Dissertations / Theses: 'International economic relations - History'

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Widmaier, Wesley William. "A constructivist theory of international monetary relations monetary understandings, state interests in cooperation, and the construction of crises (1929-2001) /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3036613.

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Liedtke, Boris Nikolaj. "International relations between the U.S. and Spain 1945-53 : economics, ideology and compromise." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1430/.

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This is a study of the relations between Spain and the United States from the end of the Second World War to the conclusion of the Madrid Agreements which were signed in September 1953. Through these agreements Spain obtained military and economic aid from the US. At the same time she was integrated into the western defence structure. In return Franco authorized the US to construct and use military bases, some of which were situated near Spanish cities. Furthermore the agreements limited Spain's foreign, economic and monetary policies. The structure of the thesis is determined by the chronological events of the late 1940s and early 1950s. The international background is analysed in the first part of the thesis, running up to July 1951. The second part covers the negotiations between the two countries. By following the chronological events of the negotiations, the thesis tries to assess which of the two parties was willing to compromise in key aspects. Most of the thesis is based on American primary sources throughout the period. Many of the arguments developed contrast directly with those already put forward, notably by Spanish historians. The picture which emerges indicates that Washington, as well as Spain, had great military and strategic interests in signing the Madrid Agreements. This is surprising given the findings by other investigators that Spain was forced almost by circumstances into these agreements. The thesis tries to develop a counter-argument which, hopefully, lays the foundation for a constructive discussion on the issue.

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Sutton, Alex. "Imperial relations : Britain, the sterling area, and Malaya 1945-1960." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56249/.

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The thesis examines the relationship between Britain and Malaya in the post-war period from 1945 to 1960. It provides a development of existing accounts in the literature that either acknowledge the importance of Malaya to Britain but do not provide any details of the relationship, or provide only historical accounts of Malaya’s changing importance over the same period. The thesis argues that there is a clear continuity in this relationship, conditioned by the nature of capitalist social relations, and this relationship should be characterised as imperialist. The thesis adopts an archive-based analysis of the period, using an open Marxist theory of imperialism. This approach argues that the state is an inherent feature, or manifestation, of capitalist social relations and acts to regulate the circuit of capital in order to avoid or resolve the crises that beset it. Imperialism then is understood as this action undertaken internationally, through the domination of one state by another, to improve conditions for capital accumulation nationally, and in the interests of capital generally. Imperialism is then seen very much as an action undertaken by the state, rather than an historical or necessary stage of capitalism. The thesis argues that the over-production crisis that characterised the inter-war period continued after the war, finding expression in the trade disequilibrium between Eastern and Western hemispheres resulting in a global dollar shortage. Malaya remained important to the Sterling Area through its large surplus of dollar earnings, which it contributed to the Area’s dollar pool and were earned through its rubber and tin exports to the United States. The thesis charts the expression of imperial relations through British use of colonial import restrictions, the sequestration of dollar earnings, and the imposition of exchange controls to minimise the dollar deficit, and attempts to develop Malaya’s economy for eventual independence. However, the thesis argues that even independence does not see a significant shift in the fundamental relations between Britain and Malaya, with the Sterling Area still providing a mechanism through which the imperial relationship is enforced. The thesis does not argue that Malaya’s dollar earnings were the only defence against economic collapse but, rather, without Malaya, Britain would have had to impose much more austere measures both domestically and on the Sterling Area in order to survive the post-war crisis, making the task of reconstruction after the war much more difficult.

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Pepino, Silvia. "Sovereign risk and financial crisis : the international political economy of the Euro area sovereign debt crisis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/721/.

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For decades, scholars, investors and policymakers treated sovereign default risk as a defining feature of emerging market economies. Recently, sovereign risk has re‐emerged as an empirical issue for advanced economies, raising new questions for academic research. This thesis investigates the link between political economy factors and financial market perceptions of sovereign risk during the Euro area debt crisis, representing one of the timeliest academic analyses of this episode. It combines an innovative international political economy framework applicable to developed democracies with in‐depth analysis of government bond market fluctuations during the Greek and Irish sovereign debt crises. The thesis argues that political factors influence sovereign risk premia in developed democracies, particularly in crisis periods. This is in contrast to the dominant claim that politics has no or little direct impact on government bond yields in advanced economies. Specifically, it highlights the importance of the domestic political system, finding a role for socio‐political contestation and its interaction with institutional checks and balances. Moreover, it expands the analysis to the international sphere, integrating the so far mostly separate analyses of the domestic and international sources of sovereign credibility. Specifically, it argues that external de‐facto veto players and the degree of proximity between sovereign borrower and international creditors are also significant. Finally, it shows that investment analysis evolves over time, so that the categorisation of sovereign borrowers as either developed democracies or emerging markets, found to prevail during a specific historical phase, may not hold in the longer term. Both the Greek and the Irish sovereigns suffered government bond market reversals in 2010, but their overall sovereign debt crisis experiences differed in length and severity. When compared with the Greek experience, Ireland’s lower degree of socio‐political contestation and greater proximity to international creditors contributed to supporting the sovereign’s financial market credibility.

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Webber, David M. "From Whitehall to the world : international development and the global reconfiguration of New Labour's political economy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50031/.

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Since the creation of the Department for International Development (DFID) in 1997, much scholarly effort has been concentrated on describing New Labour's international development policy outputs. Within these accounts however, there has been little, if any, treatment of how its development policies actually came to be formed, or even more specifically, analysis of the linkages between this branch of foreign policy and New Labour's domestic political economy. My thesis seeks to fill this gap in the literature. My major contribution is to show that the character and orientation of a set of policies designed initially by New Labour officials for the domestic economy were subsequently 'recycled' and transmitted abroad into the field of international development. I test such a claim empirically through three case studies exploring in depth the core policy areas of debt relief, HIV and AIDS, and overseas aid, through which I am able to trace the way that ideas first developed at home were subsequently transposed into its international development policy. This provides the framework which allows me to examine how the Blair and Brown Governments managed the frequently conflicting expectations of the two sets of 'market' and 'social' constituencies in the construction of their international development policy. While 'social' constituencies were successful in influencing processes of policy change which iteratively moved policy closer to their expectations, on the whole its character still favoured the demands of the 'market' constituencies, as had been the case previously in its domestic political economy. Although New Labour's international development policies appeared to become more 'social' over time, this did not mean that they became dominated by 'social concerns'. My overall characterisation of New Labour’s often complex phasing of its international development policy, then, is that it remained market-driven albeit not exclusively market-oriented.

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McGinnity, Ian J. "Selling its Future Short: Armenia's Economic and Security Relations with Russia." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/58.

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It is necessary and desirable for Armenia to retain close relations with Russia in both the short and long term. However, recent concessions to Russia for good relations in the short term may have potentially harmful repercussions for Armenia in the future. These concessions have in part resulted in the Russian dominance in the economic sector, over-dependence on Russia for Armenia’s energy needs, and the perpetuation of Armenian submissiveness to Russian interests. Armenia should, therefore, maintain good relations with Russia while simultaneously securing long-term paths that focus on actual strategic partnership and not dependence. In short, Armenia should return to a foreign policy of complementarism, which was first enacted under the Republic of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrossian. Complementarism stresses the importance of pursuing Armenia’s best interest through the adoption of balanced policies and through minimal involvement or identification within regional blocs. The leveraging of Armenia’s long-term interests for close relations with Russia is possibly best exemplified in the state of Armenia’s economy. Like many former Soviet republics, the collapse of entangled Soviet trading patterns and the legacy of its centrally-planned economy still have negative implications for Armenian industry and trade.

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Moore, Candice Eleanor. "Governing Parties and Southern Internationalism : a neoclassical realist approach to the foreign policies of South Africa and Brazil, 1999-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/196/.

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The international relations literature on internationalism in foreign policy has not taken account of the internationalist methods and motives of countries of the developing world. This thesis aims to correct this absence through an analysis of Southern internationalism, as evidenced by the foreign policy approaches of South Africa and Brazil in the first decade of the 21st century. By utilising a neoclassical realist approach to the study of the emergence of new powers, the use of internationalism as a foreign policy tool is interrogated as a response both to domestic imperatives, such as perception and identity, and systemic constraints and opportunities. Central to the analysis is an examination of the role of governing parties in foreign policymaking, both as key actors in determining policy, and as the sources of ideational constructs, in this case ‘internationalism’, that have a bearing on foreign policy. Foreign policymakers are limited in their perceptions and responses to external threats and opportunities by the domestic institutional structure, as well as by external threats and opportunities. In South Africa, responses are often limited to rhetoric, owing to limited resource extraction capacity, in spite of the highly centralised foreign policymaking structure under Mbeki. In Brazil, constitutional checks and balances also limited the state’s responses to external stimuli under Lula; yet, these responses, when they are implemented, can be more forceful owing to greater resource capacity. The ‘new Southern internationalism’, propounded by both South Africa and Brazil, is a function of domestic politics and external pressures, as evidenced by the Haiti case. These findings make a contribution to advancing the analysis of emerging powers, their trajectory and intentions in international relations, as well as the extent to which governing parties can influence foreign policy outcomes, and under which conditions

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Poli, Eleonora. "Ideas, interests and institutions in the globalising economy : the evolution and internationalisation of antitrust." Thesis, City University London, 2013. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/3019/.

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The aim of this thesis is to generate an understanding of antitrust and its evolution in the context of the globalising economy of the 20th and early 21st centuries. I do this by focusing on the role of economic ideas and more specifically, conceptual approaches to competition policy, in the international context. Existing legal and economic studies have mainly framed antitrust as the disciplinary tool regulating market competition according to criteria of efficiency and/or economic welfare. So far, few researchers have addressed the enforcement of policies - and specifically, of market competition regulations, without resorting to pure rational-choice or reflectivist arguments. This thesis aims to fill this gap by examining the ways in which abstract economic concepts and theories on the one hand and material interests on the other, by influencing political actors’ understanding of reality, have shaped the decision-making process behind specific antitrust policies and laws. My analysis develops on the basis of what I call a pan-institutional methodology, a synthesis of an institutional understanding of antitrust and sociological theories of isomorphism. Pan-institutionalism is employed here to examine the development of antitrust policies in the US, Europe and Japan during the Great Depression of the 1930s, the oil crises of the 1970s and the current recession. My study reveals that the corpus of ideas and institutions of antitrust of the 20th and early 21st century can be identified as Harvard, Chicago and Post-Chicago paradigms of competition policy. To a degree, these US-originated approaches have been internalised by Europe and Japan through formal and informal institutions, and adapted in light of major economic crises. At the same time however, the reliance of Europe and Japan on their traditional understanding of market practices has prevented a total harmonisation of their antitrust policies with the dominant American ones.

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Vanaik, Anish. "Possessing the city : urban space and property relations in Delhi, 1911-47." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bf3d9eeb-e861-4b32-8765-8fbd96f6b658.

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This dissertation pursues three overarching themes. The first of these is empirical: to illuminate the actual functioning of the property market in Delhi. After reconstructing the pattern of depression and boom from 1920-40, I argue that these cycles shaped the nature of participation in the market. During the depression of the 1920s many indigenous financial firms came to rely on property rentals and sales. Alongside these, a nascent sector concentrating primarily in real estate came into existence. Compared to planned state intervention, most of Delhi’s urban fabric was created by private construction. Analysis of the state’s relationship to the property market is the second aim of the work. The colonial state both embraced and was constrained by the commodification of land. Though it was the largest landowner in the city, it did not leverage this position. Rather than construction, the state was happier to act on the market indirectly. One means of indirect action concerned forms representations of urban land as commodity. Leases, advertisements and other documents were crucial for its circulation. The strength of the state in the property market derived from its role as enforcer and repository of representations of commodified space. A third aim is to study the forms of struggle engendered by urban property. Struggles over commodification of urban land, when they took collective forms, did not necessarily splinter along class lines. In fact, subsidised housing emerged out of caste, class and nationalist struggles. Conversely, the commodification of land was at issue in struggles that were not ostensibly about property. For instance, this dissertation tracks its salience for understanding communal conflicts over urban shrines. Taken together, the three themes constitute a picture of the city in which forms of capital accumulation – particularly those relating to space – cannot be ignored.

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O'Reilly, Declan. "IG Farbenindustrie A.G., Interhandel and General Aniline and Film Corporation : a problem in international political and economic relations between Germany, Switzerland and the United States, 1929-1965." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265424.

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Karlsson, Lars. "A relatively easy task? : Hirschman's theory of trade dependency applied to the U.S.-Central American case." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-88201.

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Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.

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Ho, John B. "Abenomics’ First Arrow: The Effects of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative and Qualitative Monetary Easing On Japan’s Economy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1080.

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In January 2013, the Japanese Government under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the Bank of Japan launched a package of monetary and fiscal stimulus along with promises of structural economic reform called Abenomics. This paper examines the preliminary effects of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative and Qualitative Monetary Easing (QQE), which forms the monetary component of Abenomics. Given the weak economic response to QQE so far, the study predicts that QQE has failed to make a significant impact on its target macroeconomic variables of inflation and output. The results confirm this hypothesis as increases in the monetary base have an insignificant effect on the Consumer Price Index and have little effect in changing the trajectory of output. The results of QQE so far mirror those of the Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing programs, during which expansion of the monetary base in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis failed to significantly raise output given the size of the stimulus. Abenomics, however, continues to be implemented, making the results presented in this paper inconclusive.

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Zafeer, Shaf. "The political economy of foreign direct investment during internal armed conflict." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6060/.

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It is commonly assumed that armed conflict deters foreign direct investment (FDI) and encourages capital flight and portfolio substitution, yet recent evidence suggests that foreign investors are not uniformly risk-adverse with respect to investments in conflict zones. The willingness of foreign investors to put funds at risk in conflict zones runs counter to the conventional wisdom in the academic literature, which is based on the proposition that armed conflict is bad for business. The complex relationship between armed conflict and FDI presents a counterintuitive research puzzle for the fields of security studies and international political economy, both of which assume that armed conflict increases ‘capital flight’ as mobile foreign investors seek more stable returns elsewhere. This thesis uses a multi-method approach that incorporates a large-\(N\) study based on descriptive statistics as well as a structured focused comparison of internal armed conflicts in Iraq (2003-2010) and Afghanistan (2003-2012) that followed US-led military campaigns in order to address the question: \(Why\) \(do\) \(countries\) \(involved\) \(in\) \(internal\) \(armed\) \(conflict\) \(continue\) \(to\) \(attract\) \(FDI?\) In contrast to many of the cases in the large-\(N\) study, the small-\(n\) comparative analysis focuses on two cases in which an external military campaign preceded the emergence of intra-state violence. The investigation of FDI in the cases of Afghanistan and Iraq is significant because each country experienced a counterinsurgency against the external military intervention, which would be expected to further increase the risk premium for foreign investors. The thesis offers new analytical insights on the armed conflict-FDI relationship through investigating the reasons why foreign investors may decide to invest in countries affected by on-going armed conflict. The central argument presented in this thesis is that the presence of an external military intervention (EMI) involving ‘boots on the ground’ sends a positive signal about improvements in a country’s investment climate, thereby altering how foreign investors assess the risks associated with investment in conflict zones.

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Sher, Nathaniel David. "The 1973 Oil Embargo and US-Saudi Relations: An Episode in New Imperialism." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1495977646733298.

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Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.

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Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.

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Mugoya, Bosire Conrad. "A dry udder in the milk season? Natural resource exploitation in Africa: realising the right to economic benefit for host communities." University of Western Cape, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3269.

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Gerval, Adam J. "Seeking Autonomy: Comparative Analysis of the Japanese & South Korean Defense Sectors." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1462802738.

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Popovich, Sara A. "Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik: The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.

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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.

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Li, Jie Sheng. "The political economy of foreign aid flows." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6735/.

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This thesis examines the rise in bilateral aid disbursements over multilateral aid between 2000 and 2010. It would be simply stated that such a trend would be due donor nations focusing on strategic self-interests. I argue, using a combination of principal-agent theory, foreign policy analysis and the effect of institutions, that new political actors in donor nations found a window of opportunity to alter the level foreign disbursements and in several cases, increase the overall level of foreign aid. Bilateral aid eventually rose due to both the worldviews of these new decision makers as well as how their policies were influenced and shaped by local institutions. In this thesis, I focus on the US, the UK and Japan as donor nations and the World Bank’s International Development Association. In the US case, political and cultural institutions along with the worldviews Bush Administration officials shifted US bilateral aid upwards. In the UK, local institutions along with the perspectives of New Labour officials result in higher British bilateral aid disbursements. Japan’s political actors initially focused on the country’s economy but later actors, with their worldviews and shaped by historical norms, increased Japan’s bilateral aid vis-à-vis its contributions to IOs.

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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.

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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.

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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.

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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.

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Sasuga, Katsuhiro. "The dynamics of cross-border micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan : sub-national governments, multinational corporations and the emergence of multi-level governance." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106456/.

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This thesis applies an international political economy perspective to explore the main factors and processes involved in the development of micro-regionalisation among the Guangdong province of China, Taiwan and Japan with specific reference to the electronics industry. The emphasis is on the inter-related dynamics of multi-level governance (involving in particular the increasingly important role of Chinese sub-national governments and their network relations with multinational corporations) and the spread of cross-border production networks and international commodity chains. This is the first study to integrate an analysis of economic and political-governmental factors in the development of this particular case of micro-regionalisation. The analysis focuses on three related research questions: (1) How should we define and characterise the key components of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan? (2) What kinds of policy environment and what actors in the host and home countries are needed to support cross-border economic relations? (3) How do networks of multi-level governance (MLG) operate to facilitate micro-regionalisation? First, the phenomenon of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan is analysed in terms of three major components: the opening up of new political and economic spaces in Guangdong as a result of China’s domestic reform movement and the emergence of a fluid and flexible system of multi-level governance; the strategic decisions by Japanese firms, especially in electronics, to invest in southern China; and the expansion of cross-strait production networks between southern China and Taiwan. Secondly, the development of cross-border relations is examined from the viewpoint of the inter-relationships between key strategic actors (the state, sub-national governments and multinational firms) and the impact of a number of organisational variables, including commodity chains, network linkages, production networks, guanxi networks and organisational learning and conventional social factors). The analysis highlights the impact on firms’ behaviour of both the home and host governance contexts. Thirdly, the analysis shows that, with the dispersion of authoritative decision making in China, the multiple levels of local (sub-national) government have assumed more responsibility in responding directly to foreign investors. The case study of Dongguan and the electronics industry reveals the important roles of the provincial, city and sub-municipal governments in developing cross-border micro-regional network relations with multinational firms. It also highlights some of the major problems arising from an emergent, unplanned system of multi-level governance that lacks overall control and co-ordination.

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Alvarenga, Rodrigues Daniel Guilherme. "China’s economic involvement in Mozambique and prospects for development : an analysis of the processes and impacts of major recent investments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1608.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents, policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s commitments towards the African country.

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Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

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Brosius, Logan Robert Thomas. "On the Rise of China, The Reconfiguration of Global Power, and the Collapse of the Modern Liberal Order." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1453337681.

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Butler, Tracy A. "Gender, labor, and capitalism in U.S.-Mexican relations, 1942-2000." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243907962.

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Radice, Luke C. "Evolving Conceptions of Sovereignty as Applied to Membership in International Organizations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2147.

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In the current international climate, both nations and individuals increasingly question both the validity and necessity of international organizations. This paper seeks to answer some of those questions, and to determine why countries choose to surrender significant portions of the national power that they are afforded under traditional perceptions of “Westphalian sovereignty”. This question is answered through an analysis of historical political thought on the concept of Sovereignty, then is applied to two case studies: the United Nations and the European Union, in which the benefits and downsides of surrendering sovereignty are discussed. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that the concept of Westphalian sovereignty is weakening in the modern world, as the international system gradually adopts new ideas about what national power allows, and reapplies old concepts that had long fallen out of use. Additionally, many of the problems faced by humanity in the present day are too large and complicated to be solved by singular nations, and require concerted international action. Together, these evolving conceptions of sovereignty and increasingly complex global problems have greatly contributed to the growth and empowerment of international organizations.

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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972." Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.

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The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.

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Akbaba, Turgay. "FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE: TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.

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History
M.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses

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Nepgen, Arnold. "The impact of globalisation on trade unions : Cosatu’s present and future engagement in international issues." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1951.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.

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Smith, Parker T. "The Rise of China: Assessing "Revisionist" Behavior in the Global Economy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556282376960416.

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Dempsey, Timothy A. "Russian Rule in Turkestan: A Comparison with British India through the Lens of World-Systems Analysis." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275340850.

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Porter, Anthony G. "China's modus operandi for the 21st Century." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491923.

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Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2005.
Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 6, 2010). "CSC 2005" "Subject Area Topical Issues" Includes bibliographical references.

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Debbas, Malek. "Examining Lebanon’s Susceptibility to Foreign Influence: Institutional Roadblocks to State Stability." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1586.

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Lebanon has historically been at the center of Middle Eastern conflict. Religious diversity and weak institutions have resulted in the country’s continual exploitation by powerful foreign states. At first, a historical overview of Lebanon demonstrates how certain events over the past 200 years have shaped the country. Based on recurring political and economic misfortunes, sectarian tensions within Lebanon have flared since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. This thesis argues that in order to stabilize the country and prevent the meddling of foreign powers, a focus must be placed on establishing a national identity, strengthening the country’s political institutions, and creating an accountable economic system.

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Dashtseren, Dashdavaa. "Border protection and national security of Mongolia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA456961.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Thomas C. Bruneau. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available in print.

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Anafak, Lemofak Antoine Japhet. "La Belgique et l'Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme? dynamique de la politique de coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies, 1960-1990." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210145.

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Le travail de recherche intitulé :«La Belgique et l’Afrique centrale, diversification ou néocolonialisme ?Dynamique de la coopération belge au Cameroun et dans ses anciennes colonies (1960-1990) » s’interroge sur la mise en œuvre et le déploiement de la coopération belge en Afrique centrale principalement au Cameroun. Il développe cette politique au Cameroun sous un regard global des intérêts belges dans son pré carré c'est-à- dire dans ses anciennes colonies dans le contexte de guerre froide et de construction européenne. C’est également le contexte de la mise en place du marché commun, de la signature des accords de Yaoundé entre la CEE et EAMA (Etats Africains et Malgaches Associés). Les aspects analysés prennent aussi en compte la France autre ancienne métropole de la région.

Cette thèse insiste sur les éléments de mise en place et les fondements de la politique étrangère de la Belgique en Afrique centrale. Elle analyse sa présence depuis la colonisation du Congo, du Ruanda-Urundi et développe le processus de mutation de la Belgique dans la sous-région à la faveur des indépendances. Cette accession à la souveraineté des territoires leur attribuait le statut d’acteur de la communauté internationale. L’adaptation de la Belgique à cette nouvelle donne l’oblige à étendre son espace de captation d’intérêts par l’établissement des relations diplomatiques avec de nombreux pays de la région parmi lesquels le Cameroun. Le choix du Cameroun comme pays d'appui à la politique belge dans la région en dehors de ses colonies est le fait de nombreuses justifications que cette thèse démontre.

Ce travail insiste sur les rapports politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique notamment les éléments expliquant la coopération diplomatique et politique entre le Cameroun et la Belgique. Celle-ci était basée sur un soutien mutuel dans la lutte contre les mouvements rebelles procommunistes au Cameroun et au Congo dans les années 60. Cet ouvrage développe l'organisation de l’action conjointe de la Belgique et du Cameroun dans la lutte contre le communisme en Afrique centrale principalement au Congo en période de guerre froide, les éléments prouvant le soutien de la Belgique au Cameroun dans sa lutte contre les activistes nationalistes de l’UPC et réciproquement, les actions montrant la collaboration et la compréhension du Cameroun envers la Belgique dans la gestion des conflits d’après indépendance au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi.

De plus, cette thèse évoque la dynamique de la politique étrangère de la Belgique à partir de 1965 dans la région. Dans cette section marquée par l’arrivée de Mobutu au pouvoir et le coup d’Etat de Micombero au Burundi, ce travail détaille les éléments qui justifient le renforcement des relations politiques entre le Cameroun et la Belgique après 1965 par l’analyse du contexte national et international de mise en place de cette politique après 1967. Un contexte marqué par la réélection d’Ahmadou Ahidjo et le renforcement de son pouvoir et le départ du socialiste Paul-Henri Spaak, remplacé par le démocrate-chrétien Pierre Harmel. Ce dernier instaure une nouvelle politique dite de diversification et de distanciation envers le régime de Mobutu. Le constat est que cette diversification a profité au Cameroun, devenu progressivement un partenaire privilégié de la Belgique dans la région après la visite officielle d’Ahidjo de 1967 à Bruxelles.

Ce travail analyse les rapports qu’entretenaient la Belgique et le Cameroun dans les organisations internationales en rapport avec la situation interne de son pré-carré d’Afrique centrale, notamment les circonstances du soutien de la candidature du Zaïre à l’entrée dans l’Union Douanière et Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UDEAC) et plus tard dans la création de l’Union Economique d’Afrique Centrale (UEAC) en 1969. Le soutien mutuel des candidatures belges et camerounaises dans les instances internationales à partir des années septante, les incidences de l’entrée du Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et l’Irlande du Nord au sein de la Communauté Economique Européenne (la convention de Lomé I) sur la politique étrangère belge menée par Renaat Van Elslande, les implications de la zaïrianisation sur les relations belgo-zaïroises, l’arrivée au pouvoir de Juvénal Habyarimana au Rwanda et la renégociation des accords d’indépendance entre le Cameroun et la France. La Belgique et ces pays souhaitaient une approche plus consensuelle des grandes questions internationales, notamment le nouvel ordre économique international, le conflit du proche orient, la question de la décolonisation des territoires portugais d’Afrique centrale, la généralisation des conflits armés et des assassinats politiques.

La présence militaire belge en Afrique centrale est un fait colonial. Un rappel nécessaire de cette présence militaire depuis la période coloniale nous a permis de nous interroger sur la gestion difficile du devenir de ces soldats après les indépendances du Congo, du Rwanda et du Burundi, notamment pendant la crise Katangaise. Ces difficultés rencontrées au Congo poussent la Belgique à trouver des dérivatifs pour se désengager militairement au Ruanda-Urundi après l’indépendance en 1962. La visite officielle de juin 1967 d’Ahmadou Ahidjo en Belgique marque le début d’une intense coopération militaire entre la Belgique et le Cameroun. Les deux pays coopèrent pour la livraison du matériel de guerre par la Fabrique d’Herstal à Liège, et dans la formation les officiers camerounais en Belgique. Plusieurs facteurs justifiant cette coopération avec le Cameroun sont énumérés dans cette thèse. De plus, ce travail retrace l’implication de la Belgique dans les guerres du Shaba et ses initiatives en faveur d’une paix globale dans la région autour les années 80.

Le troisième grand axe de cette thèse développe la présence de la Belgique en Afrique centrale dans le cadre de la Communauté Economique Européenne. Après avoir expliqué l'historique et l'évolution du FED, nous avons exploré le poids de la présence belge au sein du Fond Européen de Développement par rapport à la France et les autres Etats de la CEE pour constater sa faiblesse dans cette institution contrôlée par la France l’Allemagne. Ce qui justifie son choix de renforcer la coopération bilatérale dans la région. Enfin, ce thèse insiste sur ces relations économiques bilatérales de la Belgique en Afrique centrale, principalement au Cameroun en comparaison avec les anciennes colonies pour voir l'influence de la Belgique au Cameroun, au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi depuis les indépendances jusqu'aux années nonante.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Warnholtz, Perez Edgar G. "From NAFTA to USMCA: A Comprehensive Analysis of the Forces Producing North America's Regional Trade Agreements." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2245.

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On October 1, 2018, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, U.S. President Donald Trump, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), concluding 13 months of negotiations that concerned economies totaling 27.88% of world GDP. The recentness, magnitude, and relevance of the USMCA invokes a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensional factors that led to this agreement. Explaining the USMCA of 2018 requires insight of the continent’s political and economic forces that bound Canada, the United States, and Mexico with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994. After doing so, this study then compiles a variety of works in a meta-analysis on NAFTA’s effects during the past 25 years. This paper finds that NAFTA achieved its intended goals, but failed to anticipate many negative repercussions for which it is criticized today. Then, this study investigates the demand for renegotiation of NAFTA which was triggered by Donald Trump calling it “the worst trade deal in history maybe ever” during his presidential campaign. However, when presenting the new USMCA to the press, he described it as a “wonderful new trade deal.” Therefore, study analyzes how different the USMCA is from NAFTA, and finds that the few changes are explained by a modernization of certain chapters to adapt the treaty to the digital era. These modifications heavily resonate the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional free trade agreement that included the U.S. until President Trump withdrew from it. What then results to be a rebranding of other agreements is predicted here to bring more political repercussions than economic change, as elections in Canada dawn later this year and in the U.S. in 2020. Ultimately, each party succeeded per its own renegotiation objectives; Mexico and Canada sought market penetration in the U.S., whereas the U.S. sought concessions and an end to NAFTA. Ratification of the USMCA is pending at the domestic level of each country, which this paper predicts will occur successfully, perhaps even before the end of 2019. Nonetheless, despite the modernization efforts involved in producing the USMCA, this paper questions whether the agreement equips these three member states to face the challenges of tomorrow.

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Головизнин, М. А., and M. A. Goloviznin. "ООН и проблема Нового международного экономического порядка : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, б. и, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/87583.

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Магистерской диссертация анализируются дискуссии в ООН по вопросу способов и методов стимулирования экономического развития стран, получивших независимость в ходе процессов деколонизации. Отношения между индустриально развитыми и освободившимися обострились на фоне биполярного противостояния. В работе характеризуется деятельность ООН в рамках декады развития, а также работа Конференции ООН по торговле и развитию (ЮНКДАД). Автор формулирует причины неудач и ограничений в деятельности ООН по стимулированию развития в 1950-1960-е гг. и обстановку зарождения инициативы Нового мирового экономического порядка, которая предусматривала слом существующей системы. Автор анализирует дискуссию о НМЭП на специальной сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи и на заседаниях Экономического и социального совета ООН, а также характеризует попытки реализации Хартии экономических прав и обязанностей государств. Опираясь на численное большинство, развивающиеся страны смогли в целом добиться принятия необходимых резолюций, однако развитые страны, обдающие экономическим влиянием, успешно блокировали их реализацию. С началом неолиберальных преобразований в США и странах Западной Европы проект НМЭП потерял свою актуальность.
The master's thesis gives an overview of the discussions at the UN on the issue of stimulating the economic development of countries that emerged due to the process of decolonization. Relations between the developed and the developing countries constantly deteriorated because of a bipolar confrontation. The first part of the work focuses on the activities of the United Nations in the framework of the UN development decade, as well as the initiatives of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The author formulates the reasons for the failures and limitations in the UN activities to stimulate development in the 1950s-1960s and the setting in which the New International Economic Order (INEO) initiative was born. The author analyzes the discussion about the INEO at a special session of the General Assembly and at meetings of the UN Economic and Social Council and also characterizes attempts to implement the UN Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Due to the numerical majority, developing countries were able to generally achieve the adoption of the necessary resolutions, but developed countries, possessing economic influence, successfully blocked implementation of the INEO initiatives. Start of neoliberal transformations in the United States and Western Europe had led to the decline of interest to the INEO project.

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Blackstone, Benjamin D. "Strength Through Diplomacy: A Fundamental Review of the Relationship between North Korea and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1793.

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At the time that this thesis is printed, we are reminded of the tumultuous relationship between North Korea and the United States every day. If we follow the mainstream news regularly, it seems like we are on a steady path to war. Ultimately, this paper is centered around the question: what is the best foreign policy strategy for both countries to achieve respective goals, without descending into armed conflict? Specifically, I evaluated the failures of the last three U.S. Presidents and used their shortcomings to explain limitations in current foreign policy strategy. I also attempted to show North Korean concerns and perspectives regarding these issues, as our cultural and national biases often prevent us from seeing this issue with true clarity. For some background, I combined personal experience with a primary source interview. I then used scholarly articles from a variety of ideological lenses to analyze events from multiple viewpoints. Throughout the paper, I try to force readers to think critically about these events, rather than consume them through short headlines on the evening news. I learned that there is major potential for diplomatic alternatives to armed conflict in this relationship. I also learned that the current foreign policy strategies both countries are engaging in do not serve their best interests, or help to achieve foreign policy goals. These ideas are crucial to understand, as the likelihood for war between North Korea and the United States becomes greater each day. Furthermore, this war would result in immense loss of life and the displacement of millions of innocent people.

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41

Ellersick, Linda J. "Expanding Fair Trade to Garment Production in Ciudad Sandino, Nicaragua." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1236817596.

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Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.

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Velázquez, José Luis. "Nicaragua: Outcomes of revolution, 1979-1990." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298766.

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In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.

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Smith, Thomas W. "History and international relations /." London : Routledge, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37737463v.

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45

Compaore, Delphine. "Le sport, analyseur de la place de l'Afrique dans la coopération internationale : l'exemple de la politique sportive de la France en Afrique-Burkina faso (1960- 2010)." Phd thesis, Université Paris Sud - Paris XI, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00787630.

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La coopération internationale est inscrite sur l'acte constitutif de l'Organisation des Nations Unies du 26 juin 1945. Moyen d'échange et de dialogue entre acteurs internationaux, son objectif a été de trouver des solutions aux difficultés économiques, sociales, culturelles et sécuritaires de l'après-guerre pour sauvegarder la paix du monde. Elle s'est considérablement développée, allant de la forme bilatérale à celle multilatérale, dans tous les domaines et sur tous les continents. Parmi ses nombreux cadres d'échanges, le dispositif français de coopération, avec son assistance technique spécialisée dans tous les domaines, demeure une référence certaine. Il s'est déployé à travers une stratégie de géopolitique internationale où domaines militaire en plus grand et sportif en plus petit en constituent un des traits caractéristiques. La coopération française et internationale ont été un accompagnement décisif pour le continent africain après les indépendances, mais aussi un important moyen stratégique d'influence pendant la Guerre Froide. Le sport et la coopération sportive y joueront leur partition. Pour les Américains, Français, Anglais, Soviétiques et leurs partenaires respectifs, la coopération a été très efficace et a permis de sauvegarder leurs intérêts sur le continent africain. Elle demeure encore aujourd'hui un important moyen de pression sur la scène africaine, influant souvent sur les résultats des échanges et l'efficacité des actions de coopération. Finalement, c'est une coopération internationale de 1960 à 2010, avec ses réussites et ses échecs, d'une taille parfois limitée mais qui reste un moyen de dialogue pour le monde et surtout pour le continent africain engagé sur le difficile chemin de la démocratie. C'est par une approche théorique libérale et une méthode qualitative que cette recherche a été réalisée, sur le principal terrain du Burkina Faso avec ses particularités sociales et son histoire, qui constituent une grille de lecture idéale.

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Fitzloff, Chad L. "The limits of American labor‘s influence on the cold war free labor movement: a case study of Irving Brown and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Tunisia and Algeria." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4187.

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Master of Arts
Department of History
David A. Graff
Michael Ramsay
In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s international influence during the Cold War, in particular in French North Africa. Irving Brown successfully strengthened anti-Communist unions in Europe, and had the financial backing of the Truman Administration for those projects. However, Brown‘s efforts to build anti-Communist trade unions in Tunisia and Algeria did not have the backing of the U.S. government under the Eisenhower Administration. Instead, the AFL-CIO, with Brown as its representative, attempted to use the non-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to influence the nationalist movements of Tunisia and Algeria through their respective national unions, the Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT) and the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA). Disagreements within the ICFTU severely inhibited Brown‘s effectiveness and prevented him from fully realizing the AFL-CIO‘s policy goals in North Africa. Brown was overly dependent on Tunisia for his operations with the Algeria labor movement, and the ICFTU was incapable of providing adequate support to the Algerians to compete with its Communist rival, the World Federation of Trade Unions. To the extent that independent Tunisia was Western-oriented, Brown was successful in his efforts. However, in the long run, Brown failed as an architect of Western democracy, as Tunisia became a dictatorship with a socialist economy. In Algeria, the state of war forced the UGTA to turn to the Eastern bloc despite Brown‘s personal dedication to North African independence and development. Furthermore, in independence, Algeria‘s government embraced socialism and single party rule.

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47

Büge, Max. "Three essays on institutions and international economic relations." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0024.

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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'évaluer empiriquement l'impact de différents cadres institutionnels sur le commerce transfrontalier et l'investissement direct. La thèse se compose de trois essais. Dans le premier essai, j’analyse les répercussions de l'incertitude institutionnelle sur le commerce international. Les résultats impliquent que l'incertitude institutionnelle a un impact négatif, qui est significatif et robuste, sur les volumes d'échanges commeciales. Le deuxième et le troisième chapitre de la thèse portent sur des types particuliers de contrats entre des nations souveraines qui régissent leurs relations économiques: les accords commerciaux préférentiels et des traités bilatéraux d'investissement. L'objectif du deuxième essai est de tester l'hypothèse selon laquelle un accord commercial préférentiel accroît l'investissement bilatéral de ses membres. Econométriqument, je trouve un effet fort et robuste qui confirme cette hypothèse (pour les pays développés et les pays en voie de développement). Basé sur les résultats du deuxième chapitre, je teste dans un troisième essai si un traité bilatéral d'investissement entre un pays en voie de développement et un pays développé influence les flux commerciaux des partenaires, mais un effet empirique des traités bilatéraux d'investissement sur le commerce s’éffond quand l’exogénéité stricte est prise en compte
The objective of this PhD thesis is to to empirically assess the impact of different institutional frameworks on cross-border trade and direct investment. The thesis consists of three substantive essays. In the first essay, I analyze the repercussions of institutional uncertainty on international trade. The results imply that institutional uncertainty has a significant and robust negative impact on trade volumes. The second and the third chapters of the thesis focus on particular types of contracts among sovereign nations that govern their economic relations: preferential trade agreements and bilateral investment treaties. The objective of the second essay is to test the hypothesis that a preferential trade agreements increases the bilateral investment of its members and I find a strong and robust effect (for developed and developing countries alike). Based on the results of the second chapter, I test in a third essay whether a bilateral investment treaty between a developing and a developed country influences the partners’ trade flows, but the empirical effect of bilateral investment treaties on trade collapses once strict exogeneity is accounted for

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48

Epstein, Natan P. "Essays on international economics /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7481.

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Malone, Chad Allen. "A Socio-Historical Analysis of U.S. State Terrorism from 1948 to 2008." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1216592463.

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50

Ribeiro, Ricardo Alaggio. "A aliança para o Progresso e as relações Brasil-Estados Unidos." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280107.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T09:25:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_RicardoAlaggio_D.pdf: 1916730 bytes, checksum: 2b3015a388b46eaf6983434dee68e84a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: O tema desta pesquisa é a Aliança para o Progresso, programa de ajuda externa norte-americano direcionado para a América Latina, idealizado nos primórdios da administração Kennedy e implantado nos anos subseqüentes. O interesse maior do trabalho é investigar o impacto político e econômico do programa no Brasil, dando ênfase às relações Brasil - Estados Unidos durante o período 1961-1968. Para este fim, assume-se uma perspectiva ¿burocrática¿, cujos parâmetros estão descritos no trabalho. O braço operacional da Aliança foi a USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development) cujas operações brasileiras são estudadas, especificamente, privilegiando as relações entre os agentes americanos e os diferentes órgãos da burocracia brasileira que com eles trabalharam. Para uma melhor compreensão dos fatos, o trabalho foi dividido em duas etapas. A primeira, estuda a Aliança no período dos governos de Jânio Quadros e João Goulart, quando, por várias razões estudadas, o programa teve pouca aceitação no Brasil e desenvolveu-se um ciclo de cooperação e confronto que perdurou até a crise final que derrubou o regime. A segunda etapa analisa a ajuda externa americana durante o período do governo dos Generais Castello Branco e Costa e Silva. Durante o regime militar, especialmente nos seus primeiros anos, reuniram-se uma série de elementos que impulsionaram uma abordagem mais cooperativa, até então não alcançada. Um destes elementos foi a própria derrota dos grupos que se opunham à ajuda externa norte-americana. O programa atingiu um auge no Brasil durante o governo de Castello Branco. No decorrer do governo Costa e Silva, uma série de fatores, estudados na tese, levaram a um relativo distanciamento do Brasil em relação aos EUA sem, contudo, afetar significativamente o montante da assistência. A crise do AI-5, porém, vai suspender a ajuda. Posteriormente, o governo Nixon, com base no Relatório Rockfeller, muda a política americana para a região, acabando com a experiência de uma ajuda massiva destinada ao desenvolvimento econômico da América Latina
Abstract: The target of this work is the Alliance for Progress, an american foreign aid program to the Latin America countries. It was devised in the beginning of Kennedy administration and introduced in the subsequent years. The principal goal is to investigate the political and economical influence of the program in Brazil, emphasizing the U.S. ¿ Brazil relations, in 1961-1968 period. The operational branch of the American government, in this undertaking, was USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development). We analyze the actions among the american actor and the different brazilian bureaucratic agencies. To understand better this work, we divided it in two parts. The first studies the Alliance in the Jânio Quadros and João Goulart governments. In this period, the program doesn¿t receive good acceptance, even though was established a confront and cooperation cycle which lasted until the crisis that overthrew the regime. The second part studies the american foreign assistance during the Generals Castello Branco and Costa e Silva governments. In the military regime first years, with the removal of the groups that doesn¿t accept the american foreign aid, a more effective partnership was developed by the Alliance with Brazil. The program reached the apex during Castello Branco government, but in the years of Costa e Silva administration, several factors brought to a relative distance between the two countries. With the arrival of the AI-5 crisis the american aid was suspended. The President Nixon proposed new directions for the Latin America policy based in the Rockfeller Report, finishing the experience of a massive aid for the continental economic development
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International economic relations - History'

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