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Windell, Jennifer. "Auslanderfeindlichkeit in Contemporary Germany| Not Just an "East German Problem"." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1540568.
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<p> In the years since unification, the phenomenon of xenophobia (<i> Ausländerfeindlichkeit</i>) in Germany has been largely understood as an "east German problem." The recent discovery of a series of murders by an underground cell of eastern German neo-Nazis – who killed eight Turkish immigrants and one Greek immigrant between 2000 and 2006 – has again directed Germany's attention to the problem of <i>Ausländerfeindlichkeit </i> and right-wing extremism in eastern Germany. Scholars, politicians, and members of the media base their treatment of the subject on the assumption that eastern Germans are more xenophobic than western Germans, despite the fact that very few foreigners actually live in eastern Germany. This thesis employs historical analysis, population data, and public opinion survey data to determine whether or not this assumption holds true.</p><p> <i>Ausländerfeindlichkeit,</i> meaning "hostility toward foreigners," is a type of prejudice in which native Germans view non-German immigrants to be inferior based on characteristics such as culture, religion, and ethnicity. In both East and West Germany, as well as in united Germany, <i> Ausländerfeindlichkeit</i> has led to social and institutional discrimination and even violence against foreigners. Since the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent revelation that part of the attacks were planned by immigrants in the northern German city of Hamburg, the primary target of <i>Ausländerfeindlichkeit</i> in Germany has been the country's Muslim population, which is comprised primarily of Turkish immigrants and their German-born offspring. Though many countries around the world experience prejudice within their societies, this problem is of particular importance and interest in the German case because of the country's Nazi past.</p><p> German population data shows that only about 5% of the 7.4 million foreigners in Germany live in the eastern part of the country. Foreigners comprise less than 3% of the total population in eastern Germany. Turkish immigrants in particular are highly concentrated in the west and only 1% of the Turkish population lives in eastern Germany. Despite the smaller number of foreigners living in eastern Germany in comparison to western Germany, a majority of the public opinion surveys consulted show that eastern Germans have more negative attitudes towards foreigners than western Germans. Other survey data, on the other hand, finds no statistically significant difference between eastern and western German attitudes towards foreigners, making it unclear if eastern Germans really are more <i>Ausländerfeindlich.</i> The public opinion survey studies consulted also found that <i>Ausländerfeindlich </i> attitudes vary within the eastern and western regions themselves and that in several western German states, anti-foreigner sentiment is just as high as in the east, facts which are obscured when <i>Ausländerfeindlichkeit </i> is only looked at in terms of east and west. Survey data makes it clear that significant portions of both eastern and western German society hold negative attitudes towards foreigners.</p><p> In light of these findings, this thesis advocates a shift away from this east-west paradigm in the study of <i>Ausländerfeindlichkeit </i> in Germany. Instead, the issue must be dealt with on the national level, with the recognition that the potentially higher levels of xenophobia in the east do not absolve western Germans of a need to deal with prejudice in their own region.</p>
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LLORCA, Sébastien. "French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.
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Defence date: 14 December 2007<br>Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
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O'Neil, Kimberly. "Nuclear fusion: The political economy of technology in France and Germany." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6737.
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Liashenko, A. V. "Diplomatic relations between Ukraine and Germany: economic aspect." Master's thesis, Sumy State University, 2021. https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/86554.
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The master’s thesis focuses on diplomatic relationships between Ukraine and Germany the context of national development priorities. The main factors which affect on the influencing on international business. The main aim of this research is to recommendations to improve the relationships and bussines between Ukraine and Germany.<br>Магістерська робота присвячена дипломатичним відносинам між Україною та Німеччиною в контексті пріоритетів для національного економічного розвитку.
Основною метою даного дослідження є рекомендації щодо покращення відносин та бізнесу між Україною та Німеччиною.
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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.
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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
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Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
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Martinson, Jeffrey D. "What makes leaders think war? Foreign military intervention decision making in post-cold war Germany." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1133302429.
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Banerjee, Aditi. "Negotiating Domestic and International Pressures: France and Germany on Refugees." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin149340586962603.
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Lewis, Stephen Haynes. "Filling the Political Vacuum: The United States and Germany, 1944-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.
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Teodorescu-Badia, Alexandru. "Realism and Hegemonic Moralism: Germany and the United States in the Build-Up to the Second Gulf War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32076.
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International Relations in modernity have undergone phases of nation-state struggle and, more recently, globalized conflict. Theorists have used the paradigms of idealism and realism to explain state actor motivations in such conflicts; yet in the early 21st century, the United States initiated regime change in Iraq with claims of necessity pertaining to morality and security that could not be adequately explained using either framework. This thesis postulates that a paradigm shift in International Relations, as described by John Vasquez via Thomas Kuhn, is occurring as evidenced by the conduct of United States foreign policy towards Iraq.
This new paradigmatic approach, which Edward Weisband has titled Hegemonic Moralism, is analyzed in this thesis, explicating the ontological assumptions and policy initiatives made by the United States administration in the lead-up to the Second Gulf War. Hegemonic Moralism clashes with the realist beliefs underpinning Germanyâ s foreign policy during the same time period: with the threat of Anglo- American neo-liberal dominance in the Middle East a distinct possibility, Germany realigned its allies to forestall and de-legitimize looming U.S. regime change in Iraq. An analysis of realist theory and its assumptions of human and nation-state behaviour leads into an explication of the paradigm of US Hegemonic Moralism, comparing it with the realist behaviour exhibited by Germany. I suggest that descriptions of German sociopolitical discourse after the September 11 2001 attacks on the US and prior to the Second Gulf War convincingly show Germanyâ s social and political readiness to oppose the hegemonic neo-liberal Anglo-American paradigm.<br>Master of Arts
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Schalke, Thomas. "The Political Economy of Participation in the Euro: A Case Study of Italy and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1769.
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This thesis analyses the political economy of the decision of Italy and Germany to participate in the euro. The emphasis is on understanding the economic rationales employed in each country in support of euro membership.
For Italy, the central argument is that Italy outsourced monetary policy management to the ECB in order to delimit deficient domestic policy making and import German monetary credibility. This transferred the costs of monetary orthodoxy to Europe, and the thesis briefly examines places where we might observe those costs.
For Germany, the argument is that, out of respect for the national humiliation and shame of the Second World War, Germany shirked the possibility of unilaterally leading European monetary policy in favour of a European solution that suited German economic interests. German actors were aware of these economic benefits at the time.
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PATALAKH, ARTEM. "SOFT POWER REVISITED: HOW ATTRACTION WORKS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/579396.
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This thesis problematises the bases of soft power, that is, causal mechanisms connecting the agent (A) and the subject (B) of a power relationship. As the literature review reveals, their underspecification by neoliberal IR scholars, the leading proponents of the soft power concept, has caused a great deal of scholarly confusion over such questions as how to clearly differentiate between hard and soft power, how attraction (soft power’s primary mechanism) works and what roles structural and relational forces play in hard/soft power. In an effort to ascertain the bases, I address this issue not from the viewpoint of A’s policies or resources, like do IR neoliberal scholars, but in terms of B’s psychological perception of A. Employing social psychological accounts, I argue that attraction can be produced in three distinct ways, namely 1) through B’s identification with A (“emotional” attraction), 2) via B’s appreciation of A’s competence/knowledge in a particular field (“rational” attraction) and 3) by means of the activation of B’s
internalised values which contextually prescribe B to act in A’s favour (“social” attraction). Importantly, depending upon the way attraction is produced, it is peculiar in a number of characteristics, the main of which are power scope, weight and durability. Insights from social psychology also show that unlike soft power, hard power requires not only B’s relevant perception of the A-B relationship (as coercive or rewarding), but also A’s capability to actualise a threat of punishment and/or a promise of reward. I argue this difference can be fairly treated as definitional rather than empirical, which implies that coercion and reward necessarily have both relational and structural dimensions, whereas for attraction, a structural one alone suffices, while a relational one may or may not be present. Having explicated the soft power bases, I illustrate each of them using three “most likely” case studies, namely Serbia’s policies towards Russia (emotional attraction), Kazakhstan’s approach to relations with the EU (rational attraction) and Germany’s policies vis-à-vis Israel (social attraction).
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Beltran, Veda Elizabeth. "Xenophobia, Populism, and the Rise of the Far-Right in France and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1478.
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The purpose of this study is to further examine the populist wave that has struck the West, with specific regards to France and Germany. The growing anti-immigrant sentiment, the discontent with “establishment” politics, and fear-mongering tactics has given rise to far-right political parties such as the National Front and the Alternative for Germany. These political parties prove threatening to the democratic institutions in place, for they wish to limit the liberties of those who seem too different. Through delving into the core values of these countries and specific events revolving around foreigners, I explain how xenophobic ideology has been allowed to permeate through France and Germany’s society and has increased the legitimacy of political leaders like Marine Le Pen and Frauke Petry.
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Giangrande, Romuald. "L’Allemagne et l’Europe centrale. Achèvement d’une transition politique et émotionnelle." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3007.
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Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenaires<br>The German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners
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Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
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Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
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Asuelime, Bernadette O. "Why Korean Reunification Will Be Good, Necessary, and Different From Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/706.
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Much of the literature pertaining to North and South Korean reunification is written under the presumption that the two nations will—and more importantly, that they should— eventually reunify. Rather than assuming that reunification is inevitable and hypothesizing how it might come about, I examine political, social, and economic ramifications of reunification in order to discuss why Korean unification should occur, if it all.
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Hirt, Michael. "The constitutions of Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America in relation to Article 22 of the Warsaw Convention /." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59931.
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Article 22 of the Warsaw Convention, 1929 limits the liability of the air carrier in the event of death or wounding of a passenger to 125,000 Francs-Poincare based on a defined gold value. In 1955, the limitation has been raised to 250,000 Francs-Poincare.<br>As gold has lost its special position in the monetary system the value of the limitation of liability has decreased and some plaintiffs have argued that the limitation of liability is unconstitutional.<br>The Warsaw System is presented, the grounds for a limitation of liability, and Article 22 are analyzed. The relationship between municipal law and international law is described. The constitutionality of Article 22 is examined for the jurisdictions of Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America. Those lines of argumentation that could be used to challenge Article 22 in all constitutional systems similar to those of the abovementioned States are presented.
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Savery, Lynn. "International norms of sexual non-discrimination and changing state practices : a comparative study of Germany, Spain, Japan, and India." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/5776.
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Lang, Eva. "Young adult "migrant" women's experiences at work : Exploring intersections of gender, origins and age in Germany and Austria." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-149645.
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Healy, Joseph. "Central Europe in flux : Germany, Poland and Ukraine, 1918-1922." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2324/.
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This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalists, led by Petliura (The Ukrainian People’s Republic) and both Germany and Poland in the period 1918-1922. Although the thesis addresses primarily the situation after World War I and the military collapse of Germany in Eastern Europe, I also examine the historical relationship between Germany and Ukraine, which came to the fore in the period of World War I, and especially following the treaties of Brest Litovsk. This period involved the German recognition of Ukrainian independence, and the German intervention in Ukrainian internal political and economic affairs.
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Mugova, Terrence Tafadzwa. "Interdependence and business cycle transmission between South Africa and the USA, UK, Japan and Germany." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002680.
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The process of globalisation has had a large impact on the world economy over the past three decades. Economic globalisation has manifested itself in the increasing integration of goods and services through international trade and the integration of financial markets. As a consequence the existence of co-movements in economic variables of different countries has become more evident. The extent to which globalisation causes a country’s economy to move together with the rest of the world concerns policy-makers. When such co-movement is significant, the influence of policy-makers on their respective domestic economies is significantly reduced. South Africa re-entered the international economy in the early 1990s when the forces of globalisation, especially for developing countries, seemed to gain momentum. Empirical research such as Kabundi and Loots (2005) found strong evidence of international co-movement between the world business cycle and the South African business cycle, particularly following South Africa’s integration into the global economy. This study examines the relationship and interdependence between South Africa and four of its major developed trading partners. More particularly, the study examines the question of whether business cycles are transmitted from Germany, Japan, US and UK to South Africa, and/or from South Africa to Germany, Japan, the US and UK. The study employs structural vector autoregressive (SVARs) models to analyse monthly data from 1980:01–2008:04 on industrial production, producer prices, short-term interest rates and real effective exchange rates. The results show that South Africa benefits from economic growth in both the UK and US. They also indicate significant price transmission from Germany and Japan to South Africa, with transmission in the opposite direction being statistically insignificant. The impulse response graphs show that a positive one standard deviation shock to both German and Japanese producer prices has a negative impact on South African output (industrial production) growth. Furthermore, South African monetary policy is relatively unresponsive to international monetary policy stances. The findings of this study indicate that South African policymakers need to take into consideration economic performance of the country’s major trading partners, with particular emphasis on the UK and US economies.
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Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
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Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
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Difato, Christine Anne. "An international relations analysis of citizenship and intercultural dialogue among minority youth in Berlin and London : a levels-of-analysis approach." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14049.
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Corresponding to the rising threat of terrorism and heightened security concerns throughout Europe, potential parallel communities have come under increased scrutiny and pressure to engage and integrate in the politics and society of the country of settlement. Meanwhile, immigrants and the descendants of immigrants have lived in the countries of Western Europe for up to three and four generations. In this discussion, the tools of intercultural dialogue and citizenship have been proposed to bridge the ‘gap’ between ‘majority’ and ‘minority’ communities, permeating state practices from the national to the local level. This dissertation proposes to contribute to the field of International Relations by examining an often excluded space, that is, the local arena. Moreover, it expands the field in terms of giving attention to the role that youth play in international politics. Using a levels-of-analysis approach and a comparative case study method, comments from students, teachers, and parents in Berlin and London were analysed in keeping with a critical constructivist methodology. I found that, in spite of their different histories and immigration experiences, the perceptions of citizenship and intercultural dialogue have more in common than not. The main contributing factors to their experience appeared to be notions of belonging ingrained in the respective national imaginary in the context of globalization. In each case, the overlapping, intersecting experiences of minority youth cross-cut political and juridical boundaries. Far from being confined to a city district, the ramifications of these intersections are global in scale. From local participation to media culture, minority youth participate in an ongoing navigation of international issues in their day-to-day lives.
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Perkins, Marianne. "Refugee Resettlement in Germany: An Analysis of Policy Learning and Support Networks." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/617.
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The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.
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Just, Thomas. "Contemporary State Policies Toward Anti-Semitism in Germany and Poland." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3487.
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Broadly speaking, this research is intended to shed light on how post-genocide societies attempt to address a traumatic history and reconcile the problems of ethnic and religious hatred. Germany and Poland are especially ripe cases for such research given their historical memories of the Holocaust and unique legal and diplomatic efforts to counter anti-Semitism. However, since many of the policies on this issue have only been implemented in the past ten to fifteen years, there has not yet been a comprehensive study that has evaluated their effectiveness. This dissertation will attempt to fill this gap in the literature and provide new insight as to how states can best grapple with this problem. The central question for this research is: Have state policies been effective in reducing levels of anti-Semitic attitudes and incidents in Germany and Poland since 1990?
This question will be investigated by first examining the historical development of anti-Semitism in each country, then discussing the policies implemented to address the problem, and finally evaluating the results of such measures. From a public policy perspective, this research will contribute to our understanding of the approaches taken by these two countries and discover which measures have been most effective in reducing anti-Semitic behavior and ideology. The findings show that while the policies implemented have tended to be effective in reducing general anti-Semitic attitudes and helping revive domestic Jewish communities, they have been less successful in reducing levels of anti-Semitic crime. The policy analysis portions of the dissertation provide a number of explanations for these outcomes and acknowledge areas for potential policy improvement. This research has implications not only for the region of Central Europe, but also other societies that continue to grapple with problems of ethnic and religious hatred.
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Couronne, Céline. "What can Art Teach us about Integration? : The role of art in postmigrant integration: cases from Germany, Sweden and Luxembourg." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för migration, etnicitet och samhälle (REMESO), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-170776.
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The term integration became a buzzword and is omnipresent in the current European discourses. Despite its broad definitions, there is a tendency in migration studies and the political narrative to focus exclusively on migrants and their descendants while upholding the vision of a fixed “host society”, with an established national culture, in which migrants should integrate. The present study aims to reframe the concept of integration by adopting a postmigrant approach and by analyzing the contribution of art projects in this regard. To do so, the study draws on two current theoretical approaches to integration in the social sciences, Stuart Hall’s conceptualization of national culture, the postmigration concept and the societal impact of art as theoretical framework. First, the notion of integration has been positioned theoretically in current postmigrant debates. The content analysis demonstrates that the conceptualization of postmigrant integration takes distance from the notion of assimilation and looks beyond the topic of migration. Second, eight semi-structured interviews have been conducted with project team members and project participants of the art projects “Newcomers”, “Leben, Erzählen, Schreiben”, “Hela Bilden”, and the organization “Alter & Ego”. The thematic analysis of the interviews showed the necessity to address the “host population”, i.e. individuals without experience of forced migration, to overcome monolingualism and to concentrate on societal diversity which contributes to the theorization of postmigrant integration. The present thesis indicates the importance of the arts regarding their societal impact and agency to provide alternative narratives on migration and integration. It also stresses the necessity of integration policies and the European migration regime to take part in the reframing of current migration discourses by directly addressing the “host population” and acknowledging today’s context of plural societies in which everyone should integrate.<br><p>This thesis has been written as part of the EuMIGS double degree programme in the field of Migration Studies. </p>
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Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
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Popovich, Sara A. "Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik: The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.
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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.
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Schelb, Simone-Ariane. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the European Union: A Case Study of Germany and Hungary." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3543.
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This thesis explores the impact of the Syrian refugee crisis on the Common European Asylum System. It evaluates the extent to which the European Union was able to implement a common asylum system, identifies discrepancies between different European countries, primarily Germany and Hungary, and briefly examines the roots of these differences. To this end, the structure of the international refugee protection regime and the German and Hungarian asylum systems are analyzed. Furthermore, the thesis explores how the governments of the two countries perceive the rights of refugees and how their views have affected their handling of the crisis. The case studies of Germany and Hungary have revealed that the treatment of Syrian refugees varies enormously within the EU. Hence, the implementation of the Common European Asylum System has not been achieved, which can be attributed to the deficiencies within the system and the growing ideological rifts within the EU.
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Givens, Seth A. "Bringing Back Memories: GIs, Souvenir Hunting, and Looting in Germany, 1945." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275450120.
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O'Reilly, Declan. "IG Farbenindustrie A.G., Interhandel and General Aniline and Film Corporation : a problem in international political and economic relations between Germany, Switzerland and the United States, 1929-1965." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265424.
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Romanova, Mariya. "La politique étrangère française et l’Ukraine de la fin de la Première Guerre Mondiale à 1921." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040067.
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Le déclenchement de la Grande Guerre change l’équilibre politique mondial, y compris en Europe centrale et orientale. L’écroulement des empires russe et austro-hongrois favorise la naissance des nouveaux États-nations, en particulier de l’Ukraine. Le jeune pays, tiraillé pendant quelques siècles, apparaît sur les décombres de deux puissances. Le nouveau régime s’oppose alors à des adversaires puissants : l’Armée Volontaire et l’Armée Rouge. Les décisionnaires du Gouvernement Provisoire russe, présidé par Alexandre Kerenskij et les bolcheviks, conduits par Vladimir Lénine, se prononcent défavorablement à la construction de l’État ukrainien indépendant et veulent le conserver sous la tutelle russe. Dans ces conditions, l’Ukraine sollicite l’appui des puissances étrangères pour lutter contre ses ennemis intérieurs. Les dignitaires ukrainiens demandent le concours militaire de deux camps belligérants : des Alliés et des Empires Centraux. En France, il y a deux groupes politiques. Le premier est favorable à la reconstruction de la Russie seule et indivisible. Ses représentants estiment que les pays soumis au pouvoir russe doivent lutter avec la Russie et les Alliés contre les Puissances Centrales. Il faut ainsi reconnaître le droit de ces pays à l’auto-détérmination. Le regroupement des forces militaires repose sur le principe des nationalités. La seconde tendance présentée par Jean Pélissier privilégie la lutte avec la jeune Ukraine contre le bolchévisme et ne considérait pas le mouvement ukrainien comme germanophile. Au début du XXième siècle, les camps politiques des Puissances Centrales et des pays de l’Entente jouent la carte ukrainienne pour atteindre leurs buts dans la Première Guerre Mondiale<br>The I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War
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Femers, Jörg. "Deutsch-britische Optionen Untersuchungen zur internationalen Politik in der späten Bismarck-Ära ; (1879 - 1890)." Trier Wiss. Verl. Trier, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2826377&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Bibert, Alexandre. "Les relations syndicales franco-allemandes (France, RFA, RDA) de 1945 à 1973." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG048.
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La Seconde Guerre mondiale a profondément perturbé les sociétés européennes. À son issue, le champ est laissé libre à des dynamiques de recomposition passant par des rapprochements ou, au contraire, par des clivages puissants. Les populations françaises et allemandes ont été affectées au premier chef par ces évolutions. Or, comme les organisations syndicales de travailleurs constituent les principales organisations de masses, elles offrent un angle d’approche particulièrement intéressant pour appréhender le dialogue développé dans un contexte marqué par la partition de l’Allemagne, par la Guerre Froide, et par la construction européenne dont l’interpénétration des économies est un des principaux aspects. Cette thèse considère, à la croisée de la question de la réconciliation et de celle d’une coopération à venir, la mise en place des échanges syndicaux entre la France et les deux Allemagnes, examine la pratique des échanges et éclaire les phénomènes de convergence et de crispation<br>The Second World War profoundly disrupted European societies. When the war came to an end, a dynamic of recomposition, based either on reconciliation or on sharp divisions, took hold of the continent. The French and German populations were the first to bear the brunt of these evolutions. Because of their numerous adherents, trade unions constituted the most important mass organizations of their time, and consequently offer a particularly interesting perspective on the Franco-German dialogue, especially against the backdrop of the division of Germany into two states, the Cold War, and the construction of Europe, of which economic interpenetration was a main aspect. This thesis considers, at the crossroads of a process of reconciliation and of future cooperation, the establishment and structuring of trade unions exchanges between France and Germany, examines exchange practices, and highlights adjoining convergence and tension phenomena
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Zielinski, Joseph M. "The Politics of Appeasement: Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.
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Baratier-Negri, Laurence. "Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et la Grande-Bretagne : le couple franco-britannique sur la scène internationale de 1974 à1981." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040048.
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Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondiale<br>The 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance
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Romanova, Mariya. "La politique étrangère française et l’Ukraine de la fin de la Première Guerre Mondiale à 1921." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040067.
Full textAbstract:
Le déclenchement de la Grande Guerre change l’équilibre politique mondial, y compris en Europe centrale et orientale. L’écroulement des empires russe et austro-hongrois favorise la naissance des nouveaux États-nations, en particulier de l’Ukraine. Le jeune pays, tiraillé pendant quelques siècles, apparaît sur les décombres de deux puissances. Le nouveau régime s’oppose alors à des adversaires puissants : l’Armée Volontaire et l’Armée Rouge. Les décisionnaires du Gouvernement Provisoire russe, présidé par Alexandre Kerenskij et les bolcheviks, conduits par Vladimir Lénine, se prononcent défavorablement à la construction de l’État ukrainien indépendant et veulent le conserver sous la tutelle russe. Dans ces conditions, l’Ukraine sollicite l’appui des puissances étrangères pour lutter contre ses ennemis intérieurs. Les dignitaires ukrainiens demandent le concours militaire de deux camps belligérants : des Alliés et des Empires Centraux. En France, il y a deux groupes politiques. Le premier est favorable à la reconstruction de la Russie seule et indivisible. Ses représentants estiment que les pays soumis au pouvoir russe doivent lutter avec la Russie et les Alliés contre les Puissances Centrales. Il faut ainsi reconnaître le droit de ces pays à l’auto-détérmination. Le regroupement des forces militaires repose sur le principe des nationalités. La seconde tendance présentée par Jean Pélissier privilégie la lutte avec la jeune Ukraine contre le bolchévisme et ne considérait pas le mouvement ukrainien comme germanophile. Au début du XXième siècle, les camps politiques des Puissances Centrales et des pays de l’Entente jouent la carte ukrainienne pour atteindre leurs buts dans la Première Guerre Mondiale<br>The I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War
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Bunout, Estelle. "Les regards experts sur l’Est en Allemagne et en Pologne : émergence, cristallisation et révision (1918-1972)." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0392/document.
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La 1e Guerre mondiale fut le catalyseur de mutations sociales et techniques, qui suscitent de nouveaux besoins d’administration, matérialisés par l’émergence d’un nouveau groupe social: celui des experts. Dans les États modernes allemands et polonais, un groupe particulier d’experts se détache, qui se spécialisent dans une thématique aux profondes racines culturelles : l’Est européen.Les changements de régime et de territoire entre 1918 et 1972 déstabilisent le cadre de référence des sociétés allemandes et polonaises, particulièrement entre 1939 et 1945. Cependant, l’historiographie des sciences de l’Est allemandes (Ostforschung) souligne les continuités personnelles, institutionnelles et conceptuelles fortes dans l’expertise de l’Est du « IIIe Reich » à l’Allemagne de l’Ouest. En Allemagne de l’Est et en Pologne, au contraire, le changement de régime après 1945 rend impossible toute continuité, mais la question de l’évolution de la pensée sur l’Est dans les cercles de l’expertise, qui eux se maintiennent, reste posée.En dépassant l’analyse de l’expertise en termes de subordination aux différents régimes politiques auxquels elle s’adresse, nous mettons en valeur les spécificités de l’expertise de l’Est. Elle se caractérise par un double ancrage dans l’imaginaire collectif et dans les pratiques scientifiques contemporaines, pour exprimer un but politique. Cet ancrage explique l’inertie dans les conceptions allemandes et polonaises de l’Est. L’approche comparatiste souligne tant la diversité des conceptions de l’Est, que les fonctions sociales comparables de l’Est, notamment celle d’ennemi et d’espace de projection nationale, passée et à venir<br>The First World War was the catalyst for social and technical changes, which gave rise to new administrative needs, materialized by the emergence of a new social group: that of the experts. In modern German and Polish states, a particular group of experts stands out, specializing in a theme with deep cultural roots: eastern Europe.The changes of regime and territory between 1918 and 1972 destabilize the frame of reference of the German and Polish societies, particularly between 1939 and 1945. However, the historiography of Eastern German sciences (Ostforschung) emphasizes the personal, institutional and conceptual continuity in the expertise of the East from the "Third Reich" to West Germany. In East Germany and Poland, on the contrary, the change of regime after 1945 renders any continuity impossible, but the question of the evolution of the thought on the East in the circles of the expertise, which maintained, remains asked.By going beyond the analysis of expertise in terms of subordination to the various political regimes to which it is addressed, we highlight the specificities of Eastern expertise. It is characterized by a double anchoring in the collective imagination and in contemporary scientific practices, to express a political goal. This anchorage explains the inertia in the German and Polish conceptions of the East. The comparatist approach emphasizes both the diversity of Eastern conceptions and the comparable social functions of the East, particularly that of the enemy and the space of national projection, past and future
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Silva, Cristiana Isabel Oliveira da. "Nation branding como instrumento de soft power – o caso da Alemanha." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13681.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais<br>Na era da informação, a sociedade civil global tem uma participação cada vez mais ativa nos processos de decisão em política externa. Consequentemente, os Estados tendem a privilegiar as estratégias de soft power, assentes em instrumentos de promoção da sua imagem, no sentido de influenciar as opiniões públicas estrangeiras e preservar a legitimidade política subjacente às ações empreendidas. Neste sentido, desenvolvem-se mecanismos inovadores de relações públicas, adaptados à sociedade da informação.
O nation branding é um conceito recente nas relações internacionais. Através do nation branding, os Estados procuram criar uma imagem positiva que promovem externamente, a fim de se tornarem mais atraentes e competitivos a nível internacional. O objetivo desta dissertação é introduzir o conceito de nation branding e avaliar a sua importância na construção do soft power dos Estados.
Este trabalho está dividido em três partes. A primeira parte corresponde ao enquadramento conceptual, incluindo a apresentação dos principais conceitos operacionais. A segunda parte analisa o estado da arte, à luz do atual debate em torno do conceito de nation branding. Na última parte, tentaremos mostrar como o nation branding funciona na prática, apresentando as principais estratégias de nation branding da Alemanha, terminando com a análise da ‘marca Alemanha’.<br>In the information era, the global civil society has an increasingly active participation in foreign policy decision-making process. Accordingly, states tend to focus on soft power strategies based on instruments used for promoting their international image, in order to influence foreign public opinion and to preserve the underlying political legitimacy to the actions taken. For this purposes, they develop innovative mechanisms of public relations, adapted to the information society.
Nation branding is a recent concept in the international relations field. States turn to nation branding with the aim of creating a positive image which they promote to the foreign publics in order to become more attractive and competitive at the international level. This dissertation serves the purpose of introducing the concept of nation branding and its relevance as a soft power building tool.
This work is divided into three parts. The first part corresponds to the conceptual framework, including the presentation of the main operational concepts. The second part analyses the ongoing debate around the concept of nation brading. In the last part, we will try to show how nation branding works in practice, presenting the main German nation branding strategies, and ending this part with the analysis of the ‘brand Germany’.<br>N/A
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Boran-Krüger, Seda [Verfasser], and Arne [Herausgeber] Krueger. "Germany, the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian Question : Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy in the department of political science and international relations. / Seda Boran-Krueger." Berlin : epubli, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1139936093/34.
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Baratier-Negri, Laurence. "Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et la Grande-Bretagne : le couple franco-britannique sur la scène internationale de 1974 à1981." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040048.
Full textAbstract:
Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondiale<br>The 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance
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Grillere-Lacroix, Diane. "L’occupation italienne face à l’occupation allemande. Analyse et enjeux de l’autre occupation en France métropolitaine 1938-1943." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040197.
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De 1938 à 1940, l’existence d’un programme de revendications territoriales de l’Italie fasciste sur la France et le renforcement de l’Axe Rome-Berlin rendent impossible une entente réelle franco-italienne et conduisent au contraire à l’entrée en guerre de l’Italie contre la France le 10 juin 1940. Malgré une bataille des Alpes peu couronnée de succès mais grâce à la signature d’une convention d’armistice, l’Italie de Mussolini peut occuper de facto une partie du territoire métropolitain français. Quoique limitée dans sa superficie du 25 juin 1940 au 11 novembre 1942, l’occupation italienne se développe avec ses propres caractéristiques et s’inscrit dans une configuration géopolitique nouvelle. L’occupation incarne ainsi la revendication fasciste d’une place privilégiée au sein du nouvel ordre européen mais aussi la réalisation possible des ambitions territoriales énoncées depuis 1938, les deux au détriment de la France. L’extension de l’ « occupation », du 11 novembre 1942 au 8 septembre 1943, semble accentuer dans un premier temps cette emprise italienne sur la France et son territoire, mais la politique souveraine de l’occupant italien est éphémère puisque deux mois à peine après la chute du gouvernement fasciste, le 25 juillet 1943, l’Italie signe l’armistice avec les Alliés mettant fin à la domination italienne sur la France<br>From 1938 to 1940, the existence of a territorial claims program by Fascist Italy on France and the reinforcement of the Rome-Berlin Axis make a real agreement between Italy and France impossible and lead on the contrary to the Italian declaration of war against France on June 10th 1940. In spite of a battle in the Alps quite unsuccessful but thanks to the conclusion of an armistice convention, Mussolini’s Italy can occupy de facto a part of French metropolitan territory. Although a limited area is occupied from June 25th 1940 to 11th November 1942, the Italian occupation is developing with its own characteristics in a new geopolitical configuration. Thus the occupation illustrates the Fascist claim of a privileged position into the New European Order but also the possible realization of territorial ambitions stated for 1938, both to the detriment to France. The extension of the “occupation” from November 11th 1942 to September 8th 1943, seems to increase firstly the Italian “control” on France and its southeastern territory, but the sovereign policy of the occupying power don’t last since hardly two months after the fall of Fascist government, on July 25th 1943, Italy signs an armistice with the Allies which puts an end to the Italian domination on France
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Deets, Michael Joseph. "German-Soviet Relations and the International System." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625912.
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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Jaggard, Lyn Denise. "Germany's international relations of climate change." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420403.
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Witzel, Kristin. "Neoliberal Capitalism and Migrant Engagement in Culturally Racist Parties : The Cases of the German AfD and the Swedish SD." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-168450.
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During the last decades, culturally racist parties, like the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the Alterna-tive for Germany (AfD), have seen a rapid growth in popularity and are now represented in parliaments in almost all European countries. Although the majority of their voters are considered white, male, and working class, a growing number of people with a migration background started sup-porting parties of said political stream that frame migration as the biggest threat to society. This thesis aims at understanding the alleged contradiction of individuals that are to different degrees racialized as immigrants becoming members in the SD and AfD. Located within discourses of racial neoliberalism, the study examines how national belonging and subject positions are constructed and contested, and how racist migrant respectability serves as a strategy of overcoming a struggle for belonging to the host society.
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Daheur, Jawad. "Le Parc à bois de l'Allemagne : course aux ressources et hégémonie commerciale dans les bassins de la Vistule et de la Warta (1840-1914)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG041.
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Cette étude traite des stratégies allemandes pour prendre le contrôle des ressources en bois d’oeuvre dans l’espace baltique entre 1840 et 1914. Centré sur le commerce dans les bassins de la Vistule et de la Warta, elle montre comment la puissance allemande montante y est parvenue à sécuriser un accès bon marché et stable aux ressources ligneuses. Les firmes établirent leur domination commerciale en développant des technologies de transport et en renforçant leurs capacités financières et organisationnelles, tout cela en tirant profit des faiblesses économiques et politiques locales. En analysant les dimensions écologiques et économiques de l’extraction et de la transformation des bois, la thèse souligne le rôle joué par les importations dans la préservation des forêts allemandes. Elle présente également les impacts de cette évolution sur les populations locales et l’environnement. En conclusion, la thèse plaide pour une histoire authentiquement globale de la forêt allemande<br>This thesis deals with the German attempts to take control over timber resources in the Baltic area between 1840 and 1914. Focused on the trade in the Vistula and Warta river basins, it shows how the rising German economy managed to make the local forests into its backyard by securing cheap and stable access to timber resources. German firms progressively achieved trade dominance by developing transport technologies and reinforcing their financial and organizational capacities. They also managed to take advantage of the local economic and political weaknesses. Through ecological and economic explanation of timber extraction and processing, the thesis underlines the role played by foreign timber in the preservation of the German forests. It also describes the impact of this process on the local population and environment. Finally, the thesis advocates for a truly global history of the German forest
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Arkhiiereiev, Sergii I. "Bilateral trade relation of Ukraine and Germany." Thesis, Національний технічний університет "Харківський політехнічний інститут", 2018. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/45691.
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Blanz, Franziska. "Solidarity research with Xochicuicatl e.V. : Exploring the dynamics between the organization its beneficiaries and the overall migrant group." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Avdelningen för migration, etnicitet och samhälle (REMESO), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-171209.
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This thesis project is an act of solidarity research with the Berlin based Latin American women’s organization Xochicuicatl. Along the idea that research should be based on the interests and needs of oppressed groups, the research design was developed in cooperation with the organization. The study centers on migration movements between Latin America and the Caribbean and Germany. Moreover, it investigates the dynamics of inner-outer interplay between the organization the beneficiaries and the overall migrant group. The main method isa qualitative content analysis of documents out of the organization’s archive. The organization’s response to transformations is thereby analyzed through action within invited (coping) and invented (resistance) spaces of citizenship. In this regard, the organization’s space is understoodas a subaltern counterpublic which enables a connection between coping and resistance.