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they are able to act autonomously and decide freely among available options. While providers have duties under the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, patient well-being is hindered when these duties are used to trump the obligation to respect patient autonomy. Current approaches to achieving sexual and reproductive health risk the imposition of provider and communal control. Self-determination theory offers avenues for global organizations, Bangladesh, donors, and healthcare providers to protect Rohingya women’s autonomous choices, while maximizing their well-being and minimizing harm. DISCLAIMER: As a male educated and brought up in a Western setting, I acknowledge my limitations in judgement about Rohingya women’s reproductive care. Their vulnerability and health risks can never be completely understood. To some extent, those limitations informed my theoretical approach and evaluation of Rohingya women's SRH care. Self-determination theory places the patients’ experiences and judgement at the center of decision-making. My most important contributions to the academic conversation surrounding Rohingya women are the identification of dilemmas where autonomy is at risk and advocating for self-determination. - [1] Hossain Mahbub, Abida Sultana, and Arindam Das, “Gender-based violence among Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh: a public health challenge,” Indian Journal of Medical Ethics (June 2018):1-2, https://doi.org/10.20529/IJME.2018.045. [2] “UN teams assisting tens of thousands of refugees, after massive fire rips through camp in Bangladesh,” United Nations, last modified March 23, 2021, https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/03/1088012#:~:text=The%20Kutupalong%20camp%20network%2C%20which,(as%20of%20February%202021). [3] Hossain et al., “Gender-based violence,” 1-2. [4] Benjamin O. Black, Paul A, Bouanchaud, Jenine K. Bignall, Emma Simpson, Manish Gupta, “Reproductive health during conflict,” The Obstetrician and Gynecologist 16, no. 3 (July 2014):153-160, https://doi.org/10.1111/tog.12114. [5] Margaret L. Schmitt, Olivia R. Wood, David Clatworthy, Sabina Faiz Rashid, and Marni Sommer, “Innovative strategies for providing menstruation-supportive water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities: learning from refugee camps in Cox's bazar, Bangladesh,” Conflict and Health Journal 15, no. 1 (Feb 2021):10, https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-021-00346-9. [6] S M Hasan ul-Bari, and Tarek Ahmed, “Ensuring sexual and reproductive health and rights of Rohingya women and girls,” The Lancet 392, no. 10163:2439-2440, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(18)32764-8. [7] Janet Cleveland, and Monica Ruiz-Casares, “Clinical assessment of asylum seekers: balancing human rights protection, patient well-being, and professional integrity,” American Journal of Bioethics 13, no. 7 (July 2013):13-5, https://doi.org/10.1080/15265161.2013.794885.; Christine Straehle, “Asylum, Refuge, and Justice in Health,” Hastings Center Report 49, no. 3 (May/June 2019):13-17, https://doi.org/10.1002/hast.1002. [8] Hossain et al., “Gender-based violence,” 1-2.; Schmitt et al., “Innovative strategies,” 10. [9] Audrey Schmelzer, Tom Oswald, Mike Vandergriff, and Kate Cheatham, “Violence Against the Rohingya a Gendered Perspective,” Praxis: The Fletcher Journal of Human Security, last modified February 11, 2021, https://sites.tufts.edu/praxis/2021/02/11/violence-against-the-rohingya-a-gendered-perspective/. [10] Schmelzer et al., “Violence Against.” [11] Schmelzer et al., “Violence Against.” [12] Liesl Schnabel, and Cindy Huang, “Removing Barriers and Closing Gaps: Improving Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights for Rohingya Refugees and Host Communities,” Center for Global Development: CGD Notes (June 2019):6, https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/removing-barriers-and-closing-gaps-improving-sexual-and-reproductive-health-and-rights.pdf. [13] Schnabel and Huang, “Removing Barriers,” 4-9.; Andrea J. Melnikas, Sigma Ainul, Iqbal Ehsan, Eashita Haque, and Sajeda Amin, “Child marriage practices among the Rohingya in Bangladesh,” Conflict and Health Journal 14, no. 28 (May 2020), https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-020-00274-0. [14] Nuruzzaman Khan, Mofizul Islam, Mashiur Rahman, and Mostafizur Rahman, “Access to female contraceptives by Rohingya refugees, Bangladesh,” Bull World Health Organ, 99, no.3 (March 2021):201-208, https://doi.org/10.2471/BLT.20.269779. [15] Khan et al., “Access to,” 201-208. [16] Khan et al., “Access to,” 201-208. [17] Ramin Asgary, and Clyde L. Smith, “Ethical and professional considerations providing medical evaluation and care to refugee asylum seekers,” American Journal of Bioethics 13, no. 7 (July 2013):3-12, https://doi.org/10.1080/15265161.2013.794876.; Cleveland and Ruiz-Casares, “Clinical assessment,” 13-5.; Straehle, “Asylum,” 13-17. [18] Tom L. Beauchamp, and James Childress, Principles of Biomedical Ethics. Eighth Edition, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, [1979] 2019), 219. [19] Beauchamp and Childress, “Principles,” 155.; Straehle, “Asylum,” 15. [20] Maria Persson, Elin C. Larsson, Noor Pappu Islam, Kristina Gemzell-Danielsson, and Marie Klingberg-Allvin, “A qualitative study on health care providers' experiences of providing comprehensive abortion care in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh,” Conflict and Health Journal 15, no. 1 (Jan 2021):3, https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-021-00338-9. [21] Rushdia Ahmed, Bachera Aktar, Nadia Farnaz, Pushpita Ray, Adbul Awal, Raafat Hassan, Sharid Bin Shafique, Md Tanvir Hasan, Zahidul Quayyum, Mohira Babaeva Jafarovna, Loulou Hassan Kobeissi, Khalid El Tahir, Balwinder Singh Chawla, and Sabina Faiz Rashid, “Challenges and strategies in conducting sexual and reproductive health research among Rohingya refugees in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh,” Conflict and Health Journal 14, no. 1 (Dec 2020):83, https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-020-00329-2.; Khan et al., “Access to,” 201-208. [22] Beauchamp and Childress, Principles, 102. [23] Ahmed et al., “Challenges and strategies," 6. [24] Ahmed et al., “Challenges and strategies," 7. [25] Beauchamp and Childress, Principles. [26] Khan et al., “Access to,” 201-208. [27] Kalpana Wilson, “Towards a Radical Re-appropriation: Gender, Development and Neoliberal Feminism,” Development and Change 46, no. 4 (July 2015):814–815, https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12176. [28] Asgary and Smith, “Ethical and professional,” 3-12. [29] Beauchamp and Childress, “Principles,” 231. [30] Beauchamp and Childress, “Principles,” 231. [31] Beauchamp and Childress, “Principles.” [32] Beauchamp and Childress, “Principles.” [33] Persson et al. “A qualitative study,” 8. [34] Persson et al. “A qualitative study.” [35] Christine S. Cocanour, “Informed consent-It's more than a signature on a piece of paper,” American Journal of Surgery 214, no. 6 (Dec 2017):993, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amjsurg.2017.09.015. [36] Cocanour, “Informed consent,” 993. [37] Richard M. Ryan, and Edward L. Deci, “Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being,” American Psychologist 55, no. 1 (Jan 2000):68-78. [38] Johan Y.Y. Ng, Nikos Ntoumanis, Cecilie Thøgersen-Ntoumani, Edward L. Deci, Richard M. Ryan, Joan L. Duda, Geoffrey C. Williams, “Self-Determination Theory Applied to Health Contexts: A Meta-Analysis,” Perspectives on Psychological Science 7, no. 4 (July 2021):325-340, https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612447309. [39] Ng et al., “Self-Determination Theory.”; Nikos Ntoumanis, Johan Y.Y. Ng, Andrew Prestwich, Eleanor Quested, Jennie E. Hancox, Cecilie Thøgersen-Ntoumani, Edward L. Deci, Richard M. Ryan, Chris Lonsdale & Geoffrey C. Williams, “A meta-analysis of self-determination theory-informed intervention studies in the health domain: effects on motivation, health behavior, physical, and psychological health,” Health Psychology Review 15, no. 2 (Feb 2020), https://doi.org/10.1080/17437199.2020.1718529. [40] Leslie William Podlog, and William J. Brown, “Self-determination Theory: A Framework for Enhancing Patient-centered Care,” The Journal for Nurse Practitioners 12, no. 8 (Sep 2016):e359-e362, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nurpra.2016.04.022. [41] Podlog and Brown, “Self-determination Theory.” [42] Podlog and Brown, “Self-determination Theory.” [43] Podlog and Brown, “Self-determination Theory.”

Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)“I must plunge again and again in the water of doubt” (Wittgenstein 1e). The Holy Grail in the phenomenology of religion (and, to a lesser extent, the sociology of religion) is a definition of religion that actually works, but, so far, this seems to have been elusive. Classical definitions of religion—substantive (e.g. Tylor) and functionalist (e.g. Durkheim)—fail, in part because they attempt to be in three places at once, as it were: they attempt to distinguish religion from non-religion; they attempt to capture what religions have in common; and they attempt to grasp the “heart”, or “core”, of religion. Consequently, family resemblance definitions of religion replace certainty and precision for its own sake with a more pragmatic and heuristic approach, embracing doubt and putting forward definitions that give us a better understanding (Verstehen) of religion. In this paper, I summarise some “new” definitions of religion that take this approach, before proposing and defending another one, defining religion as non-propositional and “apophatic”, thus accepting that doubt is central to religion itself, as well as to the analysis of religion.The question of how to define religion has had real significance in a number of court cases round the world, and therefore it does have an impact on people’s lives. In Germany, for example, the courts ruled that Scientology was not a religion, but a business, much to the displeasure of the Church of Scientology (Aldridge 15). In the United States, some advocates of Transcendental Meditation (TM) argued that TM was not a religion and could therefore be taught in public schools without violating the establishment clause in the constitution—the separation of church and state. The courts in New Jersey, and federal courts, ruled against them. They ruled that TM was a religion (Barker 146). There are other cases that I could cite, but the point of this is simply to establish that the question has a practical importance, so we should move on.In the classical sociology of religion, there are a number of definitions of religion that are quite well known. Edward Tylor (424) defined religion as a belief in spiritual beings. This definition does not meet with widespread acceptance, the notable exception being Melford Spiro, who proposed in 1966 that religion was “an institution consisting of culturally patterned interaction with culturally postulated super-human beings” (Spiro 96, see also 91ff), and who has bravely stuck to that definition ever since. The major problem is that this definition excludes Buddhism, which most people do regard as a religion, although some people try to get round the problem by claiming that Buddhism is not really a religion, but more of a philosophy. But this is cheating, really, because a definition of religion must be descriptive as well as prescriptive; that is, it must apply to entities that are commonly recognised as religions. Durkheim, in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, proposed that religion had two key characteristics, a separation of the sacred from the profane, and a gathering together of people in some sort of institution or community, such as a church (Durkheim 38, 44). However, religions often reject a separation of the sacred from the profane. Most Muslims and many Calvinist Christians, for example, would insist strongly that everything—including the ostensibly profane—is equally subject to the sovereignty of God. Also, some religions are more oriented to a guru-pupil kind of relationship, rather than a church community.Weber tried to argue that religion should only be defined at the end of a long process of historical and empirical study. He is often criticised for this, although there probably is some wisdom in his argument. However, there seems to be an implicit definition of religion as theodicy, accounting for the existence of evil and the existence of suffering. But is this really the central concern of all religions?Clarke and Byrne, in their book Religion Defined and Explained, construct a typology of definitions, which I think is quite helpful. Broadly speaking, there are two types of classical definition. Firstly, there are substantive definitions (6), such as Tylor’s and Spiro’s, which posit some sort of common “property” that religions “have”—“inside” them, as it were. Secondly, functionalist definitions (Clarke and Byrne 7), such as Durkheim’s, define religion primarily in terms of its social function. What matters, as far as a definition of religion is concerned, is not what you believe, but why you believe it.However, these classical definitions do not really work. I think this is because they try to do too many things. For a strict definition of religion to work, it needs to tell us (i) what religions have in common, (ii) what distinguishes religion on the one hand from non-religion, or everything that is not religion, on the other, and (iii) it needs to tell us something important about religion, what is at the core of religion. This means that a definition of religion has to be in three places at once, so to speak. Furthermore, a definition of religion has to be based on extant religions, but it also needs to have some sort of quasi-predictive capacity, the sort of thing that can be used in a court case regarding, for example, Scientology or Transcendental Meditation.It may be possible to resolve the latter problem by a gradual process of adjustment, a sort of hermeneutic circle of basing a definition on extant religions and applying it to new ones. But what about the other problem, the one of being in three places at once?Another type identified by Clarke and Byrne, in their typology of definitions, is the “family resemblance” definition (11-16). This derives from the later Wittgenstein. The “family resemblance” definition of religion is based on the idea that religions commonly share a number of features, but that no one religion has all of them. For example, there are religious beliefs, doctrines and mythos—or stories and parables. There are rituals and moral codes, institutions and clergy, prayers, spiritual emotions and experiences, etc. This approach is of course less precise than older substantive and functional definitions, but it also avoids some of the problems associated with them.It does so by rethinking the point of defining religion. Instead of being precise and rigorous for the sake of it, it tries to tell us something, to be “productive”, to help us understand religion better. It eschews certainty and embraces doubt. Its insights could be applied to some schools of philosophy (e.g. Heideggerian) and practical spirituality, because it does not focus on what is distinctive about religion. Rather, it focuses on the core of religion, and, secondarily, on what religions have in common. The family resemblance approach has led to a number of “new” definitions (post-Durkheim definitions) being proposed, all of which define religion in a less rigorous, but, I hope, more imaginative and heuristic way.Let me provide a few examples, starting with two contrasting ones. Peter Berger in the late 1960s defined religion as “the audacious attempt to conceive of the entire universe as humanly significant”(37), which implies a consciousness of an anthropocentric sacred cosmos. Later, Alain Touraine said that religion is “the apprehension of human destiny, existence, and death”(213–4), that is, an awareness of human limitations, including doubt. Berger emphasises the high place for human beings in religion, and even a sort of affected certainty, while Touraine emphasises our place as doubters on the periphery, but it seems that religion exists within a tension between these two opposites, and, in a sense, encompasses them both.Richard Holloway, former Bishop of Edinburgh in the Scottish Episcopal Church and arch-nemesis of the conservative Anglicans, such as those from Sydney, defines religion as like good poetry, not bad science. It is easy to understand that he is criticising those who see religion, particularly Christianity, as centrally opposed to Darwin and evolution. Holloway is clearly saying that those people have missed the point of their own faith. By “good poetry”, he is pointing to the significance of storytelling rather than dogma, and an open-ended discussion of ultimate questions that resists the temptation to end with “the moral of the story”. In science (at least before quantum physics), there is no room for doubt, but that is not the case with poetry.John Caputo, in a very energetic book called On Religion, proposes what is probably the boldest of the “new” definitions. He defines religion as “the love of God” (1). Note the contrast with Tylor and Spiro. Caputo does not say “belief in God”; he says “the love of God”. You might ask how you can love someone you don’t believe in, but, in a sense, this paradox is the whole point. When Caputo says “God”, he is not necessarily talking in the usual theistic or even theological terms. By “God”, he means the impossible made possible (10). So a religious person, for Caputo, is an “unhinged lover” (13) who loves the impossible made possible, and the opposite is a “loveless lout” who is only concerned with the latest stock market figures (2–3). In this sense of religious, a committed atheist can be religious and a devout Catholic or Muslim or Hindu can be utterly irreligious (2–3). Doubt can encompass faith and faith can encompass doubt. This is the impossible made possible. Caputo’s approach here has something in common with Nietzsche and especially Kierkegaard, to whom I shall return later.I would like to propose another definition of religion, within the spirit of these “new” definitions of religion that I have been discussing. Religion, at its core, I suggest, is non-propositional and apophatic. When I say that religion is non-propositional, I mean that religion will often enact certain rituals, or tell certain stories, or posit faith in someone, and that propositional statements of doctrine are merely reflections or approximations of this non-propositional core. Faith in God is not a proposition. The Eucharist is not a proposition. Prayer is not, at its core, a proposition. Pilgrimage is not a proposition. And it is these sorts of things that, I suggest, form the core of religion. Propositions are what happen when theologians and academics get their hands on religion, they try to intellectualise it so that it can be made to fit within their area of expertise—our area of expertise. But, that is not where it belongs. Propositions about rituals impose a certainty on them, whereas the ritual itself allows for courage in the face of doubt. The Maundy Thursday service in Western Christianity includes the stripping of the altar to the accompaniment of Psalm 22 (“My God, my God, why hast Thou forsaken me”), ending the service without a dismissal (Latin missa, the origin of the English “mass”) and with the church in darkness. Doubt, confusion, and bewilderment are the heart and soul of this ritual, not orthodox faith as defined propositionally.That said, religion does often involve believing, of some kind (though it is not usually as central as in Christianity). So I say that religion is non-propositional and apophatic. The word “apophatic”, though not the concept, has its roots in Greek Orthodox theology, where St Gregory Palamas argues that any statement about God—and particularly about God’s essence as opposed to God’s energies—must be paradoxical, emphasising God’s otherness, and apophatic, emphasising God’s essential incomprehensibility (Armstrong 393). To make an apophatic statement is to make a negative statement—instead of saying God is king, lord, father, or whatever, we say God is not. Even the most devout believer will recognise a sense in which God is not a king, or a lord, or a father. They will say that God is much greater than any of these things. The Muslim will say “Allahu Akhbar”, which means God is greater, greater than any human description. Even the statement “God exists” is seen to be well short of the mark. Even that is human language, which is why the Cappadocian fathers (Saints Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory Naziansus) said that they believed in God, while refusing to say that God exists.So to say that religion is at its core non-propositional is to say that religious beliefs are at their core apophatic. The idea of apophasis is that by a process of constant negation you are led into silence, into a recognition that there is nothing more that can be said. St Thomas Aquinas says that the more things we negate about God, the more we say “God is not…”, the closer we get to what God is (139). Doubt therefore brings us closer to the object of religion than any putative certainties.Apophasis does not only apply to Christianity. I have already indicated that it applies also to Islam, and the statement that God is greater. In Islam, God is said to have 99 names—or at least 99 that have been revealed to human beings. Many of these names are apophatic. Names like The Hidden carry an obviously negative meaning in English, while, etymologically, “the Holy” (al-quddu-s) means “beyond imperfection”, which is a negation of a negation. As-salaam, the All-Peaceful, means beyond disharmony, or disequilibrium, or strife, and, according to Murata and Chittick (65–6), “The Glorified” (as-subbuh) means beyond understanding.In non-theistic religions too, an apophatic way of believing can be found. Key Buddhist concepts include sunyata, emptiness, or the Void, and anatta, meaning no self, the belief or realisation that the Self is illusory. Ask what they believe in instead of the Self and you are likely to be told that you are missing the point, like the Zen pupil who confused the pointing finger with the moon. In the Zen koans, apophasis plays a major part. One well-known koan is “What is the sound of one hand clapping?” Any logical answers will be dismissed, like Thomas Aquinas’s statements about God, until the pupil gets beyond logic and achieves satori, or enlightenment. Probably the most used koan is Mu—Master Joshu is asked if a dog has Buddha-nature and replies Mu, meaning “no” or “nothing”. This is within the context of the principle that everything has Buddha-nature, so it is not logical. But this apophatic process can lead to enlightenment, something better than logic. By plunging again and again in the water of doubt, to use Wittgenstein’s words, we gain something better than certainty.So not only is apophasis present in a range of different religions—and I have given just a few examples—but it is also central to the development of religion in the Axial Age, Karl Jaspers’s term for the period from about 800-200 BCE when the main religious traditions of the world began—monotheism in Israel (which also developed into Christianity and Islam), Hinduism and Buddhism in India, Confucianism and Taoism in China, and philosophical rationalism in Greece. In the early Hindu traditions, there seems to have been a sort of ritualised debate called the Brahmodya, which would proceed through negation and end in silence. Not the silence of someone admitting defeat at the hands of the other, but the silence of recognising that the truth lay beyond them (Armstrong 24).In later Hinduism, apophatic thought is developed quite extensively. This culminates in the idea of Brahman, the One God who is Formless, beyond all form and all description. As such, all representations of Brahman are equally false and therefore all representations are equally true—hence the preponderance of gods and idols on the surface of Hinduism. There is also the development of the idea of Atman, the universal Self, and the Buddhist concept anatta, which I mentioned, is rendered anatman in Sanskrit, literally no Atman, no Self. But in advaita Hinduism there is the idea that Brahman and Atman are the same, or, more accurately, they are not two—hence advaita, meaning “not two”. This is negation, or apophasis. In some forms of present-day Hinduism, such as the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (commonly known as the Hare Krishnas), advaita is rejected. Sometimes this is characterised as dualism with respect to Brahman and Atman, but it is really the negation of non-dualism, or an apophatic negation of the negation.Even in early Hinduism, there is a sort of Brahmodya recounted in the Rig Veda (Armstrong 24–5), the oldest extant religious scripture in the world that is still in use as a religious scripture. So here we are at the beginning of Axial Age religion, and we read this account of creation:Then was not non-existent nor existent: there was no realm of air, no sky beyond it.Death was not then, nor was there aught immortal.Darkness there was: at first concealed in darkness this All was indiscriminated chaos.All that existed then was void and form less.Sages who searched with their heart's thought discovered the existent's kinship in the non-existent.Who verily knows and who can here declare it, whence it was born and whence comes this creation?The Gods are later than this world's production. Who knows then whence it first came into being?He, the first origin of this creation, whether he formed it all or did not form it,Whose eye controls this world in highest heaven, he verily knows it, or perhaps he knows not.(Rig Veda Book 10, Hymn 129, abridged)And it would seem that this is the sort of thought that spread throughout the world as a result of the Axial Age and the later spread of Axial and post-Axial religions.I could provide examples from other religious traditions. Taoism probably has the best examples, though they are harder to relate to the traditions that are more familiar in the West. “The way that is spoken is not the Way” is the most anglicised translation of the opening of the Tao Te Ching. In Sikhism, God’s formlessness and essential unknowability mean that God can only be known “by the Guru’s grace”, to quote the opening hymn of the Guru Granth Sahib.Before I conclude, however, I would like to anticipate two criticisms. First, this may only be applicable to the religions of the Axial Age and their successors, beginning with Hinduism and Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism, and early Jewish monotheism, followed by Jainism, Christianity, Islam and so on. I would like to find examples of apophasis at the core of other traditions, including Indigenous Australian and Native American ones, for example, but that is work still to be done. Focusing on the Axial Age does historicise the argument, however, at least in contrast with a more universal concept of religion that runs the risk of falling into the ahistorical homo religiosus idea that humans are universally and even naturally religious. Second, this apophatic definition looks a bit elitist, defining religion in terms that are relevant to theologians and “religious virtuosi” (to use Weber’s term), but what about the ordinary believers, pew-fillers, temple-goers? In response to such criticism, one may reply that there is an apophatic strand in what Niebuhr called the religions of the disinherited. In Asia, devotion to the Buddha Amida is particularly popular among the poor, and this involves a transformation of the idea of anatta—no Self—into an external agency, a Buddha who is “without measure”, in terms of in-finite light and in-finite life. These are apophatic concepts. In the Christian New Testament, we are told that God “has chosen the foolish things of this world to shame the wise, the weak to shame the strong…, the things that are not to shame the things that are” (1 Corinthians 1:27). The things that are not are the apophatic, and these are allied with the foolish and the weak, not the educated and the powerful.One major reason for emphasising the role of apophasis in religious thought is to break away from the idea that the core of religion is an ethical one. This is argued by a number of “liberal religious” thinkers in different religious traditions. I appreciate their reasons, and I am reluctant to ally myself with their opponents, who include the more fundamentalist types as well as some vocal critics of religion like Dawkins and Hitchens. However, I said that I would return to Kierkegaard, and the reason is this. Kierkegaard distinguishes between the aesthetic, the ethical and the religious. Of course, religion has an aesthetic and an ethical dimension, and in some religions these dimensions are particularly important, but that does not make them central to religion as such. Kierkegaard regarded the religious sphere as radically different from the aesthetic or even the ethical, hence his treatment of the story of Abraham going to Mount Moriah to sacrifice his son, in obedience to God’s command. His son was not killed in the end, but Abraham was ready to do the deed. This is not ethical. This is fundamentally and scandalously unethical. Yet it is religious, not because it is unethical and scandalous, but because it pushes us to the limits of our understanding, through the waters of doubt, and then beyond.Were I attempting to criticise religion, I would say it should not go there, that, to misquote Wittgenstein, the limits of my understanding are the limits of my world, whereof we cannot understand thereof we must remain silent. Were I attempting to defend religion, I would say that this is its genius, that it can push back the limits of understanding. I do not believe in value-neutral sociology, but, in this case, I am attempting neither. ReferencesAldridge, Alan. Religion in the Contemporary World. Cambridge: Polity, 2000.Aquinas, Thomas. “Summa of Christian Teaching”. An Aquinas Reader. ed. Mary Clarke. New York: Doubleday, 1972.Armstrong, Karen. The Great Transformation. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006.Barker, Eileen. New Religious Movements: a Practical Introduction. London: HMSO, 1989.Berger, Peter. The Social Reality of Religion. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.Caputo, John. On Religion. London: Routledge, 2001.Clarke, Peter, and Peter Byrne, eds. Religion Defined and Explained. New York: St Martin’s Press. 1993.Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York: Free Press, 1995.Holloway, Richard. Doubts and Loves. Edinburgh: Caqnongate, 2002.Jaspers, Karl. The Origin and Goal of History. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1977.Kierkegaard, Søren. Either/Or. London: Penguin, 1992.———. Fear and Trembling. London: Penguin, 1986.Murata, Sachiko, and William Chittick. The Vision of Islam. St Paul, Minnesota: Paragon House, 1994.Niebuhr, H. Richard. The Social Sources of Denominationalism. New York: Holt, 1929.Spiro, Melford. “Religion: Problems of Definition and Explanation.” Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion. Ed. Michael Banton. London: Tavistock, 1966. 85–126.Touraine, Alain. The Post-Industrial Society. London: Wilwood House, 1974.Tylor, Edward. Primitive Culture. London: Murray, 1903.Weber, Max. The Sociology of Religion. Boston: Beacon Press, 1991.Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Remarks on Frazer’s Golden Bough. Nottingham: Brynmill Press, 1979.

Introduction The first “Aquarius Festival” came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971 and was reprised in 1973 in the small rural town of Nimbin, in northern New South Wales. Both events reflected the Zeitgeist in what was, in some ways, an inchoate expression of the so-called “counterculture” (Roszak). Rather than attempting to analyse the counterculture as a discrete movement with a definable history, I enlist the theory of cultural memes to read the counter culture as a Dawkinsian cluster meme, with this paper offered as “testimonio”, a form of quasi-political memoir that views shifts in the culture through the lens of personal experience (Zimmerman, Yúdice). I track an evolving personal, “internal” topography and map its points of intersection with the radical social, political and cultural changes spawned by the “consciousness revolution” that was an integral part of the counterculture emerging in the 1970s. I focus particularly on the notion of “consciousness raising”, as a Dawkinsian memetic replicator, in the context of the idealistic notions of the much-heralded “New Age” of Aquarius, and propose that this meme has been a persistent feature of the evolution of the “meme cluster” known as the counterculture. Mimesis and the Counterculture Since evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins floated the notion of cultural memes as a template to account for the evolution of ideas within political cultures, a literature of commentary and criticism has emerged that debates the strengths and weaknesses of his proposed model and its application across a number of fields. I borrow the notion to trace the influence of a set of memes that clustered around the emergence of what writer Marilyn Ferguson called The Aquarian Conspiracy, in her 1980 book of that name. Ferguson’s text, subtitled Personal and Social Transformation in Our Time, was a controversial attempt to account for what was known as the “New Age” movement, with its late millennial focus on social and personal transformation. That focus leads me to approach the counterculture (a term first floated by Theodore Roszak) less as a definable historical movement and more as a cluster of aspirational tropes expressing a range of aspects or concerns, from the overt political activism through to experimental technologies for the transformation of consciousness, and all characterised by a critical interrogation of, and resistance to, conventional social norms (Ferguson’s “personal and social transformation”). With its more overtly “spiritual” focus, I read the “New Age” meme, then, as a sub-set of this “cluster meme”, the counterculture. In my reading, “New Age” and “counterculture” overlap, sharing persistent concerns and a broad enough tent to accommodate the serious—the combative political action of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), say, (see Elbaum)—to the light-hearted—the sport of frisbee for example (Stancil). The interrogation of conventional social and political norms inherited from previous generations was a prominent strategy across both movements. Rather than offering a sociological analysis or history of the ragbag counterculture, per se, my discussion here focuses in on the particular meme of “consciousness raising” within that broader set of cultural shifts, some of which were sustained in their own right, some dropping away, and many absorbed into the dominant mainstream culture. Dawkins use of the term “meme” was rooted in the Greek mimesis, to emphasise the replication of an idea by imitation, or copying. He likened the way ideas survive and change in human culture to the natural selection of genes in biological evolution. While the transmission of memes does not depend on a physical medium, such as the DNA of biology, they replicate with a greater or lesser degree of success by harnessing human social media in a kind of “infectivity”, it is argued, through “contagious” repetition among human populations. Dawkins proposed that just as biological organisms could be said to act as “hosts” for replicating genes, in the same way people and groups of people act as hosts for replicating memes. Even before Dawkins floated his term, French biologist Jacques Monod wrote that ideas have retained some of the properties of organisms. Like them, they tend to perpetuate their structure and to breed; they too can fuse, recombine, segregate their content; indeed they too can evolve, and in this evolution selection must surely play an important role. (165, emphasis mine) Ideas have power, in Monod’s analysis: “They interact with each other and with other mental forces in the same brain, in neighbouring brains, and thanks to global communication, in far distant, foreign brains” (Monod, cited in Gleick). Emblematic of the counterculture were various “New Age” phenomena such as psychedelic drugs, art and music, with the latter contributing the “Aquarius” meme, whose theme song came from the stage musical (and later, film) Hair, and particularly the lyric that runs: “This is the dawning of the Age of Aquarius”. The Australian Aquarius Festivals of 1971 and 1973 explicitly invoked this meme in the way identified by Monod and the “Aquarius” meme resonated even in Australia. Problematising “Aquarius” As for the astrological accuracy of the “Age of Aquarius meme”, professional astrologers argue about its dating, and the qualities that supposedly characterise it. When I consulted with two prominent workers in this field for the preparation of this article, I was astonished to find their respective dating of the putative Age of Aquarius were centuries apart! What memes were being “hosted” here? According to the lyrics: When the moon is in the seventh house And Jupiter aligns with Mars Then peace will guide the planets And love will steer the stars. (Hair) My astrologer informants assert that the moon is actually in the seventh house twice every year, and that Jupiter aligns with Mars every two years. Yet we are still waiting for the outbreak of peace promised according to these astrological conditions. I am also informed that there’s no “real” astrological underpinning for the aspirations of the song’s lyrics, for an astrological “Age” is not determined by any planet but by constellations rising, they tell me. Most important, contrary to the aspirations embodied in the lyrics, peace was not guiding the planets and love was not about to “steer the stars”. For Mars is not the planet of love, apparently, but of war and conflict and, empowered with the expansiveness of Jupiter, it was the forceful aggression of a militaristic mind-set that actually prevailed as the “New Age” supposedly dawned. For the hippified summer of love had taken a nosedive with the tragic events at the Altamont speedway, near San Francisco in 1969, when biker gangs, enlisted to provide security for a concert performance by The Rolling Stones allegedly provoked violence, marring the event and contributing to a dawning disillusionment (for a useful coverage of the event and its historical context see Dalton). There was a lot of far-fetched poetic licence involved in this dreaming, then, but memes, according to Nikos Salingaros, are “greatly simplified versions of patterns”. “The simpler they are, the faster they can proliferate”, he writes, and the most successful memes “come with a great psychological appeal” (243, 260; emphasis mine). What could be retrieved from this inchoate idealism? Harmony and understanding Sympathy and trust abounding No more falsehoods or derisions Golden living dreams of visions Mystic crystal revelation And the mind’s true liberation Aquarius, Aquarius. (Hair) In what follows I want to focus on this notion: “mind’s true liberation” by tracing the evolution of this project of “liberating” the mind, reflected in my personal journey. Nimbin and Aquarius I had attended the first Aquarius Festival, which came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971. I travelled there from Perth, overland, in a Ford Transit van, among a raggedy band of tie-dyed hippie actors, styled as The Campus Guerilla Theatre Troupe, re-joining our long-lost sisters and brothers as visionary pioneers of the New Age of Aquarius. Our visions were fueled with a suitcase full of potent Sumatran “buddha sticks” and, contrary to Biblical prophesies, we tended to see—not “through a glass darkly” but—in psychedelic, pop-, and op-art explosions of colour. We could see energy, man! Two years later, I found myself at the next Aquarius event in Nimbin, too, but by that time I inhabited a totally different mind-zone, albeit one characterised by the familiar, intense idealism. In the interim, I had been arrested in 1971 while “tripping out” in Sydney on potent “acid”, or LSD (Lysergic acid diethylamide); had tried out political engagement at the Pram Factory Theatre in Melbourne; had camped out in protest at the flooding of Lake Pedder in the Tasmanian wilderness; met a young guru, started meditating, and joined “the ashram”—part of the movement known as the Divine Light Mission, which originated in India and was carried to the “West” (including Australia) by an enthusiastic and evangelical following of drug-toking drop-outs who had been swarming through India intent on escaping the dominant culture of the military-industrial complex and the horrors of the Vietnam War. Thus, by the time of the 1973 event in Nimbin, while other festival participants were foraging for “gold top” magic mushrooms in farmers’ fields, we devotees had put aside such chemical interventions in conscious awareness to dig latrines (our “service” project for the event) and we invited everyone to join us for “satsang” in the yellow, canvas-covered, geodesic dome, to attend to the message of peace. The liberation meme had shifted through a mutation that involved lifestyle-changing choices that were less about alternative approaches to sustainable agriculture and more about engaging directly with “mind’s true liberation”. Raising Consciousness What comes into focus here is the meme of “consciousness raising”, which became the persistent project within which I lived and worked and had my being for many years. Triggered initially by the ingestion of those psychedelic substances that led to my shocking encounter with the police, the project was carried forward into the more disciplined environs of my guru’s ashrams. However, before my encounter with sustained spiritual practice I had tried to work the shift within the parameters of an ostensibly political framework. “Consciousness raising” was a form of political activism borrowed from the political sphere. Originally generated by Mao Zedong in China during the revolutionary struggle to overthrow the vested colonial interests that were choking Chinese nationalism in the 1940s, to our “distant, foreign brains” (Monod), as Western revolutionary romantics, Chairman Mao and his Little Red Book were taken up, in a kind of international counterculture solidarity with revolutionaries everywhere. It must be admitted, this solidarity was a fairly superficial gesture. Back in China it might be construed as part of a crude totalitarian campaign to inculcate Marxist-Leninist political ideas among the peasant classes (see Compestine for a fictionalised account of traumatic times; Han Suyin’s long-form autobiography—an early example of testimonio as personal and political history—offers an unapologetic account of a struggle not usually construed as sympathetically by Western commentators). But the meme (and the processes) of consciousness raising were picked up by feminists in the United States in the late 1960s and into the 1970s (Brownmiller 21) and it was in this form I encountered it as an actor with the politically engaged theatre troupe, The Australian Performing Group, at Carlton’s Pram Factory Theatre in late 1971. The Performance Group I performed as a core member of the Group in 1971-72. Decisions as to which direction the Group should take were to be made as a collective, and the group veered towards anarchy. Most of the women were getting together outside of the confines of the Pram Factory to raise their consciousness within the Carlton Women’s Liberation Cell Group. While happy that the sexual revolution was reducing women’s sexual inhibitions, some of the men at the Factory were grumbling into their beer, disturbed that intimate details of their private lives—and their sexual performance—might be disclosed and raked over by a bunch of radical feminists. As they began to demand equal rights to orgasm in the bedroom, the women started to seek equal access within the performance group, too. They requested rehearsal time to stage the first production by the Women’s Theatre Group, newly formed under the umbrella of the wider collective. As all of the acknowledged writers in the Group so far were men—some of whom had not kept pace in consciousness raising—scripts tended to be viewed as part of a patriarchal plot, so Betty Can Jump was an improvised piece, with the performance material developed entirely by the cast in workshop-style rehearsals, under the direction of Kerry Dwyer (see Blundell, Zuber-Skerritt 21, plus various contributors at www.pramfactory.com/memoirsfolder/). I was the only male in the collective included in the cast. Several women would have been more comfortable if no mere male were involved at all. My gendered attitudes would scarcely have withstood a critical interrogation but, as my partner was active in launching the Women’s Electoral Lobby, I was given the benefit of the doubt. Director Kerry Dwyer liked my physicalised approach to performance (we were both inspired by the “poor theatre” of Jerzy Grotowski and the earlier surrealistic theories of Antonin Artaud), and I was cast to play all the male parts, whatever they would be. Memorable material came up in improvisation, much of which made it into the performances, but my personal favorite didn’t make the cut. It was a sprawling movement piece where I was “born” out of a symbolic mass of writhing female bodies. It was an arduous process and, after much heaving and huffing, I emerged from the birth canal stammering “SSSS … SSSS … SSMMMO-THER”! The radical reversioning of culturally authorised roles for women has inevitably, if more slowly, led to a re-thinking of the culturally approved and reinforced models of masculinity, too, once widely accepted as entirely biologically ordained rather than culturally constructed. But the possibility of a queer re-versioning of gender would be recognised only slowly. Liberation Meanwhile, Dennis Altman was emerging as an early spokesman for gay, or homosexual, liberation and he was invited to address the collective. Altman’s stirring book, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, had recently been published, but none of us had read it. Radical or not, the Group had shown little evidence of sensitivity to gender-queer issues. My own sexuality was very much “oppressed” rather than liberated and I would have been loath to use “queer” to describe myself. The term “homosexual” was fraught with pejorative, quasi-medical associations and, in a collective so divided across strict and sometimes hostile gender boundaries, deviant affiliations got short shrift. Dennis was unsure of his reception before this bunch of apparent “heteros”. Sitting at the rear of the meeting, I admired his courage. It took more self-acceptance than I could muster to confront the Group on this issue at the time. Somewhere in the back of my mind, “homosexuality” was still something I was supposed to “get over”, so I failed to respond to Altman’s implicit invitation to come out and join the party. The others saw me in relationship with a woman and whatever doubts they might have carried about the nature of my sexuality were tactfully suspended. Looking back, I am struck by the number of simultaneous poses I was trying to maintain: as an actor; as a practitioner of an Artaudian “theatre of cruelty”; as a politically committed activist; and as a “hetero”-sexual. My identity was an assemblage of entities posing as “I”; it was as if I were performing a self. Little gay boys are encouraged from an early age to hide their real impulses, not only from others—in the very closest circle, the family; at school; among one’s peers—but from themselves, too. The coercive effects of shaming usually fix the denial into place in our psyches before we have any intellectual (or political) resources to consider other options. Growing up trying to please, I hid my feelings. In my experience, it could be downright dangerous to resist the subtle and gross coercions that applied around gender normativity. The psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott, of the British object-relations school, argues that when the environment does not support the developing personality and requires the person to sacrifice his or her own spontaneous needs to adapt to environmental demands, there is not even a resting-place for individual experience and the result is a failure in the primary narcissistic state to evolve an individual. The “individual” then develops as an extension of the shell rather than that of the core [...] What there is left of a core is hidden away and is difficult to find even in the most far-reaching analysis. The individual then exists by not being found. The true self is hidden, and what we have to deal with clinically is the complex false self whose function is to keep this true self hidden. (212) How to connect to that hidden core, then? “Mind’s true liberation...” Alienated from the performative version of selfhood, but still inspired by the promise of liberation, even in the “fuzzy” form for which my inchoate hunger yearned (sexual liberation? political liberation? mystical liberation?), I was left to seek out a more authentic basis for selfhood, one that didn’t send me spinning along the roller-coaster of psychedelic drugs, or lie to me with the nostrums of a toxic, most forms of which would deny me, as a sexual, moral and legal pariah, the comforts of those “anchorage points to the social matrix” identified by Soddy (cited in Mol 58). My spiritual inquiry was “counter” to these institutionalised models of religious culture. So, I began to read my way through a myriad of books on comparative religion. And to my surprise, rather than taking up with the religions of antique cultures, instead I encountered a very young guru, initially as presented in a simply drawn poster in the window of Melbourne’s only vegetarian restaurant (Shakahari, in Carlton). “Are you hungry and tired of reading recipe books?” asked the figure in the poster. I had little sense of where that hunger would lead me, but it seemed to promise a fulfilment in ways that the fractious politics of the APG offered little nourishment. So, while many of my peers in the cities chose to pursue direct political action, and others experimented with cooperative living in rural communes, I chose the communal lifestyle of the ashram. In these different forms, then, the conscious raising meme persisted when other challenges raised by the counterculture either faded or were absorbed in the mainstream. I finally came to realise that the intense disillusionment process I had been through (“dis-illusionment” as the stripping away of illusions) was the beginning of awakening, in effect a “spiritual initiation” into a new way of seeing myself and my “place” in the world. Buddhist teachers might encourage this very kind of stripping away of false notions as part of their teaching, so the aspiration towards the “true liberation” of the mind expressed in the Aquarian visioning might be—and in my case, actually has been and continues to be—fulfilled to a very real extent. Gurus and the entire turn towards Eastern mysticism were part of the New Age meme cluster prevailing during the early 1970s, but I was fortunate to connect with an enduring set of empirical practices that haven’t faded with the fashions of the counterculture. A good guitarist would never want to play in public without first tuning her instrument. In a similar way, it is now possible for me to tune my mind back to a deeper, more original source of being than the socially constructed sense of self, which had been so fraught with conflicts for me. I have discovered that before gender, and before sexuality, in fact, pulsing away behind the thicket of everyday associations, there is an original, unconditioned state of beingness, the awareness of which can be reclaimed through focused meditation practices, tested in a wide variety of “real world” settings. For quite a significant period of time I worked as an instructor in the method on behalf of my guru, or mentor, travelling through a dozen or so countries, and it was through this exposure that I was able to observe that the practices worked independently of culture and that “mind’s true liberation” was in many ways a de-programming of cultural indoctrinations (see Marsh, 2014, 2013, 2011 and 2007 for testimony of this process). In Japan, Zen roshi might challenge their students with the koan: “Show me your original face, before you were born!” While that might seem to be an absurd proposal, I am finding that there is a potential, if unexpected, liberation in following through such an inquiry. As “hokey” as the Aquarian meme-set might have been, it was a reflection of the idealistic hope that characterised the cluster of memes that aggregated within the counterculture, a yearning for healthier life choices than those offered by the toxicity of the military-industrial complex, the grossly exploitative effects of rampant Capitalism and a politics of cynicism and domination. The meme of the “true liberation” of the mind, then, promised by the heady lyrics of a 1970s hippie musical, has continued to bear fruit in ways that I could not have imagined. References Altman, Dennis. Homosexual Oppression and Liberation. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972. Blundell, Graeme. The Naked Truth: A Life in Parts. 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