Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'International socialist'

This thesis examines the role of the western European socialist parties’ transnational cooperation in European integration in the 1970s. It argues that their cooperation across national borders significantly influenced politics and policy-making in what was then the European Communities (EC). The thesis focuses on the network-like informal structures that characterised transnational cooperation between those socialist (leading) party members/leaders of different national parties involved in European affairs. Methodologically, the study draws on concepts from political science, notably, the ‘policy network’ approach and the notion of ‘Europeanisation’ and utilises these concepts as analytical tools for historical source analysis. Empirically, the study is based on extensive archival research in 17 archives in nine countries, including newly accessible party sources and previously undisclosed private papers. While so far research concentrated on Christian democrats’ contribution to European integration, for the first time, the thesis documents that socialist transnational cooperation in and through transnational networks was an important factor of the emerging European governance system. In two case studies, the thesis addresses the role of the socialist transnational cooperation concerning two important policy areas, namely, EC development aid policy and EC southern enlargement policy. Both policy fields helped define the external dimension of European politics and policy-making in the 1970s with major challenges such as the fair distribution of resources between the rich North and the poor South and the transitions in southern Europe with tremendous consequences for the political order in Western Europe and the EC. The thesis demonstrates that the socialist parties strengthened their informal transnational network structures for the purposes of debating ideological and programmatic issues and finding policy solutions to common challenges in both policy fields. Moreover, it shows that the socialist transnational networks developed various functions to influence European governance. Against this background, the analysis in this thesis makes not only a significant contribution to the study of transnational networks of western European socialist parties and European integration in the 1970s; it also adds to our understanding of the role of transnational networks in European politics and policy-making.

The paper examines the political economy taking place in Belarus since the mid-1990s in the context of the post-socialist transformation discourse. The former has prioritised the interests of non-proprietary social groups, and hence has frequently deviated from the mainstream post-socialist political economy agenda, composed of neo-liberalism and its socially-oriented alternatives, which have focused on new proprietors as driving forces of changes in the former socialist societies. Such a deviation might have been determined by Belarus' continuous allegiance to many of the socialist principles and policy methods in both economic and social spheres, as well as in politics, while the approaches dominating the post-socialist discourse presume adoption of Western principles of capitalist economy and pluralist democracy. At the same time, the country's transformation pattern has been closer to those trends in the post-socialist discourse, defined as socio-economics, which call for gradual state-led reforms, rather than to the radical liberalisation agenda of neo-liberalism. Notably, Belarusian authorities have sought to contain the costs of the transformation by following a gradual path and avoiding radical liberalisation and privatisation, but contrary to socio-economics, they have not focused on fostering new private enterprise, keeping their commitment to non-proprietary groups and the public sector they work in. While this has been frequently labelled as populism, the analysis of economic factors associated with it has not proved such allegations. Similarly, there has not been sufficient evidence to confirm the other popular criticism, regarding an allegedly utter corruptness of Belarusian authorities. In tum, the available survey and private opinion data have been in line with the official electoral outcomes, pointing at consistent public support of the policies pursued in the country. The research should provide a dual contribution to the existing knowledge of the post-socialist transformation. Above all, it amounts to a study of socio-economic determinants of Belarus' transformation, which have been frequently ignored in the English-language academic literature. In addition, it tests the validity and universal applicability of the predominant transformation paradigms, as the case of Belarus shows that it is possible to achieve positive socio-economic results and political stability following alternative political economy routes, which give proper consideration to the costs of reforms, and are based on wide public support.

L'Internationale socialiste (IS) jouit d'un curieux privilège : celui d'être fréquemment invoquée sans retenir véritablement l'attention des analystes. Plus de quarante ans après sa reconstruction, l'héritière de l'Internationale ouvrière socialiste a en effet suscité peu de travaux de recherche. Si l'ISs a connu un regain d'actualité depuis son Congrès de Genève en 1976 en raison de ses orientations tiers-mondistes et non alignées et grâce à l'audience personnelle de son nouveau président, W. Brandt, la période qui va de la renaissance de l'organisation au "nouveau départ" de Genève constitue encore aujourd'hui une zone d'ombre. A l'aide des archives de l'organisation, largement inédites, la présente thèse tente de restituer les enjeux qui ont travaillé l'Internationale pendant trente ans et ont contribué à façonner ses inflexions. Le sens de cette démarche tend à démontrer que l'IS n'est pas une organisation étroitement instrumentale mais un mouvement éthique qui a vocation à formuler les idéaux des socialistes, idéaux forgés dans l'ordre interne et projetés dans l'univers international, et dont les prétentions universalistes se sont successivement appuyées sur la mise en ordre lexical des valeurs de la liberté et de l'égalité puis sur leur mise en balance
If the Socialist International (si) has managed to gain a new audience since its Geneva Congress in 1976, because of its non-aligned approach and the personal audience of its new president, W. Brandt, the period which goes from the rebirth of the organisation in 1945 to the "new start" of Geneva remains, even today, in the dark. Studying the mostly unpublished archives of the organisation, this thesis attemps to identify the stakes which shaped the SI during thirthy years. This analysis tends to portray the SI not as an instrumental organisation but as an ethical movement with a vocation which led it to formulate the socialists' ideals; ideals forged in a domestic context which are then projected into the international environment. These universalistic ideals rested, successively, on the hierachical scale of values of liberty and equality and then on their juxtaposition. The analysis contained in the thesis is an attempt to explain an ethic common to all socialists, wether they be defined as "democratic socialists" or "social-democrats", in their relationship to national politics or to the challenge of the international arena

En étudiant l’histoire des différents courants du socialisme et du communisme en France depuis la défaite de la Commune de Paris jusqu’à la Seconde Guerre mondiale, on met l’accent sur différents thèmes essentiels : l’internationalisme, les rapports avec le féminisme, l’analyse critique de l’impérialisme, l’anticolonialisme. Des éclairages détaillés sont apportés en particulier sur la période primordiale de l’unité socialiste, celle du Parti socialiste SFIO de 1905 à 1914 – dont sont issus par la suite tous les partis et groupes socialistes et communistes en France. Mon but est ici d’essayer de comprendre pour quoi militent ces socialistes, et comment ils le font. Leurs pratiques organisationnelles sont-elles en harmonie avec leurs objectifs politiques ? Comment analysent-ils le monde dans lequel ils vivent, et qu’ils veulent changer ? Quelle est la nature de leur internationalisme, affirmé jusque dans le nom de leur parti ? Quelle est leur place dans le mouvement ouvrier en général ? L’approche historique par diverses focales est complétée notamment par l’étude du militantisme à la base (les réunions de sections), l’attention aux parcours militants sur le temps long, et le regard des socialistes d’autres pays (par exemple en examinant l’attitude et les écrits de Rosa Luxemburg pendant l’affaire Dreyfus)
Studying the History of the several socialist and communist currents in France since the defeat of the Paris Commune to the Second World War, the emphasis is on essential topics : internationalism, connections with feminism, the critical analysis of imperialism, anticolonialism. Detailed studies are in particular brought upon the primordial time of the socialist unity, the time of the Socialist party SFIO from 1905 to 1914 – from which are later formed all the socialist and communists parties and groups in France. My goal is to try to understand why those socialists campaign, and how they do it. Are their organizational practices consistent with their policy goals ? How do they analyze the world in which they live, and which they want to change ? What is the nature of their internationalism, affirmed even in the name of their party ? What is their place in the labor movement in general ? The historical approach through various focal points is supplemented in particular by the study of grassroots activism (section meetings), attention to militant journeys over the long term, and the perspective of socialists from other countries (for example in examining the attitude and writings of Rosa Luxemburg during the Dreyfus affair)

The Research: A Long Road. History Matters. The Socialist International (SI). The External Dimension of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE): Latin America and the EEC. The External Dimension of the Italian Socialist Party: Latin America and the EEC.

Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, this paper examines differences in entrepreneurial perceptions (fear of failure, opportunity perception, self-efficacy, public opinion) between CEE and non-CEE countries, before and after the 2008 recession, as well as the effects of these perceptions on entrepreneurial motivation and overall levels of activity. The results suggest that CEE countries have systematically more pessimistic outlooks in terms of fear of failure and opportunity perception, but no difference from non-CEE countries in self-efficacy and public opinion. Additionally, most of the difference in fear of failure and opportunity perception, along with an increase in necessity-motivated entrepreneurship, comes after the recession, suggesting less durability and resilience of optimistic entrepreneurial perceptions in CEE countries. Finally, there is evidence of a higher threshold for a perceived opportunity to become a business reality in these post-socialist CEE countries.

L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisation
The socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization
L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta Tese examina as implicações políticas da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento de Moçambique em três momentos: (i) o período referente à solidariedade socialista; (ii) o contexto da cooperação tradicional Norte-Sul; (iii) a experiência (re) emergente da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Nossa incursão analítica mostra que foram cerca de 40 anos de cooperação internacional que permitiram uma série de transformações em nível político, econômico e social, e que construíram um país como um autêntico artefato de intervenção externa. Nesse sentido, analisam-se os efeitos políticos provocados pelas três propostas sugeridas de cooperação na esfera doméstica de Moçambique. Por um lado, constata-se que a cooperação internacional acaba por constituir-se em projeto de poder que afeta a produção de políticas públicas, a construção da autonomia e, mais recentemente, o processo de democratização em curso. Por outro, evidencia-se que os atores internacionais que atuam no campo da cooperação para o desenvolvimento em Moçambique agem imbuídos de seus respectivos interesses e agendas de política externa. Na relação entre os distintos atores e o Estado moçambicano, identificam-se alguns fatores-chave, tais como a fraca capacidade estatal, a existência de enormes assimetrias entre Moçambique e seus parceiros, o vício em receber cooperação que transforma essa relação em uma das principais fontes de manutenção do Estado, bem como a preservação das elites políticas tradicionais fatores que limitam o alcance dos objetivos reais de desenvolvimento que as distintas formas e modalidades de cooperação internacional prometem e buscam promover.
This doctoral thesis examines political implications of international development cooperation in Mozambique in three main time periods: (i) the period of socialist solidarity; (ii) the context of traditional north-north cooperation; (iii) the experience of (re) emerging southsouth cooperation. Our analytical work shows that the last forty years of Mozambique international development cooperation have provoked a series of political, economic and social transformations, resulting in the construction of an authentic artifact of external intervention. In this context, we analyze the political effects of the three proposals of development cooperation in Mozambiques domestic sphere. On the one hand, we find that international cooperation turns out to be a project of power that affects the production of public policies, the construction of autonomy and, more recently, the ongoing democratization process. On the other, we make it evident that international actors working in the field of development cooperation in Mozambique act based on their respective foreign policy interests and agendas. We also identify that the relationship between the different actors and the Mozambican state has shown key factors such as a weak state capacity, the existence of huge asymmetries between Mozambique and its partners, the addiction to development cooperation that transforms this relationship into one of the main sources of state maintenance, and the preservation of traditional political elites all factors that constrain the achievement of the real goals of development that the different forms and modalities of international cooperation to promise and attempt to promote.

La solidarité ouvrière par-delà les frontières politiques tient une place particulière dans l'imaginaire socialiste et ouvrier des XIXe et XXe siècles. Au moment même où le libéralime économique constitue la principale figure de l'oppression ouvrière, elle constitue le seul moyen de susciter l'effroi chez les possédants. Au-dela du mythe, qu'en est-il réellement ? Dans le Nord de la France et la Belgique, l'extrême similitude d'existence des ouvriers dans les entreprises favorise le projet des socialistes de rapporcher les mouvements ouvriers afin d'unifier les revendications des divers groupes ouvriers. Aussi, entre 1840 et 1929, militants et responsables des mouvements ouvriers nordiste et belge entreprennent un travail pour diffuser les idées internationalistes de fraternité et d'abolition des frontières politiques pour les ouvriers. Mais très rapidement, l'idée d'ouverture de la frontière franco-belge qui favorise l'immigration et la concurrence ouvrière devient la pomme de discorde entre les ouvriers et les socialistes nordistes
The working solidarity beyond the political boundaries holds a special place in the socialist and workman imagination in the XIXth and XXth centuries. At same time, when the economic liberalism is the main figure of working, the working solidarity is the only way to arouse fear among the wealthy so what is real beyond the myth ? In the north of France and in Belgium, the extreme similarity of workers way of living in the firms promotes the socialist project of bringing the socialist labor movement, together in order to unify the demands of various groups of workers. That's why, between 1840 and 1929, activists and leaders of northerners and Belgian Labor movements undertake a work to disseminate the internationalists ideas and of brotherhood and abolition of political boundaries for the workers. But very quickly, the idea of opening borders becomes wedge issue between the workers and the northern socialists

La theorie marxiste recue veut que l'"accumulation" soit la panacee pour surmonter les graves difficultes des societes de la peripherie. A l'encontre de cette theorie, la these defendue dans ce travail peut s'enoncer en deux propositions : premierement, la strategie de "developpement socialiste", loin d'etre la reponse appropriee aux problemes des nations dites "sous-developpees", conduit aux memes impasses economique et sociales fondamentales que les strategies traditionnelles (substitution aux importations, promotion des exportations. . . ). Deuxiemement, il en est ainsi, car, dans sa conception comme dans sa mise en oeuvre, ce que l'on appelle "developpement socialiste autocentre" ne constitue pas une altlernative au developpement conventionnel mais n'en est qu'une variante : la variante bureaucratico-etatique. A l'heure ou, dans de nombreux pays du tiers-monde, l'on revient de la mystique progressiste qui a longtemps prevalu, et ou, en consequence, les classes dirigeantes de ces memes pays procedent a des revisions doctrinales dechirantes, cette these est d'une importance cruciale : elle permet de comprendre le pourquoi des desenchantements ainsi enregistres dans des pays que l'on croyait sur la "bonne voie", et le comment des echecs qui en sont a la base. Des lors, la conclusion s'impose d'elle-meme quant a la reponse a apporter aux problemes du sous-developpement. Au lieu de continuer a raisonner en termes de capitalisme ou de socialisme, deux notions egalement prisonnieres du paradigme de l'economie, ne convient-il pas d'inventer ce "nouveau developpement" que preconise f. Perroux et dont la vertu centrale est precisement de rompre avec l'economisme ? a cette condition, et a cette condition seulement, il est possible de reconcilier le developpement avec les populations concernees et d'en faire une entreprise au service de leur emancipation
The accepted marxist theory asserts that "socialist accumulation" is the panacea for getting over serious difficulties of periphery societies. In opposition to this theory, the thesis defanded in this work can be summarized through two propositions : first, the "socialist development strategy", far from being the appropriate response to the problems of the so called "under-developped nations", conduces to the same economic and social fundamental dead-locks as the traditional strategies (import-substitution, export-promotion. . . ). Secondly, such is the case, for, in its conception and in its concrete implementation, what one calls "socialist self-reliant development" is not an alternative of the conventional devepment but is only a variant of this development : a bureaucratic and state controlled one. At a time when the progressive mystic is called into question in many third-world countries where it has long prevailed, and when, in consequence, the ruling classes of these very countries initiate problematic doctrinal reforms, this thesis has crucial importance : it makes possible the understanding of the reasons for the disillusions experienced in these countries supposed to be on the "right track", as it makes possible the understanding of the causes for the failures which are at the origin. Therefore, regarding the right answer to give to under-development, the conclusion is obvious. Instead of keeping to reason in terms of capitalism or socialism, both notions equally imprisoned within the paradigm of economics, is not it urgent to invent this "new development" recommended by f. Perroux and whose vertue is precisely to break with economism ? on this understanding, it is possible to reconcile development with the populations concerned and to make it an undertaking at the service of their emancipation

The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.

La protection des normes sociales, qu'elles soient nationales ou internationales, repose traditionnellement sur le volontarisme étatique. D'évidence, ce dernier ne suffit pas à unifier les systèmes sociaux nationaux. Bien au contraire, leur mise en concurrence, favorisée par la mondialisation des échanges, fait naître une dissymétrie grandissante entre, d'un côté, les entreprises transnationales qui du fait de leur mobilité ont la possibilité de choisir les normes sociales qu'elles désirent appliquer et, d'un autre côté, les travailleurs qui n'ont d'autre protection que celle que leur consent l'Etat. Mais, comme par un effet de dépassement, la mondialisation des échanges a permis d'engendrer une nouvelle conception de la protection des normes sociales. D'une part, l'Etat marchand se trouve de plus en plus contraint au respect d'un certain nombre de normes sociales. D'autre part, leur protection est de moins en moins envisagée de manière statocentrique et s'adresse directement aux personnes privées. Face à ces bouleversements, se pose la question de savoir si les normes sociales gagnent en efficacité du fait de leur prise en compte par les échanges internationaux. Il apparaît alors que davantage que la contrainte commerciale, c'est la participation des Organisations non gouvernementales et des Sociétés transnationales à la protection des normes sociales qui contribue à leur efficacité et, permet de limiter la mise en concurrence des systèmes nationaux par l'application horizontale et transnationale d'un certain nombre de droits sociaux minimaux, considérés comme fondamentaux

Orientador: Marcos del Roio
Banca: Luiz Fernando da Silva
Banca: Ruy Gomes Braga Neto
Banca: Silvia Beatriz Adoue
Banca: Valério Arcary
Resumo: A tese a seguir versa sobre determinado tipo de marxismo inglês, a atividade político-editorial de Perry Anderson e o jornalismo integral da revista de ideias NEW LEFT REVIEW. A hipótese diretiva é de que a milieu da assim-chamada segunda geração desta New Left elaborou um gênero de «Marxismo-Mundo»internacionalista nos "anos das barricadas" (Tariq Ali) da Europa Ocidental. O fazimento histórico deste projeto intelectual inserido em sua formação cultural é um processo social que alentou a uma coetânea e coextensiva atividade de mediação com um duplo caráter: i) a forma-tradução, ou, a insularização / particularização / nacionalização da cultura socialista continental (França/Alemanha/Itália/Rússia) nas Ilhas (Inglaterra) e, daí, ii) a forma-jornalismo, i.e., a sua continentalização / universalização / internacionalização de um tipo sui generis de marxismo, consubstanciado a partir dum nexo identidade-diversidade entre local e global. Os contrastes e as conclusões bem como as predições e os desempenhos lidam necessariamente com a gênese, devir e metamorfoses de historiadores de processos sociais e críticos de ideias tais como Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams e Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis o grupo intelectual de Perry Anderson / Robin Blackburn / Tom Nairn. Uma "história a contrapêlo" (Walter Benjamin) impõe o repto de desvelar a consciência autoadjudicada que fez da cultura socialista "medíocre e inerte", da Grã-Bretanha, a "mais viva República das Letras" do marxismo contemporâneo do último quartel do Séc. XX. O aforisma «Pessimismo/Otimismo» refletiu/refratou a história da NLR: além do senso comum político e aquém da alta abstração teórica cabe restituir o prisma da NLR em si à luz do tempo histórico. Uma revalorização da trilogia... - (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The following thesis deals with a certain kind of English Marxism, political-editorial activity of Perry Anderson and the integral journalism of the journal of ideas NEW LEFT REVIEW. Its conductive hypothesis is that the milieu of the so-called second generation of this New Left produced a genre of an internationalist «World-Marxism» in "the street-fighting years" (T. Ali) of Western Europe. The historical making of this intellectual project inserted in its cultural formation is a social process that gave birth to a coeval and coextensive doubledcharacter mediation activity: i) translation-form, i.e., insularization / particularization / nationalization of a continental socialist culture (France/Germany/Italy/Russia) in the Islands (UK) and, hence, ii) the journalism-form, or, its continentalization / universalization / internationalization of a sui generis kind of Marxism, consubstantieted in a nexus of identitydiversity on local and global. The contrasts and conclusions and predictions and performances necessarily deals with the genesis, development and metamorphosis of historians of social processes and critics of ideas such as Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams and Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis the intellectual group of Perry Anderson, Robin Blackburn & Tom Nairn. A "history against the grain" (W. Benjamin) imposes us the challenge of unrevealing the adjudicated consciousness that made the "mediocre and inert" socialist culture of Great-Britain the "Liviest Republic of Letters" of Contemporary Marxism in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. The aphorism of «Pessimism/Optimism» reflected/refracted the history of NLR: beyond political common sense and before theoretical high abstraction is in order to repair the prism of NLR itself at the light of historical time. A critical revaluation of the ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Cette thèse doctorale constitue la première étude approfondie sur l'implication du mouvement social-démocrate international dans la Guerre civile espagnole. Nous y dressons un portrait vivant du mouvement socialiste où les sphères nationale, internationale, politique et syndicale sont en constante interaction, puis nous démontrons comment, à partir de cet ensemble, s'est définie et s'est traduite en termes concrets la solidarité avec la République espagnole. Notre démarche vise d'une part à combler les lacunes d'une historiographie s'étant seulement attardée à l'Internationale socialiste dans l'entre-deux-guerres, si ce n'est pour expliquer sa banqueroute. Elle cherche d'autre part à remédier à la « vision tunnélaire » caractérisant les études sur le socialisme et la Guerre civile espagnole, et qui priorise les enjeux nationaux. Afin de remettre les choses en contexte, nous reconstituons les débats internationaux du mouvement socialiste portant sur les volets politique et matériel de la campagne de solidarité. Dans la partie consacrée au volet politique, nous démontrons comment les débats menant à l'adoption d'une politique commune pour l'Espagne se déroulent de façon complémentaire dans les sphères nationale et internationale du socialisme – et non pas de façon antinomique telle que l'a laissé croire l'historiographie. La seconde partie, elle, traite de la campagne matérielle et explique pourquoi elle est passée inaperçue. Bref, en remettant en question la notion de repli national du socialisme international dans les années trente ainsi que son inertie face à la crise espagnole, et en rapportant ses réalisations, et non seulement ses défaillances, nous fournissons un apport novateur et significatif à l’histoire politique de l’entre-deux-guerres.

O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo.
The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.

Cette thèse s'appuie sur le croisement de trois approches complémentaires : l'analyse des hommes et des réseaux que mettent en place les socialistes allemands et français de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle, puis des lieux où ils se rencontrent, enfin de leurs débats et de leurs actes. En s'appuyant en premier lieu sur les correspondances et les articles de revues, elle traite des rapports entre individus avant de s'intéresser à ceux entre appareils. Deux générations de militants - auxquels sont consacrées deux grandes parties biographiques - dominent dans les rapports entre socialistes des deux pays a des moments différents de leur histoire commune : la première désigne les " vieux lutteurs " comme Wilhelm Liebknecht et Paul Lafargue, présents dans les luttes du XIXe siècle (commune de Paris, combat contre les lois antisocialistes de Bismarck, etc. ). Le tournant du siècle met en scène une nouvelle génération de socialistes (Jaurès, Karl Kautsky entre autres), issue en France des clivages provoques par l'affaire Dreyfus et en Allemagne de la vague contestataire née avec le révisionnisme bernsteinien. Il en résulte le déclin du guesdisme - allie des sociaux-démocrates allemands - en France et en Europe et la mise en question de l'hégémonie allemande dans le socialisme européen. Les études des lieux de rencontre et des hommes qui s'y croisent sont entrecoupées de trois grandes parties sur les évènements et actes qui déterminent leurs rapports. Cette triple approche permet d'observer une diminution très nette des relations entre socialistes allemands et français à l'approche de la guerre, due à la mise en place d'une certaine indifférence vis-à-vis de l'autre, qui s'accompagne d'une concentration sur "l'intérieur" et d'une identification croissante, pour certains du moins, avec les intérêts de la nation. Cette analyse, qui privilégie le long terme, permet de mieux comprendre le ralliement des socialistes à la défense nationale en aout 1914
This thesis is based on the crossing of three complementary approaches : first the analysis of the men and the network German and French socialists are settling at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, then the places where they meet, finally their debates and actions. At first going through letters and review-articles, it deals with the relationships between individuals before focusing on those which exist between the parties. Two generations of militants -each dealt in a long biographical chapter - dominate the relationship between the socialists of the two countries at different moments of their common history : the first chapter deals with the "old fighters" as Wilhelm Liebknecht and Paul Lafargue, present in the struggles of the 19th century (commune de Paris, fight against the anti-socialist laws of Bismarck, and so on). A new generation of socialists (Jaures, Karl Kautsky and others) appears in the early years of the century, in France because of the divisions caused by the Dreyfus affair, in German because of the surge of contestation due to the revisionism of Eduard Bernstein. As a result the guesdism - allied of the German social-democrats- declines in France and criticism grows about the hegemonic position of the Germans inside the European socialism. Beside the analysis of the meeting places and of the men who meet in these places, three long parts concern the events and actions which determine their relationship. A very clear decrease of contacts between German and French socialists during the last years before the war can be notice through this triple approach, which can be explained by a growing indifference towards the others, as well as a concentration on domestic affairs and a growing identification, for some of them at least, with the interests of the nation. This long-term analysis contributes to a better understanding of the reasons for the socialists to rally the national defense in august 1914

Jean Longuet occupe une place modeste dans la mémoire nationale. Néanmoins, dans une étude qui ne se veut pas une biographie, il sert de fil conducteur précieux pour mieux connaître le parti socialiste S. F. I. O. Et les organisations internationales auxquelles adhère ce parti, des origines jusqu'en 1938. La vie politique de Longuet se mèle en effet intimement aux questions majeures du socialisme francais et international de son temps : quelles sont les relations entre République, socialisme, nation et Internationale ? Quelles sont les conséquences des multiples entrelacements qui les lient et les opposent tour à tour ? Militant politique dès le lycée, journaliste, avocat, spécialiste reconnu de politique internationale, le petit-fils de Karl Marx ne fut pas un notable socialiste parmi d'autres. Certes, il en remplit les fonctions : membre de la direction du Parti socialiste et de l'Internationale, député de la Seine, conseiller général et maire de Chatenay-Malabry. L'essentiel est ailleurs : homme de passages, de permanence, mais aussi de refus, Longuet est avant tout un disciple de Jaurès, qui a conservé sa liberté d'esprit et son originalité propre. Il est a la fois un révélateur d'une culture politique et un acteur, qui connait la valeur du "non". De l'Affaire Dreyfus à l'antifascisme. Il le démontre fermement. Le grand moment de son activité publique demeure cependant la Premiere Guerre mondiale lorsque, placé à la tête de la minorité socialiste, il s'efforce de concilier patriotisme et internationalisme
Jean Longuet fills a modest place in national memory. Nevertheless, in a study which has no pretention to be a biography, he is a precious vital lead for a best knowledge of socialist Party S. F. I. O. , as well as the international organisations this party joins, from its origins until 1938. Longuet's political life is intimately connected to the main questions of French and international socialism in this period, that are : - what are the relationships between republic, socialism, nation and Internationale ? - what are the consequences of the numerous intertwinings that bind or oppose them ? Political militant from highschool, then journalist, barrister (inscrit au Barreau), acknowledged specialist of international politics, Karl Marx's grand-son was not an ordinary socialist notability. He of course takes the dutics of it : member of the Socialist party's direction and of the Internationale, Seine's county deputy, county councillor and mayor of Chatenay-Malabry (a city in the southdown suburbs of Paris). But the basic essentials are elsewhere : man of transition and permanence, but also of refusal. Longuet is first of all jaures disciple, who kept his own mind freedom and originality. He reveals a certain political culture and acts up, knowing the worth of "no". He strongly demonstrates these peculiarities from the dreyfus affair to antifascism. But the first world war remains the great time of his public activities, when leading the socialist minority, he does his best to conciliate patriotism and internationalism

L'essor du commerce international semble s'être accompagné d'une hausse des inégalités de revenus entre et au sein des pays et de pressions accrues sur l'environnement. Cette thèse s'interroge sur l'intérêt d'introduire des normes environnementales et sociales (NES) pour corriger les déséquilibres socio-économiques et environnementaux induits par le développement des échanges commerciaux internationaux. Ces normes s'avèrent nécessaires pour lutter contre les déséquilibres inhérents à la libéralisation du commerce international qui peuvent mettre en échec ce dernier. Surtout les NES, en dépit de leurs coûts initiaux, procurent des bénéfices économiques en permettant d'augmenter la productivité des entreprises grâce à l'innovation qu'elles encouragent, d'acquérir des avantages concurrentiels sur les marchés où les considérations qualitatives, environnementales et sociales sont un élément clef de la compétitivité et en favorisant l'élaboration de stratégies claires grâce à la baisse de l'incertitude. Elles impliquent aussi des avantages macro-économiques pour les Etats. Enfin, les NES sont susceptibles de soutenir et dynamiser les échanges commerciaux entre pays. Mais ces avantages des NES sont conditionnés par des aspects institutionnels. Concernant la mise en place des NES, les principes de prévention et de précaution et le principe pollueur-payeur sur lesquels elles reposent doivent être adaptés en fonction de la situation économique des agents. Ensuite, les NES doivent faire l'objet d'analyse coûts-avantages. Enfin pour assurer leur application effective, les normes doivent avoir un caractère contraignant. Mais ce dernier implique des réformes institutionnelles, car le système institutionnel international actuel ne semble pas capable d'assurer le respect des NES. Il convient donc de le réformer par la création d'une Organisation Mondiale de l'Environnement et par le renforcement de l'Organisation Internationale du Travail
The upsurge of international trade has triggered increasing unequalities in revenus between and inside countries. It has also created more important pressures on environment. This thesis aims at questionning the interest of introducing social and environment standards to correct social economical and environmental problems created by the increase of international trade. Such standards are in fact necessary to fight the unbalance inherent in globalization that can put at risk by this unbalance. Despite their initial cost, these standards generate economic benefits since they increase firm productivity thanks to the innovation. They also enable firms to catch markets shares where quality, environmental and social considerations are a key element in competitivity. They also favour clear strategies lowering incertainty. They imply macroeconomic advantages for countries. Moreover, social and environmental standards may back and dynamise international trade. But the advantages of social and environmental norms are conditionned by institutional aspects. As the implementation of social environment standards prevention-precaution principles and the polluter-payer system which are basic to such standards must be adapted to the economical situation. Then, social and environment standards must be examinated through cost-benefits analysis. Last but not least these standards have to be constraining what implies institutional reforms, since internationally countries do not seem to be capable of implementing such norms. So, the international institutional system must be reformed by creating a World Environment Organisation and by increasing the power of International Labor Organisation

La conjugaison des références idéologiques, l'évaluation des solidarités politique économique et la valeur de la représentation des partenaires fondent la compréhension des liens entretenus avec les pays socialistes. Le socialisme et la lutte anti-impérialiste sont les indices d'une alliance objective avec ces partenaires. Cependant, le langage et les pratiques révolutionnaires atténuent l'ampleur du rapport identitaire. Les imperfections de la reproduction de références de l'est expliquent l'absence de directives extérieures et de liens organiques. Toute la vision du jeu international de l'Algérie a commandé une conduite basée sur les notions de complémentarité et de consensus. Les divergences n'ont pas empêché la recherche de la rentabilisation du rapport d'identité révolutionnaire avec les états socialistes. Soumises au réalisme politique, les pratiques économiques ont subi les spéculations des compradores bureaucrates et représentants des centres capitalistes. De fait, la coopération avec les partenaires socialistes a plus signifié un besoin de diversification qu'une contre-stratégie aux intérêts impérialistes. La restriction des espaces d'expression et de représentation des acteurs de l'est définit un décalage avec les engagements idéologico-politiques. Le combat progressiste international n'a pas son répondant national.

L'opposition à la guerre de la IIe Internationale se résume souvent à un mot : « l'échec » ; celui de 1914. Or, ce jugement est réducteur et tend à lire toute l'existence de cette organisation en fonction de l'événement qui a marqué sa fin. Cette thèse propose d'étudier l'évolution de l'Internationale sans projeter sur celle-ci le déclenchement funeste de la Première Guerre mondiale : elle analyse le combat contre la guerre des socialistes français, allemands et italiens, au sein de l'Internationale et dans chaque espace national. L'attention est particulièrement centrée sur le positionnement des socialistes pendant les crises diplomatiques internationales qui se succédèrent au début du XXe siècle. Il en ressort un constat ambivalent. D'un côté, les efforts de l'Internationale contre la guerre ne peuvent plus être considérés comme un échec. L'institution a bien réussi à créer un sentiment communautaire se fondant sur la volonté de s'opposer à la guerre. Alors que les crises se succédaient, elle apprit à répondre à ces situations de troubles internationaux. D'un autre côté, cependant, la performativité de cette opposition à la guerre changeait en fonction de l'implication directe de la France, de l'Allemagne ou de l'Italie dans les crises diplomatiques en cours. Lorsqu'un pays courrait un danger, ses socialistes exprimaient des sentiments de défiance à l'égard des camarades étrangers, ce qui empêchait ponctuellement l'Internationale de prendre des initiatives efficaces contre les dangers de la situation internationale
Opposition to the war by the Second International has often been considered a failure. This judgment, however, is reductive and tends to read the whole history of this organization on the basis of its position in 1914. In this study the International is investigated independently of the outbreak of the First World War. Our focus is on the struggle against the war by French, German, and Italian Socialists within the International and independently of it. Particular attention is paid to the international diplomatie crises that foliowed one anotheruntil 1914. The resuit is ambivalent. On the one hand, the Internationale efforts against the war no longer appears as a failure. The institution succeeds in creating a sensé of community based on the will to oppose the war. While the crises corne and go, it learns to respond to international crises. On the other hand, the performativity of the opposition to the war changes when France, Germany, and Italy are directly involved in diplomatie crises. When a country is in danger, its socialists express feelings of mistrust towards foreign comrades, which temporarily prevents the International from taking effective initiatives against the dangerous international situation

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A tese a seguir versa sobre determinado tipo de marxismo inglês, a atividade político-editorial de Perry Anderson e o jornalismo integral da revista de ideias NEW LEFT REVIEW. A hipótese diretiva é de que a milieu da assim-chamada segunda geração desta New Left elaborou um gênero de «Marxismo-Mundo»internacionalista nos anos das barricadas (Tariq Ali) da Europa Ocidental. O fazimento histórico deste projeto intelectual inserido em sua formação cultural é um processo social que alentou a uma coetânea e coextensiva atividade de mediação com um duplo caráter: i) a forma-tradução, ou, a insularização / particularização / nacionalização da cultura socialista continental (França/Alemanha/Itália/Rússia) nas Ilhas (Inglaterra) e, daí, ii) a forma-jornalismo, i.e., a sua continentalização / universalização / internacionalização de um tipo sui generis de marxismo, consubstanciado a partir dum nexo identidade-diversidade entre local e global. Os contrastes e as conclusões bem como as predições e os desempenhos lidam necessariamente com a gênese, devir e metamorfoses de historiadores de processos sociais e críticos de ideias tais como Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams e Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis o grupo intelectual de Perry Anderson / Robin Blackburn / Tom Nairn. Uma história a contrapêlo (Walter Benjamin) impõe o repto de desvelar a consciência autoadjudicada que fez da cultura socialista medíocre e inerte, da Grã-Bretanha, a mais viva República das Letras do marxismo contemporâneo do último quartel do Séc. XX. O aforisma «Pessimismo/Otimismo» refletiu/refratou a história da NLR: além do senso comum político e aquém da alta abstração teórica cabe restituir o prisma da NLR em si à luz do tempo histórico. Uma revalorização da trilogia... - (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
The following thesis deals with a certain kind of English Marxism, political-editorial activity of Perry Anderson and the integral journalism of the journal of ideas NEW LEFT REVIEW. Its conductive hypothesis is that the milieu of the so-called second generation of this New Left produced a genre of an internationalist «World-Marxism» in the street-fighting years (T. Ali) of Western Europe. The historical making of this intellectual project inserted in its cultural formation is a social process that gave birth to a coeval and coextensive doubledcharacter mediation activity: i) translation-form, i.e., insularization / particularization / nationalization of a continental socialist culture (France/Germany/Italy/Russia) in the Islands (UK) and, hence, ii) the journalism-form, or, its continentalization / universalization / internationalization of a sui generis kind of Marxism, consubstantieted in a nexus of identitydiversity on local and global. The contrasts and conclusions and predictions and performances necessarily deals with the genesis, development and metamorphosis of historians of social processes and critics of ideas such as Edward Palmer Thompson, Raymond Henry Williams and Eric John Hobsbawm vis-à-vis the intellectual group of Perry Anderson, Robin Blackburn & Tom Nairn. A history against the grain (W. Benjamin) imposes us the challenge of unrevealing the adjudicated consciousness that made the mediocre and inert socialist culture of Great-Britain the Liviest Republic of Letters of Contemporary Marxism in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. The aphorism of «Pessimism/Optimism» reflected/refracted the history of NLR: beyond political common sense and before theoretical high abstraction is in order to repair the prism of NLR itself at the light of historical time. A critical revaluation of the ... - (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

La notion d'Etat social est utilisée dans le cadre de cette étude pour synthétiser les nonnes sociales internationales à vocation universelle qui obligent les États à intervenir dans économie dans le but de mettre en œuvre les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels. Contrairement aux règles sociales internationales, les règles de l'OMC restreignent cet interventionnisme étatique. Dans la mesure où le droit de l'OMC impose cette limitation, il diminue la marge de manœuvre des États sur le terrain social. Les règles de l'OMC contiennent, certes, des règles assouplissant cette contrainte. Mais ces règles sont caractérisées par leur ambiguïté et leur imprécision. L'adoption d'une approche interprétative favorable à l'autonomie étatique prend ainsi tout son relief. Cependant, cette méthode d'interprétation peut s'avérer insuffisante pour éviter un conflit de nonnes. Dans ce cas de figure, la primauté des règles sociales internationales sur les règles de l'OMC doit être reconnue. Un autre aspect de l'articulation entre ces deux types de nonnes est l'imposition de barrières commerciales afin d'inciter au respect des règles sociales internationales dans la communauté internationale. Tels qu'ils sont définis par le droit de l'OMC, le dumping et les subventions sont difficilement assimilables à la méconnaissance des nonnes sociales. En revanche, les règles de l'OMC n'empêchent pas la subordination de l'octroi des préférences commerciales au respect des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels. En outre, l'exception commerciale portant sur la moralité publique permet l'application de barrières commerciales en réponse aux violations des nonnes sociales internationales.

More than six decades after its occurrence, China's ‘peasant revolution' of 1949 remains an enigma. According to classical Marxism, peasants are passive ‘objects of history' who must be transformed into industrial workers before they can become agents of revolutionary change. This line of argument is reinforced by much extant Sinology and historical sociology, both of which have treated Maoism either as a disguised continuation of peasant exploitation, or as a failed emulation of Stalinism. Contra these interpretations, this thesis argues that China's peasant revolution was a real historical phenomenon which involved a previously unthinkable form of peasant political agency. To substantiate this argument, the thesis deploys Leon Trotsky's theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) which posits social development as a non-linear process constituted via multi-societal interaction. This reveals that the origins and specificities of the Chinese Revolution can best be understood with reference to a 'combined development' emerging from China's long-run and short-run interactions with variegated social forms. The first chapter of the thesis shows how China's ‘peasant revolution' remains an insurmountable paradox for the relevant literature, expressed in a shared problem of anachronism. Chapter 2 introduces Uneven and Combined Development as a theory of inter-societal causation that might overcome the problem by virtue of its non-linear conception of social development. Chapter 3 demonstrates how this inter-societal perspective is central to understanding the longue dureé ‘peculiarities' of China's development: the interaction of nomadic and sedentary societies made the Chinese peasants directly subject to a centralizing empire, configuring their political agency quite differently (and with quite different potentials) from that of their European feudal counterparts. Chapter 4 analyzes the specific intersection of the Chinese social formation with the universalizing dynamics of Western capitalism, an intersection which generated the context of China's modern combined development. Chapter 5 then provides a conjunctural analysis of how the revolutionary agency of the peasant came to the fore in China's revolution in terms of a pattern of combined development that substituted the peasantry for the weak bourgeoisie and nascent proletariat as the leading agency of a socialist modernization that fused anti-imperialist struggle and campaigns for rural restoration and national liberation into a single process aimed at overcoming China's backwardness. Finally, Chapter 6 shows how this argument resolves the Sinological debate on whether modern Chinese history is ‘China-made' or ‘West-made'; for it reveals how the interaction of China's premodern social forms with Western modernity co-determined the peculiarites of China's modern transformation. It also provides a critique of extant Marxist historical sociology, arguing that it is built upon a mode-of-production analysis that tends towards falsely unilinear, ‘internalist' explanations.

Pour mettre en oeuvre sa politique de cooperation et d'integration economique, le c. A. E. M. , s'est dote progressivement d'institutions et d'organes administratives, juridiques, fonctionnels et bancaires constituant actuellement un reseau dense, qui touche tous les secteurs des economies socialistes. Il prend toutes les mesures indispensables pour ameliorer et perfectionner les structures et de methodes de travail de ses organismes. Son activite se resume a l'etablissement de liens directs entre les instituts et laboratoires de recherche des differents pays membres, ainsi qu'entre les organisations internationales et les entreprises dotees d'une autonomie plus large que dans le passe.

Cette thèse contribue à la connaissance d’une organisation internationale méconnue du système-monde socialiste entre 1949 et 1991, le Conseil d’Aide Economique Mutuelle (CAEM). Elle mobilise simultanément plusieurs fonds d’archives – du CAEM lui-même, de la RDA, de la Stasi et de l’ONU -, et rompt avec les monographies nationales sur la participation d’un Etat à son activité. Au prisme du CAEM et des réseaux d’acteurs qu’il met en place, c’est la notion même de « bloc » de l’Est qui est interrogée. L’organisation est en effet une vitrine de la cohésion et de la solidarité du monde socialiste pendant la Guerre froide. L’étude examine la place du CAEM dans un espace en construction et en quête de légitimation au cours de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle. Le rôle du CAEM dans les échanges économiques entre pays socialistes est d’abord mis en lumière. L’organisation élabore son propre modèle d’économie internationale socialiste. Pourtant, un découplage stratégique s’opère entre l’intérêt du CAEM dans l’affrontement symbolique avec le monde capitaliste et son incapacité pratique à assurer la modernisation des économies socialistes. L’étude des mécanismes de spatialisation du « bloc », de structuration de réseaux d’experts par delà les frontières et de production de discours sur l’économie internationale socialiste permet alors de proposer une socio-histoire transnationale de l’évolution des pratiques professionnelles d’une catégorie d’acteurs spécifiques. Les agents du CAEM comptent parmi les rares individus qui, dans le monde socialiste, développent une acculturation transnationale leur permettant véritablement de considérer le « bloc » comme un espace approprié
This thesis contributes to the knowledge about the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon, CMEA), the little-known international organization of the socialist world-system, from 1949 to 1991. Unlike most historical monographs analysing the individual member States’ contribution to Comecon activities, this study draws on different archive materials – from Comecon itself, the GDR, the Stasi and the UN. Analysing Comecon through the prism of the networks of actors that emerged in the institutional framework it provided, it is the very notion of an Eastern “bloc” that is questioned. The organization was a showcase of the cohesion and solidarity of the socialist world during the Cold War. The study deals with its role in a space under construction and seeking legitimation in the second half of the 20th century. It first casts a light on the role of Comecon in the economic relations of the socialist countries. The organization developed its own model of an international socialist economy. However, a strategic decoupling appeared between the importance of Comecon in the symbolic competition with the capitalist world and its helplessness to ensure the modernization of socialist economies. The study of the spatialization of the “bloc”, the structuration of expert networks beyond the national boarders and the production of discourses on international socialist economy leads to a transnational socio-histoire of specific Comecon agents. Comecon servants counted among the few people in the socialist world, who were able to develop a transnational acculturation that allowed them to truly consider the “bloc” as an appropriated term of reference and space of development

Esta tesis consiste en tres ensayos independientes. Aunque unidos bajo un título, varían en los temas considerados y método escogido. El primer ensayo presenta un modelo de ciclos reales internacionales con rigideces reales que hoy constituyen una parte considerable de teoría RBC de economía cerrada con mercados completos. En general, estas rigideces tienen menos éxito al resolver problemas de correlaciones internacionales. Encontramos que los costes de ajuste del capital, junto con hábitos de consumo, ayudan a explicar sólo correlación positivo de inversión - en combinación con costes principales de ajuste, hábitos de consumo proporcionan un canal por el que los costes principales de ajuste llegan a ser más grandes que los costes de oportunidad de no invertir en un país más productivo. Además, se demuestra que las rigideces en el mercado de trabajo no ayudan a explicar correlaciones de factores, como por ejemplo el problema de empleo e inversión. Además, mientras tanto los costes de ajuste de trabajo como los hábitos de ocio ambos aumentan la correlación de produccion, sólo los efectos de esto representan fuerzas llevan a la solucion del problema de consumo. En el segundo ensayo se presenta un instrumento útil para banqueros centrales de los países dolarizados en el análisis de adecuación de las reservas internacionales. Una expresión analítica de reservas óptimas es derivada y calibrada para Croacia, con el proposito de evaluar la adecuación de las reservas internacionales croatas. Mostramos que la demanda preventiva para reservas es consecuente con una fuerte tendencia de acumulación de reservas internacionales en los últimos 10 años. Si esta tendencia fue demasiado fuerte o si las reservas fueron más bajas que las reservas óptimas depende de la reacción posible de los bancos matrices durante una crisis. Mostramos que para valores plausibles de los parámetros, el Banco Nacional de Croacia tiene reservas suficientes para luchar contra una posible crisis con la misma magnitud que la de 1998/1999, caracterizada por una crisis bancaria con sudden stop. También mostramos que la utilización de los dos indicadores estándar de reservas "óptimas", la regla Greenspan-Guidotti y la regla de tres meses de importación, puede llevar a una evaluación poco realista de la "optimalidad" de las reservas internacionales en el caso de Croacia. El tercer ensayo explora el impacto de la tasa de cambio de USD/EUR en la inflación en los países de Europa central y oriental (PECO). En particular, analizamos cuál porción de la variación en la inflación en el PECO puede ser atribuida a la tasa de cambio del USD /EUR como un golpe externo. Además, estudiamos hasta qué punto los golpes de la tasa de cambio de USD /EUR influyen en la inflación en el PECO. Un modelo de VAR con restricciones de exogeneidad en bloque es empleado para trazar el impacto de las fluctuaciones de la tasa de cambio de USD /EUR en la inflación en cada etapa por la cadena de distribución. Encontramos que la tasa de cambio de USD /EUR tiene impacto diferente en la inflación en los PECO con regímenes diferentes de tasa de cambio. Nuestro ejercicio empírico muestra que la tasa de cambio de USD /EUR explica la gran parte de la inestabilidad de la inflación en los PECO con tasas de cambio fijas de la moneda doméstica contra el euro. Además, el grado de influencia de la tasa de cambio de USD /EUR en la inflación en el PECO es el más alto en las economías con regímenes de tasa de cambio fijos. Estos resultados pueden ser importantes en el contexto del requisito de estabilidad de precios de los Criterios de Maastricht: además del reto interno de mantener la inflación baja y enfrentarse con las dificultades del proceso de convergencia de precios, los países solicitantes podrían enfrentarse con problemas fuera de su alcance.
This thesis consists of three self-contained essays. Although united under one title they differ in both the topics considered and approaches chosen. The first essay presents an international real business cycles model with real rigidities which today constitute a large part of closed economy RBC theory in a complete markets setting. Overall, these rigidities have less success in resolving international comovement puzzles. We find that capital adjustment costs together with consumption habits help explain positive investment comovement only - in combination with capital adjustment costs, consumption habits provide a channel through which capital adjustment costs become larger than the opportunity costs of not investing in a more productive country. In addition, I find that rigidities in labor market do not help to explain factor comovements such as the employment and investment puzzle. Furthermore, while both labor adjustment costs and leisure habits increase the output correlation, only the effects of the latter present forces toward resolving the consumption cross-correlation puzzle. The second essay offers a useful tool for central bankers in dollarized countries for analyzing foreign reserves adequacy. An analytical expression of optimal reserves is derived and calibrated for Croatia in order to evaluate the adequacy of the Croatian National Bank foreign reserves. We show that the precautionary demand for reserves is consistent with the trend of strong accumulation of foreign reserves over the last 10 years. Whether this trend was too strong or whether the actual reserves were lower than the optimal reserves depends on the possible reaction of the parent banks during a crisis. We show that for plausible values of parameters, the Croatian National Bank has enough reserves to fight a possible crisis of magnitude of the
1998/1999 sudden stop with banking crisis episode. We also show how using the two standard indicators of "optimal" reserves, the Greenspan-Guidotti and the 3-months-of-imports rules, might lead to an unrealistic assessment of the foreign reserves optimality in the case of Croatia. The third essay explores the impact of the USD/EUR exchange rate on inflation in the Central and East European countries (CEEC). In particular, we analyze which portion of the variation in inflation in the CEEC can be attributed to the USD/EUR exchange rate, as an external shock. In addition, we study to what extent USD/EUR exchange rate shocks influence inflation in the CEEC. A VAR model with block exogeneity restrictions is employed to trace the impact of the USD/EUR exchange rate fluctuations on inflation at each stage along the distribution chain. We find that the USD/EUR exchange rate has different impact on inflation among the CEEC with different exchange rate regimes. Our empirical exercise shows that the USD/EUR exchange rate accounts for the largest share of inflation volatility in the CEEC with stable exchange rates of the domestic currency against the euro. Furthermore, the extent of the USD/EUR exchange rate influence on inflation in the CEEC is the largest in the economies with stable exchange rate regimes. These results might be important in the context of the price stability requirement of the Maastricht Criteria: in addition to the internal challenge of keeping low inflation and dealing with the difficulties of the price convergence process, the applicant countries could face problems beyond their influence.

Dans un contexte en constante mutation, les organisations doivent développer de nouvelles stratégies pour saisir des opportunités d’affaires à l’échelle mondiale. Fondée sur le modèle d’Uppsala sur l’évolution des organisations et l’approche par les réseaux, cette recherche doctorale porte sur le développement de réseaux dans les organisations internationales. Suivant la théorie des micro-fondements, nous retenons deux niveaux d’analyse pour mieux comprendre l’interaction entre l’organisation et ses membres dans le processus d’évolution du réseau. Nous avons développé une étude de cas unique réalisée au sein d’ONLYLYON, une organisation visant à promouvoir la ville de Lyon dans le monde entier par le biais d'un vaste réseau d’individus appelé « réseau des ambassadeurs ». Suivant une démarche de recherche-intervention, nous avons co-construit avec l’organisation un projet de recherche visant à développer le réseau des ambassadeurs. L’étude empirique porte sur 36 entretiens, dont cinq exploratoires et 31 semi-directifs, 103 observations participantes sur une période de 30 mois et des données secondaires. Les résultats mettent en évidence le rôle des individus dans le développement des réseaux organisationnels. Ils soulignent l'importance de créer un réseau permettant aux organisations et aux individus de développer des opportunités. Nous proposons une trajectoire d’évolution pour (1) créer le réseau des ambassadeurs d'ONLYLYON en Italie et (2) développer un « réseau de réseaux » international. Les deux processus intègrent un ensemble de propositions managériales et reposent sur trois étapes comprenant (1) la mise en place, (2) la structuration ou restructuration et (3) l’expansion du réseau. Nous élaborons également un modèle pour étudier l'interaction entre une organisation et ses membres dans le processus de développement du réseau. Cette recherche-intervention peut aider ONLYLYON à développer ses réseaux internationaux en mettant en œuvre des actions stratégiques. Elle contribue également au développement du modèle d’Uppsala sur l’évolution des organisations et au débat sur l’importance des micro-fondements dans la recherche en sciences de gestion
In a rapidly changing context, organizations need to develop new strategies to seize global business opportunities. Based on the Uppsala evolution model and the business network view, this doctoral dissertation focuses on the development of networks in international organizations. Following the micro-foundations theory, we consider two levels of analysis to better understand the interplay between the organization and its members in the network evolution process. We developed a single case study conducted at ONLYLYON, an organization aiming to promote the city of Lyon worldwide through a large network of individuals called the “ambassador network”. Using an intervention research approach, we co-constructed with the organization a research project which aims to develop the ambassador network. The empirical study is based on 36 interviews (five exploratory and 31 semi-structured interviews), 103 participant observations performed over a period of 30 months and secondary data. Our findings highlight the role played by individuals in developing networks for organizations. They emphasize the importance of creating a network allowing organizations and individuals to develop opportunities. We propose an evolution path to (1) create the ONLYLYON ambassador network in Italy and (2) develop an international “network of networks”. Both paths include a set of managerial propositions and are based on three steps: (1) establishing, (2) structuring or restructuring, and (3) growing the network. We also elaborate a model to study the interaction between an organization and its members in the process of network development. This intervention research can help ONLYLYON in developing its international networks by implementing strategic actions. It also contributes to the development of the Uppsala evolution model and the debate on the importance of micro-foundations in management research

Els efectes positius que té l’emprenedoria corporativa sobre la revitalització de les empreses i els seus resultats, han fet que sigui reconeguda com a un element fonamental pel desenvolupament econòmic i de les empreses. En conseqüència, tant els responsables polítics com els acadèmics especialitzats en aquesta àrea, han mostrat un interès per comprendre aquest fenomen. L’objectiu principal d’aquesta investigació és examinar els antecedents i conseqüències de l’emprenedoria corporativa. La metodologia emprada és quantitativa i basada fonamentalment en dades del “Global Entrepreneurship Monitor” (GEM). Aquestes dades es complementen amb altres fonts d’informació com ara el Fons Monetari Internacional (FMI), el projecte “Doing Business” i la base de dades “EU-EFIGE/Bruegel Unicredit”. Al llarg de la tesi, s’utilitzen diferents tècniques estadístiques: regressió logística, regressió logística multi nivell generalitzada lineal i un probit en dues etapes. A més, la recerca es fonamenta en tres marcs teòrics diferents: Teoria del Capital Humà, Teoria de Recursos i Capacitats i Teoria Econòmica Institucional. Els principals resultats de la investigació mostren com un grup de factors a diferents nivells d’anàlisi (individu, empresa i entorn) condicionen a l’emprenedoria corporativa. A més, l’efecte moderador de les institucions informals es destaca com un element clau. Posteriorment, els resultats confirmen la relació positiva entre l’emprenedoria corporativa i el creixement de l’empresa. Per últim, de la tesi se’n deriven una sèrie d’implicacions teòriques i pràctiques. Des d’un punt de vista teòric, la recerca pot contribuir a la generació de coneixement ja que alguns aspectes d’aquesta àrea es mantenen poc estudiats. De manera similar, pot contribuir al desenvolupament de la Teoria del Capital Humà, la Teoria dels Recursos i les Capacitats i la Teoria Econòmica Institucional, ja que aquests marcs teòrics s’han usat molt poc en aquest context concret. Des del punt de vista dels responsables polítics i dels gestors de les empreses, l’estudi té implicacions per a aquelles companyies que estan interessades en desenvolupar activitats emprenedores per a les seves empreses. Igualment, els resultats podrien ser rellevants per a aquelles polítiques públiques orientades a donar suport les iniciatives emprenedores en les empreses establertes (sobretot per a les empreses que operen en diferents contextos institucionals).
It is widely agreed that corporate entrepreneurship is a crucial element in organizational and economic development due to its beneficial effects on the revitalization and performance of firms. Consequently, both policy makers and researchers have shown particular interest in understanding this phenomenon. The main objective of this investigation is to examine the antecedents and consequences of corporate entrepreneurship. The methodology used is quantitative and based mainly on data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). These data are complemented with other sources of information, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Doing Business project and the EU-EFIGE/Bruegel Unicredit database. Several statistical techniques are used in the thesis: logistic regression, generalized linear multilevel logistic regression and a two-stage probit. In addition, the research is grounded in three different theoretical frameworks: Human Capital Theory, Resource-Based Theory and Institutional Economics. The main findings of this research show how a set of different factors at different levels of analysis (individual, company and environmental) condition corporate entrepreneurship. In addition, the moderating effect of informal institutions is highlighted throughout the research. Subsequently, the results confirm the positive relationship between engaging in corporate entrepreneurship activities and firm growth. Finally, this thesis has theoretical and practical implications. From a theoretical point of view, the research may contribute to the generation of knowledge as some aspects in this field remain understudied. Similarly, it might contribute to the advancement of Human Capital Theory, Resource-Based Theory and Institutional Economics as these frameworks have rarely been used in this particular context. From a policy maker and practitioner point of view, the study has implications for managers who are interested in fostering and promoting corporate entrepreneurship in their companies. Equally, the results could also be helpful to government policies that are meant to support the development of entrepreneurial initiatives in established companies (in particular for companies operating in different institutional contexts).

Cette recherche doctorale porte sur l'histoire des pratiques scientifiques du Bureau international du travail de Genève entre 1920 et 1939. Celles-ci sont appréhendées comme un moment de rencontre entre deux types de préoccupations, scientifique et politique, visant à faire advenir une morale internationale fondée sur la science sociale. En posant le cadre général des recherches de l'organisation, assorti d'une description des trajectoires et d'une analyse des discours des fonctionnaires chargés de les mettre en oeuvre, cette thèse explore l'usage qui est fait de la science et de la scientificité au BIT. Cette oeuvre est ensuite scrutée par une étude de la méthode d'une enquête, l'Enquête sur la production, et aux marges par la contribution des acteurs de sciences sociales mobilisés par le directeur de l'organisation. C'est dans le cadre d'une histoire des sciences sociales et des statistiques que ces activités sont inscrites, avec une focale particulière sur les sciences sociales durkheimiennes, dont la présence est ici questionnée. L'apport propre de quatre disciples d'Emile Durkheim au travail scientifique du Bureau international du travail est étudié, dans une attention constante à leur production intellectuelle et à la forme de leur engagement. Inversement, notre travail s'intéresse à l'appropriation, par ces durkheimiens, de la finalité morale de l'organisation, comme partie intégrante de leur œuvre scientifique. Ce moment particulier d'interaction entre la science et l'action nous permet de faire tenir en un seul récit une histoire des savoir-faire administratifs du Bureau international du travail et une histoire des sciences sociales de l'entre-deux-guerres
This doctoral dissertation is about the history of scientific practices at the International Labor Organization between 1920 and 1939. They are considered as a moment of convergence between both scientific and political concerns, aimed at establishing an international moral that would be based on social sciences. We set the general organization of research at ILO, tracked civil servants and scientists trajectories, analyzed their discourses on science and scientificity. We then turned more particularly on an epistemological and political study of the "Enquiry on production", with a special focus on scientific collaborations which helped leading the enquiry. These activities are deepened through a history of statistical thinking and social sciences. On the one hand, we paid a sustained attention to the intellectual and scientific contribution to ILO's work of four disciples of the French sociologist Emile Durkheim. On the other hand, and conversely, we also looked at the moral role that was attributed to ILO by these scientists within their intellectual durkheimian's framework. This peculiar moment of interaction between science and action allows us to write a unique story which intertwines a history of administrative savoir-faire with a history of social sciences in the interwar

Les crises recentes et mal anticipees qui, entre 1994 et 1998 ont secoue les marches emergents et menace le systeme financier international, ont suscite d'abondantes critiques a l'encontre des professionnels du risque-pays, accuses de n'avoir pas su les anticiper. Pour autant, et a la decharge de ces experts, un constat s'impose : l'evaluation du risque-pays est devenue une activite particulierement complexe. Inscrite - dans un contexte d'apres-guerre froide, de dereglementation et de globalisation - a la charniere de realites mondiales et nationales, de logiques privees et d'interets souverains, elle necessite de manipuler de nombreux facteurs et acteurs interagissant simultanement; elle requiert egalement de mobiliser une somme impressionnante de donnees (quantitatives et qualitatives) concernant ces forces. C'est donc pour tenter de completer les methodes traditionnelles d'evaluation du risque-pays en integrant les elements precites, mais aussi pour dissiper les zones d'ombre entourant une activite professionnelle mal connue, que ce travail de recherche a ete realise. L'introduction generale contient des precisions de nature semantique, situe le sujet, ainsi que les objections et demandes faites par rapport a son traitement. La premiere partie de la these dresse un bilan des pratiques du risque-pays. La deuxieme partie propose une theorie du risque-pays et une methode d'analyse prospective destinee a l'evaluer. Dans la troisieme partie, la demarche mono-pays proposee prend pour terrain d'application et test de validite le viet nam. La conclusion generale de la these souligne l'interet de la demarche theorique et methodologique en fonction de l'evolution du risque-pays et des resultats obtenus dans l'application au cas du viet nam.

La tesis se divide en tres capítulos: En el capítulo 1 trato dos características de los modelos de ciclos económicos internacionales reales (IRBC) que chocan con lo que observamos en los datos: 1) correlaciones débiles o negativas entre los términos de intercambio y la producción, y 2) un aumento del consumo relativo de países en que los bienes se hacen relativamente más caros. En primer lugar demuestro que ambas contradicciones bien desaparecen o se vuelven mucho más débiles en los últimos años. Propongo un mecanismo capaz de generar endógenamente movimientos de los precios internacionales compatibles tanto con observaciones recientes (1999-2009) como menos recientes (1971-1998). En este mecanismo, las empresas que operan en un entorno de competencia monopolística ajustan el precio y la calidad de sus productos en respuesta a los shocks tecnológicos. Este modelo es consistente con observaciones ‘antiguas’ si los niveles de precios no se ajustan a la calidad. Durante muchos años, y especialmente después del informe de la comisión Boskin de 1996, los organismos de estadística han dedicado muchos esfuerzos a mejorar las metodologías de ajuste de precios por cambios en calidad. Si se aplican estos ajustes a los precios generados por el modelo, sus propiedades son similares a las de las observaciones ‘nuevas’. De acuerdo a la evidencia reciente alrededor del 90% del comercio internacional se basa en algún tipo de crédito. Sin embargo, la literatura actual no es concluyente sobre los efectos de la financiación del comercio sobre el comercio y la economía. En el capítulo 2 propongo (conjuntamente con Marta Arespa) un marco adecuado para explorar los vínculos entre el comercio y las finanzas basadas en un modelo internacional de ciclos reales, donde las empresas necesitan financiación externa para importar y pueden estar sujetas a restricciones financieras. Encontramos que los shocks de crédito no afectan a las propiedades dinámicas de la economía, pero tienen el potencial de causar desviaciones significativas en el comercio y el desempeño económico. La relación comercio-PIB cae después de un shock de crédito negativo, ya que la capacidad de las empresas extranjeras para la compra de bienes intermedios se ve afectada, causando pérdidas en la eficiencia y la producción. Sin embargo, obliga a una sustitución de la demanda hacia los bienes intermedios nacionales que limita el deterioro del PIB. Encontramos que los países con mayor desarrollo financiero comercian más, son más ricos y más estables en términos de PIB y consumo, como en los datos. Por último, el modelo aclara algunas contradicciones que persisten entre momentos teórícos del ciclo económico real y sus contrapartes empíricas. En el capítulo 3 pongo a prueba la importancia de la liberalización del comercio para el aumento de la desigualdad en la remuneración de los ejecutivos de empresa, considerando dos estrategias cuantitativas muy diferentes. El primero de ellos consiste en la calibración de una versión ligeramente modificada de un modelo de comercio internacional con empresas heterogéneas que permite la heterogeneidad de ingresos. El aumento en el comercio se produce una caída de las barreras comerciales, lo que genera cambios en la distribución del ingreso entre los directivos. Para la segunda estrategia utilizo datos a nivel de empresa y actividad económica para determinar si la compensación ejecutiva ha crecido más rápidamente en actividades en las que el comercio se ha expandido a un ritmo más rápido. Ambas estrategias sugieren que, contrariamente a lo que hacen suponer hallazgos recientes, la caída de las barreras comerciales no son una fuente importante de aumento de la desigualdad salarial entre ejecutivos.
The thesis is divided in three chapters: In chapter 1 I address two puzzling features of international real business cycles: 1) weak or negative correlations between the terms of trade and output, and 2) a rise in relative consumption for countries where goods become relatively more expensive. I show both puzzles either vanish or become much weaker in recent data. I propose a mechanism capable of endogenously generating international price movements that are consistent with both the “old” facts as well as the “new” facts. In this mechanism, firms operating in a monopolistically competitive environment adjust price and quality of their products in response to technological shocks. This model is consistent with the old facts if price levels are not adjusted for quality. For many years, and especially following the 1996 Boskin commission report, statistical agencies have devoted many efforts towards improving their quality-adjusting methodologies. If quality adjustments to price level calculations are introduced, the model’s properties are in line with the new facts. According to recent evidence around 90% of international trade relies on some form of credit. However, current literature is not conclusive on the effects of trade finance on trade and the economy. In chapter 2 I propose (jointly with Marta Arespa) a suitable framework to explore linkages between trade and finance based on an international RBC model, where firms require external finance to import and can be financially constrained. We find credit shocks do not affect the dynamic properties of the economy, but do have the potential to cause significant deviations in trade and economic performance. The trade-to-GDP ratio falls following a negative credit shock, as the capability of firms to purchase foreign intermediate goods is affected, causing losses in efficiency and production. However, it forces a demand substitution towards domestic intermediate goods that limits GDP deterioration. We find that financially developed countries trade more, are richer and more stable in terms of GDP and consumption, as in the data. Finally, the model sheds light on some persistent contradictions between theoretical business-cycle volatilities and their empirical counterparts In chapter 3 I test the importance of trade liberalization for the rise in executive compensation inequality by considering two very different quantitative strategies. The first of these consists on calibrating a slightly modified version of a model of international trade with heterogeneous firms that allows for income heterogeneity. Increases in trade follow a fall in trade barriers, generating shifts in the distribution of income among managers. For the second strategy I use firm and industry-level data to test whether executive compensation has risen more rapidly in industries where trade has expanded at a faster pace. Both of these strategies suggest that contrary to recent findings, falling trade barriers are not an important source of increasing pay inequality among executives.

Willy Brandt, chancelier de la RFA de 1969 à 1974, a, certes, marqué l’histoire de l’Allemagne d’après-guerre par son Ostpolitik, la politique de détente entre l’Est et l’Ouest et de normalisation des relations entre la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) et le bloc soviétique. Mais, sa carrière politique a connu de nombreuses expériences et des engagements très divers sur le plan international. Willy Brandt, l’Européen convaincu de l’ancrage de la RFA à l’Ouest, est aussi le protagoniste de l’ouverture à l’Est et l’avocat du développement dans le tiers-monde
Willy Brandt, chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from 1969 to 1974, has certainly marked Germany’s history post-war period by his Ostpolitik, the Détente’s policy between East and West and the policy of relations’ normalization between the FRG and the Soviet bloc. But his political career has had many experiences and a variety of commitments at international level. Willy Brandt, as an European, who believes in the FRG’s integration into the West, is also the protagonist of the opening to the East and the advocate of the Third World’s development

Ce mémoire étudie un courant original de l’extrême gauche française : celui le plus souvent nommé « lambertiste » d’après le nom de son principal dirigeant, Pierre Lambert. La présente thèse examine sa genèse aux lendemains de la Libération puis son développement jusqu’en 1963. Ce groupe se constitue autour de quelques convictions comme un antistalinisme affirmé, la nécessité d’un fonctionnement rigoureux, la volonté d’agir « dans la classe » et la priorité donnée à l’action syndicale. Au cours de la période étudiée, il acquiert d’autres particularités comme l’anticléricalisme, un manque d’intérêt pour les révolutions coloniales ou la méfiance envers la modernité. Surtout, quand la direction de la IVe Internationale trotskyste prétend que le mouvement communiste international peut jouer un rôle progressiste, les lambertistes rompent avec elle. Désormais, ils ne cessent de dénoncer « les pablistes », Michel Pablo étant alors le dirigeant de la IVe. En revanche, ce courant politique se lie à une mouvance mêlant anarchistes, syndicalistes révolutionnaires et socialistes de gauche. Par ce biais, il se rapproche des réformistes, d’abord dans le domaine syndical puis, à la faveur de la guerre d’Algérie, dans la sphère politique. A la fin de la période étudiée, il est en passe de devenir un allié de la social-démocratie à l’extrême gauche
This thesis studies a specific group of the French extreme left most often called « lambertist » after the name of its principal leader, Pierre Lambert. This research examines its genesis in the wake of the Liberation to its development until 1963. This organization is built around several convictions like an affirmed anti-stalinism, the necessity of a rigorous functioning, the will to act for the working class and the priority given to the unionist action. During the studied period, it acquires other characteristics such as anticlericalism, a lack of interest in colonial revolutions or a skepticism towards modernity. Above all, when the leadership of the fourth International trotskyist claims that the international communist movement can play a progressive role, the lambertists take their independence from these leaders. From now on, they keep criticizing the pablists, Michel Pablo being the leader of the fourth. Otherwise, the lambertists associate with a movement of anarchists, revolutionary trade unionists and left-wing socialists. In this way, they get closer to the reformists first in the trade union field, then, in favor of the Algerian war, in the political sphere. At the end of the studied period, the group is about to become an ally of social democracy at the extreme left

Esta tesis se centra en la dinámica de la firma y el comercio internacional, y la relación entre ellos. Hay gran número de documentos que ya se han reportado aumentos de la productividad del comercio o de papel de la productividad internacional en la selección y el crecimiento de la empresa. Todos ellos tratan de responder a las siguientes preguntas conocidas: "¿La productividad determinan la selección y el crecimiento de las empresas?"; Aquí, podemos agregar algunas otras preguntas: ¿Cuál es el efecto del comercio en empresas de alta tecnología y de baja tecnología? ¿Tiene la inversión en actividades de innovación tiene ningún efecto sobre la productividad? El punto es que en la mayor de las obras anteriores, el efecto del comercio sobre la productividad y la demanda ha sido desigual. Si el uso de los resultados anteriores misdirects dinámica de firmes o efecto del comercio sobre la productividad de las empresas, puede haber algunas cosas que pueden ser dirigidas por una mejor medida de la productividad y el acceso a la ESEE. El primer capítulo, aborda la estimación de la productividad a nivel de empresa y la relación entre la productividad y el valor del producto con el rendimiento de las empresas. La productividad de la empresa se descompone al componente técnico y el componente de valor del producto. Nos encontramos con que el componente de valor del producto es significativamente importante como perturbaciones a la PTF en los resultados empresariales y la rotación, sin embargo, el grado de respuesta a la producción y los precios es más largo y más grande para perturbaciones a la PTF. Nuestros resultados muestran que tanto los exportadores y las empresas multinacionales tienen valores de productividad y de productos superiores. El papel del valor del producto es, sin embargo, más importante que el acceso a los mercados extranjeros. Usando STF físicas y de ingresos para evaluar la apertura comercial sobre el desempeño de las empresas muestra que la literatura previa exagera el papel del comercio en la productividad de las empresas, y distorsiona su efecto sobre la demanda. En este capítulo también se investiga el efecto de los gastos en I + D en la productividad a nivel de empresa, y el vínculo entre las actividades de innovación en firme y la productividad. Los resultados muestran que las empresas que invierten en actividades de I + D tienen una productividad más alta en comparación con otras empresas y empresas con eficiencia técnica bajo o alto valor del producto son más propensos a emprender la innovación de productos. En el último capítulo de la tesis, un modelo de equilibrio general de dos países se estudia que aborda conjuntamente la decisión de las empresas heterogéneas para servir a los mercados extranjeros, ya sea a través de las exportaciones o la inversión extranjera directa y sus opciones tecnológicas. En equilibrio, solamente las empresas más productivas optan por servir en los mercados extranjeros y las empresas más productivas elegirán además a actualizar su tecnología. Por último, las empresas de propiedad extranjera con tecnología de bajo nivel de salida del mercado más que los que la adopción de la alta tecnología. ESEE se emplea para verificar el efecto de la apertura sobre la productividad a nivel de empresa. Los resultados muestran que la reducción de aranceles, en promedio, disminuye la IED de baja tecnología en un 4% a 6%, pero no hay ningún efecto significativo en la alta tecnología las empresas de propiedad extranjera 1990-2009.
This thesis focuses on firm dynamics and international trade, and the link between them. During the last decade, extensive researches have been done on firm dynamics, especially on productivity, firms’ growth and innovation. Here, it is deeply focused on productiv- ity, innovation and trade. There are huge number of papers that have already reported productivity gains from international trade or role of productivity in firm’s selection and growth. They all try to answer the following well-known questions: ”Does productivity determine firms’ selection and growth?”; ”Are there productivity gains from opening to trade?” Here, we may add some other questions: What is the effect of trade on high-tech and low-tech firms? Does investing in innovation activities have any effect on productiv- ity? The point is that in the most of previous works, the effect of trade on productivity and demand has been mixed (due to lack of data on firm level prices). If using previous results misdirects firm dynamics or trade effect on firms’ productivity, there may be few things that can be directed by a better measure of productivity and accessing to a rich data set, ESEE. The first Chapter, addresses estimation of firm level productivity and the link between productivity and product value with firms performance by using information on firm level prices. Following Foster et al. (2008), a unique data set is employed to disentangle the role of productivity on manufacturing firms performance. Productivity of the firm is decomposed to technical component and product value component. We find that product value component is significantly as important as TFP shocks in firm performance and turnover, however the degree of response to output and prices is longer and larger for TFP shocks. Olley and Pakes (1996) method, for estimating the parameters of the production function, is extended to include other endogenous variables that impact on productivity like firms’ R&D expenses. Our results show that both exporters and MNEs (multinational enterprises) have higher productivity and product values. The role of product value is, however, more important for accessing to foreign markets. Using Physical and Revenue TFPs to evaluate trade openness on firms’ performance shows that previous literature exaggerates the role of trade in firms’ productivity, and distorts its effect on demand side. This chapter also investigates the effect of R&D expenditures on firm level productivity, and the link between firm innovation activities and productivity. Results show that those firms that invest in R&D activities have higher productivity comparing to other firms and firms with low technical efficiency or high product value are more likely to undertake product innovation, but firms that have high technical efficiency or high product value are more likely to perform process innovation. In the last chapter of thesis, a two-country general equilibrium model is studied that jointly addresses the decision of heterogeneous firms to serve foreign market either through export or foreign direct in- vestment (FDI) and their technological choices. In equilibrium, only the more productive firms (Exporters and FDIs) choose to serve in foreign markets and the most productive firms will further choose to upgrade their technology. In addition, as trade liberalization takes place, the cut off productivity of exporters increases and the cut off productivity of foreign-owned firms decreases. Finally, foreign-owned firms with low level technology leave the market more than those adopting high technology. ESEE is employed to verify the effect of openness on firm level productivity. Results show that tariffs reduction, in average, decreases low-tech FDIs by 4% to 6% but there is not any significant effect on high-tech foreign-owned firms from 1990 to 2009.

José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930) est une figure singulière dans le paysage intellectuel latino-américain et dans l’histoire du marxisme. Né dans une période charnière de transformation de la vie politique et économique mondiale et par conséquent du Pérou, il est aujourd’hui reconnu pour son œuvre profondément originale et révolutionnaire, conçue à partir de l’étude de la réalité nationale. Militant engagé dans le monde littéraire autant que politique par ses activités de dirigeant de parti et de syndicat, directeur de revue et critique d’art, journaliste et théoricien, sa production foisonnante est riche d’une capacité d’écriture et d’intervention peu communes. Distribués de manière non systématique en une grande variété de supports et pour des lectorats très divers, les textes de Mariátegui s’offrent à l’analyse contemporaine comme un ensemble bigarré. L’approche développée dans la thèse repose sur le postulat que l’œuvre d’un auteur ne se limite pas à ses textes publiés et inédits. Considérant que chaque texte est également une intervention dans un vaste dialogue, l’effort analytique consiste à tenter de replacer les éléments de ce dialogue dans leur contexte d’énonciation pour en situer l’originalité et l’efficace. Par ailleurs, il s’agit de confronter les textes et les autres types d’interventions qui caractérisent l’action de Mariátegui : ses actes politiques (fondation de parti et de syndicat, prises de position) et éditoriaux (direction de la revue Amauta, du journal Labor). À partir du corpus ainsi constitué, nous pouvons établir trois types de praxis définissant l’œuvre du Péruvien : une praxis d’écriture, une praxis politique et une praxis éditoriale. La thèse vise à mettre en lumière des grandes lignes de force qui unissent ces trois praxis autour d’axes centraux : l’économie, le lien biologie / histoire et la stratégie
José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930) is a peculiar figure in both the Latin American intellectual landscape and the history of Marxism. Born in a period of transformation of political and economic realities globally as well as nationally, he is widely recognised today for his deeply original and revolutionary works stemming from his studies of Peruvian reality. Mariátegui’s activities as a political leader, a union activist, a journalist, a writer, an editor, a critic and a theoretician shape an abundant production that reveals an uncommon capacity of intervention and thought. His texts are scattered unsystematically in a wide range of mediums and for very different readerships, forming a very diverse body. This study starts from the assumption that an author’s work cannot be limited to published and unpublished texts. Rather, each piece is simultaneously considered as an intervention in a vast dialogue. Hence, the analytic effort purports to situate the elements of this dialogue in their historical context so as to grasp their originality and efficacy. It also entails a confrontation of Mariátegui’s texts with other forms of intervention that characterise his action: his political acts (the founding of a party and a union, multiple political demonstrations and positions) as well as his role as an editor (the iconic monthly Amauta and the newspaper Labor). Based on this corpus, three types of praxis can be said to define the work of Mariátegui: a writing praxis, a political praxis and an editorial praxis. The study aims at shedding light on the lines of force that bind together those three praxis around central axes: economy, the biology / history combination and strategy

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo hacer una aportación a la literatura en los campos de negocios y marketing internacionales con el fin de arrojar luz sobre el comportamiento y rendimiento exportador de las pequeñas y medianas empresas (PYME), enfocándose en el contexto geográfico Español, uno de los países Europeos caracterizados tanto por su alta densidad de PYMEs como por su alto número de empleados posicionados en estas empresas. El crecimiento económico de España es en gran medida dependiente de los resultados de la actividad exportadora. A pesar de su relevancia, hay una escasez en términos de investigación relacionada al rendimiento exportador de las PYMEs a nivel Español, por lo que se destaca la necesidad de llevar a cabo más estudios en este contexto en particular.
En este sentido, la presente tesis identifica y propone para su posterior análisis los siguientes temas de real importancia para explicar el comportamiento y rendimiento exportador de las PYMEs: 1) El papel de las características y las percepciones del directivo a la hora de determinar la participación y expansión de la actividad exportadora, 2) La influencia de los determinantes internos y externos sobre el rendimiento exportador objetivo y sobre la satisfacción con el resultado exportador; y el potencial impacto de ciertas dimensiones del rendimiento exportador (objetivas) sobre otras dimensiones de rendimiento exportador (subjetivas), 3) Y por último, la influencia del grado de estandardización/adaptación de la estrategia genérica de marketing internacional sobre el rendimiento exportador objetivo y la satisfacción con el resultado exportador, al mismo tiempo que se investigará cómo esta relación está moderada por ciertos determinantes internos y externos.
El marco teórico se basa en varios enfoques: el enfoque gradual del fenómeno de la internacionalización, la teoría de recursos y capacidades aplicada en el contexto internacional, la teoría de redes y el enfoque de contingencia con respecto a la estrategia de marketing internacional. Para la realización de esta tesis se emplearon tanto la metodología cualitativa (Capítulo 1) así como la cuantitativa (Capítulos 2 y 3). Mediante el empleo de la metodología cualitativa, basada en estudios de caso, se logró una profunda comprensión del proceso de internacionalización de las PYMES Españolas. Por consiguiente, se ha desarrollado un cuestionario estructurado con el propósito llevar a cabo el estudio cuantitativo.
Los datos fueron recogidos a través de una encuesta en línea dirigida a los directivos a cargo de la actividad exportadora de las PYMES Españolas. Para el tratamiento empírico de los datos recolectados se empleó tanto el análisis univariante como multivariante, empleando el Paquete Estadístico para las Ciencias Sociales (SPSS) y los Modelos de Ecuaciones Estructurales (SEM) - Análisis de Estructuras de Momento.
Los resultados muestran que, coincidiendo con la teoría de recursos y capacidades, el papel del directivo, en particular su orientación internacional, parece ser crucial para la actividad exportadora de las PYMEs. Sin embargo, la influencia de ciertas características y percepciones de los directivos parece ser más importante según la fase del proceso de internacionalización en la cual se encuentra la empresa o tener un impacto mayor en algunos indicadores relacionados al rendimiento exportador. Los resultados también revelan la existencia de una relación positiva entre el rendimiento exportador objetivo (la intensidad exportadora y el número de mercados y zonas de exportación) y el rendimiento exportador subjetivo (satisfacción del directivo con la posición de exportación, la rentabilidad de la actividad exportadora y el acceso a nuevos mercados), relación que no había sido abordada previamente en la literatura. Por otra parte, los resultados empíricos muestran que el éxito en la actividad exportadora puede lograrse mediante el empleo de una estrategia genérica de marketing internacional más estandarizada o bien una estrategia más localizada. La estandardización y la adaptación no deben considerarse, por sí solos, como estrategias puras, sino que deben entenderse desde la perspectiva de la contingencia la cual sugiere la presencia de un equilibrio entre la estandardización y la adaptación de la estrategia de marketing internacional, cuya interacción daría lugar a mejores resultados de exportación. Este estudio identificó tres variables contingentes tanto internas como externas, más concretamente el tamaño de la empresa, la intensidad tecnológica de la industria y los factores del entorno que moderan la relación establecida entre la estrategia genérica de marketing internacional y el rendimiento exportador, medido de forma objetiva y subjetiva.
En cuanto a las implicaciones para los empresarios, los directivos deben ser conscientes de que actualmente, debido al rápido desarrollo tecnológico junto con la eliminación de numerosas barreras comerciales, la entrada en mercados extranjeros no es tan arriesgada como solía ser en el pasado, mientras que representa una alternativa viable para el crecimiento de la empresa y la búsqueda de mayores beneficios. El papel fundamental en la mejora del rendimiento exportador objetivo está directamente relacionado con el conocimiento de lenguas extranjeras y de negocios internacionales del directivo, junto con el firme compromiso de la empresa con la actividad exportadora. Por lo tanto, los principales esfuerzos deben dirigirse hacia la adquisición de estas habilidades, así como dedicar más recursos a las operaciones de exportación, de forma sistemática y organizada. Por consiguiente, los esfuerzos en términos de política también deben enfocarse a mejorar la orientación internacional de los directivos con el fin de llevar a buen término la formulación y puesta en práctica de estrategias de internacionalización.
Como líneas de investigación futura sería interesante replicar estudios similares en otros contextos geográficos, de esta manera los resultados de esta tesis podrían ser generalizados a distintos entornos. Además, sería aconsejable llevar a cabo un análisis longitudinal, a la vez que se recomienda considerar variables compuestas como, por ejemplo, el grado de orientación internacional del directivo, la estandardización y la adaptación de la estrategia de marketing internacional o el rendimiento exportador. De esta forma, estas variables multidimensionales podrían ser analizadas desde una perspectiva temporal, lo que permitiría llevar a cabo una investigación de relaciones causa-efecto.
The present dissertation aims to contribute to the international business and marketing literature by shedding light on the export behaviour and performance of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), in the Spanish geographical context, which represents one of the European settings characterised by high SMEs density and workforce employed by these enterprises. Spain's economic growth is vastly dependent on the results of the export activity. In spite of their relevance, there is a scarcity of research in the SME export centred literature, within the Spanish context, thus it becomes apparent that more investigations should be carried out in this particular setting.
In this sense, the present study identifies and proposes for further analysis the following topics of increased importance for SMEs' export activity and performance: 1) The role played by managerial characteristics and perceptions in determining export involvement and expansion; 2) The influence the internal and external determinants have on objective export performance and satisfaction with export performance and the potential impact of certain dimensions of export performance on other export performance dimensions; 3) The influence the standardisation/adaptation of the overall international marketing strategy has on objective export performance and satisfaction with export performance, simultaneously investigating how this relationship is moderated by certain internal and external determinants.
Theoretical support is provided by several approaches: the gradualist approach to the internationalisation phenomenon, the Resource Based View (RBV) applied in the international context, the network theory and the contingency approach to the international marketing strategy. Both qualitative (Chapter 1) and quantitative (Chapter 2 and 3) methodologies have been combined for the completion of this dissertation. By employing the qualitative methodology based on in-depth case studies profound understanding of the internationalisation process in Spanish SMEs was gained. Consequently, a structured questionnaire was developed for further carrying out the quantitative study.
Data was collected through an online survey addressed to the decision maker in charge of the export activity in Spanish SMEs. For empirically treating the quantitative data univariate and multivariate analysis with the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) - Analysis of Moment Structures (AMOS) were performed.
The results show that, concurring with the RBV, decision maker's role, particularly his/her international outlook appears to be crucial for SME's export activity. Nevertheless, the influence of certain managerial characteristics and perceptions seems to be more prominent according to the internationalisation stage or to have a stronger impact on some export performance indicators. The findings also reveal the existence of a positive relationship between the objective export performance (export intensity and the number of export markets and zones) and the subjective export performance (managerial satisfaction with export position, export profitability and new market entry), relationship that to the best of our knowledge has not been explored before. Moreover, the empirical results display that successful export performance could be achieved by employing either a more standardised or a more adapted overall level of the international marketing strategy. Standardisation and adaptation should not be considered, in isolation, as pure strategies, but rather should be understood from a contingency perspective which suggests a balance between the standardisation and the adaptation of international marketing strategy would lead to increased export performance. This study identified three internal and external contingent variables, namely the size of the firm, the technological intensity of the industry and the environmental factors, that moderate the relation established between the overall international marketing strategy and export performance, measured both in an objective and a subjective manner.
Regarding the implications for practitioners, decision makers should be aware that, presently, due to rapid technological development along with the removal of various trade barriers, entering overseas markets is not bearing as much risk as it used to in the past, while representing a viable alternative for firm's growth and pursuit of higher profits. The fundamental role in improving objective export performance is played by their own foreign language skills, international business knowledge and firm's commitment to exporting, hence efforts should be directed towards acquiring these abilities as well as devoting resources to the export operations, in a systematic and organised manner. Therefore, policy initiatives should also aim at enhancing the development of decision maker's international outlook with a view to successfully formulating and putting into practice internationalisation strategies.
As future research directions it would be interesting to replicate similar studies in distinct geographical contexts, so the results could be generalised to larger populations. Longitudinal analysis should also be conducted, thus complex constructs such as the degree of international orientation of the decision maker, the standardisation/adaptation of the international marketing strategy or the export performance could be analysed from a time-based perspective, allowing for the investigation of composite cause-effect relationships.