To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: International socialist.
Journal articles on the topic 'International socialist'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'International socialist.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
2
Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (April 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.
Full textAbstract:
The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgart was, however, undermined by the inability of the SFIO and the SPD to reconcile their conflicting conceptions of “inter-nationalism”.
3
Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
Full textAbstract:
The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
4
Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
5
MULHOLLAND, MARC. "‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000454.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn August 1914, as war broke out, socialist parties across Europe offered support to their own governments. The Socialist International was shattered. This rush to defencism has traditionally been seen as a volte face in which the International's frequent protestations in favour of peace and international working-class solidarity were suddenly abandoned. The collapse has been variously ascribed to socialist helplessness, betrayal, or ideological incoherence. This article examines the International's attitudes to war and peace as developed and espoused in the decades before 1914, and finds that the decisions of the constituent socialist parties in 1914 were understandable within this context. Socialists were not abandoning past ideals, but attempting to put them into practice. The circumstances of modern war, however, made traditional distinctions – between aggressor and defensive belligerents, and between ‘progressive’ and ‘reactionary’ nations – difficult to maintain. For some socialists, this meant that socialists of every country had a certain justification in rallying to their nation's defence. For Lenin and the Bolsheviks, however, if no capitalist country could be considered innocent, then all must be guilty.
6
Granadino, Alan. "Lições a ter em conta: a revolução portuguesa e os socialistas espanhóis nos meados da década de 1970." Relações Internacionais, no. 81 (March 2023): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a05.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese Revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of the Spanish socialist party, immediately before and during the Spanish transition to democracy, cannot be fully understood without paying attention to the Portuguese revolution.
7
Čamprag, Nebojša. "International Media and Tourism Industry as the Facilitators of Socialist Legacy Heritagization in the CEE Region." Urban Science 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci2040110.
Full textAbstract:
After the fall of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the socialist legacy became a matter of contested discourses, coming from the new national governments. However, with the recently awakening nostalgia for socialism and growing international interest for the socialist pasts, the approaches to its legacies began gradually to change. In this paper, the focus is on some recent international trends with regards to the socialist heritage for evaluating the share of their influences in the process of de-contestation occurring at the local/national levels. There are two processes standing in juxtaposition to be observed; on the one hand, official nation branding distances the state from socialist pasts to emphasize, often contrasting, post-socialist national identity. On the other hand, the development of communist heritage tourism attempts to reconsider and appropriate socialist legacies in the national frameworks for identity construction. Using the examples from Hungary, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia, the author demonstrates the role of international media and the tourism industry for meeting the objectives of economic development while maintaining post-socialist national identity senses, but also their potentials in reconsiderations of the contested history chapters.
8
Grosescu, Raluca, and Ned Richardson-Little. "Revisiting State Socialist Approaches to International Criminal and Humanitarian Law: An Introduction." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340110.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This introductory essay provides an overview of the scholarship on state socialist engagements with international criminal and humanitarian law, arguing for a closer scrutiny of the socialist world’s role in shaping these fields of law. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the historiography on post-1945 international law-making has been generally dominated by a post-1989 sense of Western triumphalism over socialism, where the Soviet Union and its allies have been presented as obstructionists of liberal progress. A wave of neo-Marxist scholarship has more recently sought to recover socialist legal contributions to international law, without however fully addressing them in the context of Cold War political conflict and of gross human rights violations committed within the Socialist Bloc. In contrast, this collection provides a balanced understanding of the socialist engagements with international criminal and humanitarian law, looking at the realpolitik agendas of state socialist countries while acknowledging their progressive contributions to the post-war international legal order.
9
Putyatina, Irina S. "Todorova M. The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s – 1920s. London; New York: Bloomsbury, 2020. 384 p. ISBN 978-1-3501-5033-1." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.13.
Full textAbstract:
This monograph by Maria Todorova discusses the establishment and mutual acceptance of the international socialist movement in Bulgarian social democracy. The main features of the socialist movement in Bulgaria are highlighted and the penetration of socialist ideas into the socio-political environment of the country is presented. The attitude of the Bulgarian socialists to the national question and the issues of war and peace during the Balkan Wars and the First World War are considered. Bulgarian socialists are presented as consistent internationalists and pacifists who did not change their positions even under the influence of the outbreak of the First World War. The problem of the imitativeness of Bulgarian socialism is analyzed as an integral part of the issue of Russian or Western European influence upon Bulgaria. Despite the fact that Todorova does not deny the prevalence and cultural influence of the ideas of Russian populism in Bulgaria, she comes to the conclusion that both Western European and national historiography tend to exaggerate the Russian influence on the formation of the Bulgarian socialist tradition. Features of the two political generations identified by Todorova that operated in Bulgaria during the period under consideration are presented and the typical places of education of Bulgarian socialists are revealed. Analyzing a large volume of historical sources, the author uses the biographical method to acquaint readers with numerous socialists forgotten or bypassed by the national communist historiography. Considering the individual experience of socialists, Todorova demonstrates the various paths that led people to this political camp. Attention is paid to the women's socialist movement in Bulgaria and the history of women's participation in the social and political life of the country.
10
Garcia, Beatriz Peralt. "Os primórdios do Socialismo em Portugal e a defesa da legislação internacional do trabalho. O Socialismo português nos congressos operários internacionais (1871-1896)." História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 10, no. 2 (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist10_2e2.
Full textAbstract:
. The economic weakness of the first associations of Portuguese socialism did not allow them to attend, in person, the development of international socialism through the attendance at congresses that were periodically organized by the International Workers Association since 1872, however this fact did not prevent them from assuming the resolutions. Taken there, which were disciplined incorporated into its strategy of associative consolidation and doctrinal consolidation. Hence, for example, the founding of the Portuguese Socialist Party, as decreed in The Hague. This article aims to analyze the participation of the Portuguese socialists from this initial contact with the European internationalists until the end of the nineteenth century, already reorganized the IIª International. We also try to advance the history of Portuguese socialism in the nineteenth century by stressing the implications within its party structures
11
Costa, Ettore. "From East-West Balancing to Militant Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 2 (2022): 95–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01044.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The journal known as Socialist World—the short-lived publication of the Committee of the International Socialist Conference—is instructive for what it reveals about European Social Democracy at the beginning of the Cold War and about the problems of internationalism among Socialists. At first, the journal served to mediate between West European anti-Communist Socialists and the Communists in Eastern Europe. The Socialists tried to reach a common understanding of world affairs through a dialogue across borders, but divergent ideas and the impact of international events tore this cohabitation apart. After the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, Socialist World became an instrument of anti-Communist propaganda. The articles in the journal also reveal the interests, concerns, and opinions of Socialists during the early Cold War regarding bipolar confrontation, planning, European integration, and colonialism. The journal was too public to allow frank discussion and too overburdened with rules to focus on topics of greater interest. Socialist parties that aspired to gain election in their countries wanted to protect their respectability—a concern made more urgent by the Cold War.
12
Richardson-Little, Ned, Hella Dietz, and James Mark. "New Perspectives on Socialism and Human Rights in East Central Europe since 1945." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (November 22, 2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602004.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, the study of human rights history has expanded beyond Western-centered narratives, though the role of Eastern European state socialism and socialists in the evolution of human rights concepts and politics has not received sufficient attention. This introductory essay synthesizes recent research of the role of Eastern Bloc socialist states in shaping the emergence of the post-war human rights system and the implications of this new research for the history of the Cold War, dissent as well as the collapse of state socialism in 1989/91. Ultimately, state socialist actors were not merely human rights antagonists, but contributed to shaping the international arena and human rights politics, motivated both strategically as well as ideologically. And the Eastern Bloc was not merely a region that passively absorbed the idea of human rights from the West, but a site where human rights ideas where articulated, internationalized and also contested.
13
Rani, Sangeeta. "Thoughts of Jayaprakash Narayan and Lohia in the National Movement." Research Review Journal of Social Science 2, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrjss.2022.v02.n01.004.
Full textAbstract:
It has become clear that the socialists were the first nationalists. His socialism was not an imaginary idea but was in search of a solution to the national problems. That is why sometimes he was also accused of being a national socialist. This allegation was true, but the socialism of any country is not anti-national. Socialism was discovered only in connection with the solution of the problems of their respective countries. The claim of socialism to be international than to be national is truer. So far as the problems of all countries are the same, socialism is international. But due to the separation of countries and problems, it is also national. Sometimes it seems that it is national oriented. Its aim is an international solution to national problems. Some problems are international. Modern science and technology have created similar problems in all countries. From this point of view, it is international, even though it is national, are the revolutions of Russia and China international? Aren't their national problems at their core? If socialism were only international, it would have universal spread. There was uniformity everywhere. A country like Japan has not even touched socialism. But socialism remained the main cause in China. Because China saw the solution to its problem in socialism, Japan's growing industrialization found socialism useless.
14
Ellis, Richard J. "Reimagining Democracy: The Socialist Origins of the Initiative and Referendum in the United States." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 2 (April 2023): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000585.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe initiative and referendum are commonly characterized as quintessentially Populist or Progressive reforms, but transatlantic socialism deserves pride of place in the intellectual history of direct legislation in the United States. A decade and a half before the People’s Party famously commended the idea of direct legislation at its 1892 nominating convention in Omaha, Nebraska, the Socialist Labor Party (SLP) made the demand for direct legislation a plank in its first party platform. That demand was shaped by the 1875 Gotha Program formulated by the Socialist Workers Party of Germany and informed by socialist debates during the First International and the pioneering work of Moritz Rittinghausen. The diffusion of these ideas among Gilded Age labor radicals is a crucial and underappreciated part of the story of the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States. That socialists’ pioneering role in the origins of the initiative and referendum in the United States has largely been slighted is particularly ironic since the individual arguably most responsible for securing the direct legislation resolution at Omaha was among the nation’s most successful radical labor organizers and a committed socialist, Joseph R. Buchanan.
15
Dogliani, Patrizia. "European Municipalism in the First Half of the Twentieth Century: the Socialist Network." Contemporary European History 11, no. 4 (October 28, 2002): 573–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004046.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the contribution of European socialism to the building of a variegated network of reformers in municipal politics from the end of the nineteenth century to the 1950s. Unsuccessful as a network inside the Second International, a broader international federation of cities, the Union Internationale des Villes/International Union of Local Authorities (UIV/IULA), was proposed in 1913. Belgian, French, Dutch and English socialist leaders remained strongly influential in this federation between the two world wars, working in connection with co-operative movements and the International Labour Office based in Geneva. The fifty years of debates and projects animated by the international journal Les Annales de la Régie Directe founded by the French socialist Edgard Milhaud allows us to follow the development of a generation of local reformers from the beginnings of municipalist thought and praxis up to the idea of building a decentralised European Community of cities and regional authorities.
16
Vidal, Nuno de Fragoso. "The international and domestic fabrics of an ideological illusion: the Socialist MPLA." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 34 (November 4, 2021): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313342021e0102.
Full textAbstract:
A caracterização politico-ideológica e a análise dos movimentos nacionalistas An The political-ideological characterization and analysis of Angolan nationalist movements and the conflicts between them, has always been subject of major and passionate political-academic discussion, which became an important component of the nationalist movements’ international and domestic characterization and definition. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) rapidly acquired the epithet of leftist, Socialist and Marxist since the anti-colonial struggle through the independence and afterwards. However, during the so-called founding period of an officially proclaimed Socialist MPLA, in an apparent contradiction, the MPLA’s governing practice went objectively in an opposite direction, while still reinforcing that unquestioned epithet of Socialist. It is here argued that foreign attributed classifications (political and academic), influenced by the passionate political-idological struggles of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the civil war and the Cold War, ended up diplomatically-politically assumed (instrumentalised) by the movement itself, whereby an illusive characterization/identification prevailed, hampering a more objective analysis of the post-independence political practice. Our paper will focus on the contrast between the academic discussion on the political-ideological characterization of the MPLA (part I) and the governing practice of the party during the administration of the first President of the Republic, which was the founding period of the MPLA as a so-called Marxist-Leninist Socialist party (part II). Keywords: Angola; MPLA; Socialism; Agostinho Neto administration; political orientation. golanos, assim como os conflitos entre eles, foi sempre sujeita a apaixonadas discussões politico-académicas, que se tornaram um importante componente da definição doméstica e internacional dos movimentos nacionalistas. O MPLA rapidamente adquiriu o epíteto de esquerdista, Socialista e Marxista desde a luta anti-colonial, durante o processo da independência e depois da independência. No entanto, numa aparente contradição, durante o designado período fundacional de um oficialmente proclamado MPLA, a prática politico-governativa do partido prosseguiu numa direção oposta, ao mesmo tempo que reforçava o epíteto de Socialista. Este texto argumenta que as classificações atribuídas a partir de fora (políticas e académicas), influenciadas pelas apaixonadas lutas politico-ideológicas das décadas de 1950, 1960 e 1970, a guerra-civil e os alinhamentos da ‘Guerra Fria’, acabaram assumidos (instrumentalizado) pelo próprio movimento/partido, num processo mediante o qual prevaleceu uma ilusória caracterização/definição ideológica, obstaculizando uma análise mais objectiva da prática política do pós-independência. Este texto focar-se-á no contraste entre a discussão académica acerca da caracterização político-ideológica do MPLA (parte I) e a prática governativa do partido durante a administração do primeiro Presidente da República, consistindo no período fundacional do MPLA enquanto partido Socialista Marxista-Leninista (part II).
17
Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were constant. Eventually, guided by the theoretical insights of a number of socialist leaders such as Bebel, Engels, and Zetkin, socialist parties of the First and Second Internationals came to realize that the cause of the women's movement was just and to accept autonomous women's organizations. The Third International, or Comintern, although it initially claimed to liberate women “not only on paper, but in reality, in actual fact,” treated the inequality of women as a secondary consideration. Focusing on production and labor conflict, the Comintern paid attention only to women's exploitation by capital to the extent that “by the end of the 1920s, any special emphasis on women's social subordination in communist propaganda or campaigning came to be regarded as a capitulation to bourgeois feminism.” Leftist women activists lost their organizational autonomy and had to work under the supervision of their national communist party.
18
Ihalainen, Pasi. "A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border : The (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for women." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.004.ihal.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border: the (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for womenThis research article in transnational history analyses an incident during which Hilja Pärssinen, a Finnish socialist woman MP, was stopped on the Dutch border in September 1913 on her way to visit a suffragette college in London. This two-hour event at the border and public controversy that followed were clashes between competing ideological and gendered discourses on women’s political agency. The incident was a nexus of intersecting discourses on a range of issues: Dutch and international debates on women’s suffrage, discourse on ‘white slavery’, racial prejudices towards East Europeans, Marxist class struggle discourse, and fears of socialism. During the incident, the authorities seemed to be casting the identity of an illegal immigrant or a Russian prostitute on Pärssinen. Provoked against her psycho-physical experiences, she protested by performing that identity. Afterwards, transnationally connected socialists politicized the case in their fight for women’s political rights, while the authorities and the non-socialist press consistently depoliticized it.
19
Rolf, Hannes. "Book review - Claiming the City: A Global History of Workers' Fight for Municipal Socialism by Shelton Stromquist. 2023." Radical Housing Journal 5, no. 1 (July 21, 2023): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/uteo9421.
Full textAbstract:
Shelton Stromquist has written a long and very rich account of the international history of local socialist activism, often called municipal socialism. Drawing on various examples, Stromquist wants to shift the focus from national parliamentary politics and centrist narratives to the local level, where the labour movement was built. At a time when local struggles such as affordable housing are once again on the agenda of progressive activists, this book offers important insights into the early local history of labour politics and inspiration for contemporary activists and municipal socialists.
20
Horn, Gerd-Rainer. "From ‘Radical’ to ‘Realistic’: Hendrik de Man and the International Plan Conferences at Pontigny and Geneva, 1934–1937." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002041.
Full textAbstract:
When at Christmas 1933 the Belgian Workers' Party adopted the Plan de Man to guide its forward march to socialism, European critics of unfettered capitalist development listened carefully. Deeply worried by Hitler's legal rise to power, socialist activists and intellectuals were then searching for new answers to the crises of their day, and many believed that they had found a blueprint in the Plan. Inspired by the activist politician Hendrik de Man, a series of international plan conferences, assembling the entire spectrum of western European pro-socialist, non-Stalinist economists, met between September 1934 and October 1937. The changing nature of these debates exemplify the fate of European socialism in the mid-1930s, descending from optimistic belief in a democratic socialist future towards technocratic pragmatism in the space of thirty-seven months.
21
Amin, Samir. "Forum on Samir Amin's Proposal for a New International of Workers and People." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.960.
Full textAbstract:
Amin argues that “[w]e are now in the phase of the ‘autumn of capitalism’ without this being strengthened by the emergence of ‘the people’s spring’ and a socialist perspective. …There is no alternative other than that enabled by a renewal of the international radical left, capable of carrying out—and not just imagining—socialist advances.” What is needed is “the lucid and organized intervention of the international front of the workers and the peoples.” He proposes the establishment of a “new Internationale” that consists of “an Organization… and not just a ‘movement’” or discussion forum (such as the World Social Forum process). Such an Internationale should draw from experiences of previous worker Internationales, and seek to apply lessons from this history to the current context.
22
KAMINSKI, BARTLOMIEJ. "The Anatomy of the Directive Capacity of the Socialist State." Comparative Political Studies 22, no. 1 (April 1989): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414089022001003.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the problem of the directive capacity of the socialist state, defined as the ability to identify opportunities available within both the domestic and international political economy and to develop and implement policies. The focus is not on how the directive capacity of the socialist state is actually used by the elites but on the identification of basic mechanisms shaping it. The following questions are addressed: What is the relationship between politics and economics in state socialism, and how does it determine directive capacity? What are the underlying structures that shape the socialist state/economy interaction? What mechanisms have developed within the framework of state socialism that compensate for lack of pressures toward higher efficiency? What are the system's limitations and what strategies are available to increase the directive capacity?
23
Van Velthoven, Harry. "De versnippering van het rode vaderland." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 65, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v65i2.12621.
Full textAbstract:
The disintegration of the red fatherlandIn an extensive review-article following the publication in 2005 of Maarten Van Ginderachter’s The red fatherland: The forgotten history of the divergencies between the ethnic communities in Belgian socialism before WWI, Harry Van Velthoven depicts the different ethnic identifications made by socialists from Brussels, Wallonia and Flanders at a time when the movement had lost its international-revolutionary paradigm 'without a fatherland' and had incorporated itself completely into the Belgian framework. Moreover, the two most important socialist strongholds in Flanders, Antwerp and Ghent, developed a different chronology regarding their view on the Flemish Question as an emancipatory phenomenon.
24
Park, Jae-Ik. "The Reading of Revolutionaries: The Colonial Appropriation of Socialist Theory and Literature as Popular Culture in the 1920s." Research Society for the Korean Language Education 19 (August 31, 2023): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25022/jkler.2023.19.049.
Full textAbstract:
This article examined how the socialist literary movement in colonial Korea in the 1920s imagined and recognized the “mass reader”. Socialist theory was embraced by colonial Korea as an alternative perspective for imagining the self-renovation and emancipation of non-Western colonized peoples. The fact that the magazine Kong-Je used disparate ideas as resources to unpack the meaning of labor, workers, and the labor movement is evidence that the concern of early socialists was not to accurately translate a particular theory. The magazine Kong-Je sought to address its unspecified readers as “workers” by providing them with an epistemological framework to critically perceive reality. Socialist theory was not used as an abstract theory, but as a theoretical framework for recognizing and critiquing real-world problems, and as a tool for critiquing existing perspectives on interpreting reality.
In this respect, Yeom Sang-seop and Kim Hwa-san's critique of the socialist literary movement did not deny the possibility of socialist literature; they appropriated socialism as a theory and questioned what the goals of the socialist literary movement should be. This article examines Yeom Sang-sup's appropriation of socialist ideas and his literary theory based on them, focusing on a review he published in 1927. For him, socialism was about overcoming the notion of suppressing the “mental activity” of colonized Koreans, and therefore socialist literature should be read by readers to provide them with a critical lens through which to read reality. Kim Ki-jin's literary path in the 1920s resonated with Yeom Sang-sup's literary beliefs, as he saw the main purpose of the socialist literary movement as “educating” the masses, and constantly emphasized that literature had to be read to someone. These statements are not easily found in the socialist literary discourse produced in Korea at the time, and were made possible by applying Western “universal theories” of socialist ideology and its literary applications to the realities of colonial Korea.
25
Estrin, Saul. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
Full textAbstract:
For many years the Yugoslav economic system appeared to offer a middle way between capitalism and Soviet central planning. The Yugoslavs' brand of market socialism placed reliance on markets to guide both domestic and international production and exchange, with the socialist element coming from the “social ownership” and workers' self-management of enterprises. The system seemed successful until the late 1970s. However, in recent years, many of the problems besetting other socialist economies like Poland and Hungary—like stagnation, international debt, enterprise inefficiency, and inflation—have emerged to bring the whole experiment into question. Reforms paralleling those elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe are now on the agenda. This paper will first describe how the Yugoslav economy has been distinguished from those of its socialist neighbors. The following sections will describe the economic record of Yugoslavia since the 1950s and the lessons to be drawn from the long-standing Yugoslav experiment.
26
Beslin, Milivoj, and Petar Zarkovic. "The rise and fall of democratic socialism in Yugoslavia 1948-1972." Filozofija i drustvo 34, no. 4 (2023): 550–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2304550b.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the complex trajectory of democratic socialism in Yugoslavia from 1948 to 1972, a period characterized by groundbreaking experimentation and subsequent retreat from socialist ideals. The study begins with Yugoslavia?s 1948 break from Stalin, marking the inception of its independent socialist path, distinct from the Soviet model. It highlights the implementation of innovative policies, particularly the model of worker self-management, reflecting Yugoslavia?s endeavor to marry socialist principles with democratic practices. These policies, initially successful in fostering economic growth and a unique Yugoslav identity, faced internal challenges of ethnic and national complexities and external pressures owing to its non-aligned stance during the Cold War. The article delves into the internal political dynamics and leadership strategies of Yugoslavia during this transformative period, which is a domain that has received less scholarly attention compared to Yugoslav economic and foreign policies. It scrutinizes how Tito and his contemporaries navigated the challenges of maintaining a socialist state while balancing the ideals of democracy with the practicalities of governance. Special attention is given to the interplay between domestic policies and international influences, offering a comprehensive view of the Yugoslav socialist experiment. The decline of democratic socialism in Yugoslavia, culminating in the political shifts of 1972, is portrayed not as an abrupt collapse but as a gradual process, marked by changes in both policy and ideology. The authors conclude that the Yugoslav experience provides valuable insights into the complexities of implementing socialism in a diverse and multifaceted society, illustrating both the potential and limitations of merging socialism with democratic principles.
27
Cheng, Ter-Hsing. "Between Sinology and Socialism: Collective Memory of Czech Sinologists in the 1950s." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 19 (February 7, 2015): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v19i0.409.
Full textAbstract:
This paper intends to explore the collective memory of Czech sinologists in the 1950s based on the political zone between sinology and socialism. Czech sinological development in the 1950s was grounded on the personal factor of Prusek and the socialist transformation of new China. Socialist China offers two possibilities for the development of sinology, the first for friendly relations among socialist countries, including overseas students, and the second for studies of contemporary Chinese literature. The developmental framework of Czech sinology in the 1950s, or the social framework of collective memory for the Czech sinologists should be understood in the region under the mutual penetration of sinology and socialist China. This paper, firstly, discusses the background framework of constructing the Czech sinologists in the 1950s— the link between new China and the other socialist countries, and the relation between Prusek and socialist China. Secondly, this paper will analyze Czech sinological experiences in the 1950s through Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory.Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.19 2014: 116-133
28
Lee, Young Ji. "A Utopia of Self-Reliance." positions: asia critique 28, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 756–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8606484.
Full textAbstract:
This essay examines Maoist China and its deep engagement with local/global capitalism during the Cold War period. It analyzes how the socialist realist utopian images of self-reliant Dazhai, a model village in Shanxi, contributed to the domestic and international image of Maoist China as a socialist country located outside the orbit of global capitalism by focusing on the fundamental predicaments that China, as a developing country, faced in realizing socialism within its territory. These quandaries included a shortage of foreign currencies, a commodity economy, the party-state’s economic policies that prioritized heavy industry, and dependency on trade relationships with capitalist countries. The author’s analysis provides an economic history of political art by juxtaposing socialist realist visual culture during the Learn from Dazhai in Agriculture campaign with the economic conditions of Maoist China enmeshed in the complex chains of commodity production/exchange, international divisions of labor, and worldwide processes of capital accumulation.
29
Krutílková, Hana. "International Women’s Day and its role in the consolidation of the female socialist worker’s movement in Moravia before 1914." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.2.5.
Full textAbstract:
During the last years before WW1 the gender strategy of Moravian socialists started to follow the concept of new socialist woman. This effort was realized in several specific measures, first of all the introduction of International Women’s Day, the re-establishment of women’s party conferences and establishment of women’s political organizations. The new holiday helped revive the fading working-women’s socialist movement in Moravia during the years before WWI. It became an effective tool which helped both competing socialist parties – autonomists and centralists – to keep pace with growing competition of women’s interest associations of Catholics and The People’s Progressive Party. Thanks to the revival of women’s suffrage demands the Social Democracy could partly present itself as a protesting party again. The introduction of International Women’s Day led to the consolidation of disrupted women’s campaigning centres and partly also to spreading to new regions. However, the new holiday did not solve all the problems. Just as in previous years, especially women from the countryside remained resistant to socialist activities, due both to the lasting gender prejudices within their own party and the different political orientation of potential sympathisers.
30
Dirlik, Arif. "Socialism and capitalism in Chinese socialist thinking: The origins." Studies in Comparative Communism 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(88)90010-5.
Full text
31
Daems, Joke, Thomas D’haeninck, Simon Hengchen, Tecle Zere, and Christophe Verbruggen. "‘Workers of the World’? A Digital Approach to Classify the International Scope of Belgian Socialist Newspapers, 1885–1940." Journal of European Periodical Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v4i1.10187.
Full textAbstract:
Socialism has always been strongly related to internationalism, yet the attitude towards and expression of internationalism has likely changed throughout the years. Events such as the First World War, the post-war revival of institutionalized internationalism and the increasing geopolitical tensions during the Interwar Period are likely to impact the degree of internationalism found in socialism. In this paper, we use digital tools to search for expressions of ‘banal’ internationalism and cosmopolitanism in Belgian socialist discourse from 1885 until 1940 by text mining two socialist newspapers: the French journal Le Peuple and the Dutch Vooruit. The goal is to highlight some of the difficulties encountered in collecting and processing the relevant data, and to showcase two potential analyses once the data has been acquired and prepared: a study of the most frequent locations throughout time via Named-entity recognition (NER) and a collocation analysis to study international and cosmopolitan sentiments.
32
Boyce, Robert. "The practice of socialist internationalism: European socialists and international politics, 1914–1960." Cold War History 19, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1601410.
Full text
33
Manor, Udi. "Socialists in name only? Socialist–Zionist wartime progressivism." Israel Affairs 25, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1577044.
Full text
34
Blackburn, R. "Socialist Prospects After the Collapse of “Real Socialism”." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (1991): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-1991-1-46-59.
Full text
35
Poy, Lucas. "The “World Migration Congress” of 1926 and the Limits of Socialist Internationalism." Labor 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10581293.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational solidarities; it is also too focused on Europe and therefore overlooks a more serious limit to internationalism, namely a perspective that proclaimed a principle of color-blind solidarity among all peoples of the world but in practice built a much more limited transnational community of workers either born in Europe or of European descent. This article engages with these historiographical trends and complicates our knowledge of socialist internationalism in the 1920s by exploring a unique and underresearched event, the “World Migration Congress,” held in London in 1926 and jointly organized by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International, the main transnational networks of trade unionists and political parties of the social democratic tradition. Drawing on the idea that international organizations and meetings can be used as “observation points” for studying global history, the article uses the prolegomena to, the preparations for, and the discussions of this congress as a lens to understand the stances of socialist parties and reformist trade unions regarding the question of migration in the 1920s, explaining to what extent, and for what reason, they have changed in comparison with the prewar period. Moreover, it shows that the stances on migration were intertwined in many ways with socialist and labor perspectives on colonialism and condescending views of the “colored peoples” of the world.
36
Dolinsek, Sonja, and Philippa Hetherington. "Socialist Internationalism and Decolonizing Moralities in the UN Anti-Trafficking Regime, 1947–1954." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 21, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 212–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340112.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the late 1940s, state socialist governments proclaimed that commercial sex did not exist under socialism. At the same time, they were enthusiastic participants in the drafting of a new UN Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. This article explores state socialist involvement in the global moral reform drive accompanying the 1949 Convention. It traces the ideological coherence between Socialist Bloc and ‘Western’ delegations on the desirability of prostitution’s abolition. Conversely, it highlights splits on issues of jurisdiction, manifesting in the Soviet call for the eradication of the draft Convention’s ‘colonial clause’, which allowed states to adhere to or withdraw from international instruments on behalf of ‘non-self-governing territories’. We argue that critiques of the colonial clause discursively stitched together global moral reform and opposition to imperialism, according socialist and newly decolonized delegations an ideological win in the early Cold War.
37
Morozova, Irina. "Adaptive Compromisers or Inventive Reformers: Communities, Religion and Ideology in Late Socialism in Central and Inner Asia." Inner ASIA 15, no. 1 (2013): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000055.
Full textAbstract:
Pioneering historical comparison between Soviet Central Asia and socialist Mongolia in the last decades of socialism, this article aims to assess the role of international factors and regional geopolitics in the policies of socialist states towards religious institutions and communities. It also traces long- term sociocultural transformations of Muslim and Buddhist communities in comparative perspective, and questions how individuals and groups responded to antireligious social campaigns, adapted to newly introduced institutions and reframed their religious identities throughout. The research is based on archival and oral- history data, while reflections upon the concepts of secularity and religion assist in working out a critical approach to the sources. The article raises the complex question of fading religiosity in the religious rites and ceremonies which persisted into socialism and beyond, explored alongside the sacral meaning imposed and found in communist commemorations and socialist cults. It argues for the necessity of analysing communities in the shared historical space where foreign state policies and individual histories intersect. While post- Second World War Middle Eastern geopolitics impacted upon the reestablishment of legal Muslim institutions in Soviet Central Asia, the status of socialist Mongolia vis- à- vis Peking became an additional motivation for the Mongolian communists’ assault on the lamas. In Soviet Central Asia in the 1970s–1980s, social life was still centred on Islamic rituals, while in Mongolia, where socialist cults laid down deeper roots, the population demonstrated more profound sacral perception of communal commemorations than Central Asians.
38
Schweitzer, V. "Socialist International in the Modern World." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (1997): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-1997-6-28-40.
Full text
39
Hodgson, Louis-Philippe. "Cohen’s community." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 17, no. 1 (October 3, 2017): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x17721481.
Full textAbstract:
Does the kind of socialist ideal articulated by G. A. Cohen in Why Not Socialism? add anything substantial to the Rawlsian conception of justice? Is it an ideal that Rawlsians should want to take on board, or is it ultimately foreign to their outlook? I defend a mixed answer to these questions. On the one hand, we shouldn’t underestimate the extent to which Rawls's theory already addresses the concerns that motivate Cohen’s appeal to the socialist ideal. Within the bounds of a society living up to Rawls’s two principles of justice, I maintain, there would be little room left for an ideal of social relations to do any independent work. On the other hand, Cohen’s ideal may still have an important role to play within Rawlsian theory – not within the confines of a given society but on the international stage, beyond the liberal state as we know it. This asymmetry between the domestic and the international case stems from the fact that Rawls's principles of justice apply in full strength only at the domestic level. Because the principles of justice that hold at the international level are less demanding, I contend, they leave space for the socialist ideal to play a significant role.
40
Malets, O., and N. Malets. "Organizational and Ideological and Political Changes in the International Labour Movement Before and During the First World War." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-4.
Full textAbstract:
The features of the creation and activities of international left associations in the first third of the XXth century are analyzed, the features of the activities of the Second International on the eve andduring the First World War are clarified, the ideological contradictions between the Social Democratic parties in this period are characterized. The reasons for the splits in the Second International are highlighted; the processes that preceded the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are characterized. The reasons for the separation in the Second International, the processes of the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are investigated, and the organizational structures of the Comintern and the Workers’ Socialist International are compared. It is noted that after the October Revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks increasingly influenced the world left movement. Promoting the ideas of the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the initiative of V. Lenin, they formed the Third International, uniting the communist parties. After the formation of the Comintern, a number of left-wing socialist parties severed relations with the International. The centrist parties rejected the conditions of the Bolsheviks, since the mid-1920s. They united around two centers: the Second International (London) and the Vienna 2½ International.
41
Huang, Heng. "Using Socialist Ideas to Help the World Health Organization Deal with International Relations and Develop New Policies to Improve the Health Care System." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 667–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/3/2022660.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is a detailed analysis of how socialist thinking can help International Health Organizations. WHO's health system is of great importance to people all over the world, and it holds a key position in the deal with international relations. But judging from the examples of the effects of various transnational epidemics discussed in this article, the current WHO health system is inadequate for this vital responsibility and fails to handle international relations well. This paper will give a detailed explanation of why WHO needs to apply socialist thought and argue the excellence of socialist thought in helping WHO better deal with international relations and international health issues. The deficiencies of WHO's health system are directly reflected in its policies. This paper will demonstrate how reforming WHO's policies with socialist ideology will improve international relations and better deal with international health issues.
42
Holm, Andrej, Szymon Marcińczak, and Agnieszka Ogrodowczyk. "New-build gentrification in the post-socialist city: Łódź and Leipzig two decades after socialism." Geografie 120, no. 2 (2015): 164–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2015120020164.
Full textAbstract:
This contribution focuses on the role of new-build gentrification in the socio-spatial re-differentiation of shrinking second-tier post-socialist cities in Germany and Poland, countries that differ in terms of the pace and character of post-socialist transition. Our main goal is to compare and contrast the unfolding of new-build gentrification in different post-socialist settings with the examples of new-build gentrification known from international studies that mostly cover “Western” cities. One of the main findings of our study is that the tempo and scale of new-build gentrification is sensitive to the pace of post-socialist transformations and to institutional contexts. Regarding the international debate on newbuild gentrification, our findings from Łódź and Leipzig highlight a rather distinctive mode of the process. Despite the undeniable similarities with the spatial patterns detected by previous studies illustrating the “Western” contexts, the new-build gentrification detected in our case cities points to different economic roots as well as specific social consequences. Irrespective of identified differences between Leipzig and Łódź, the new-build gentrification appears to be economically independent from the former (other) forms of gentrification and its dynamics.
43
NICHOLLS, JULIA. "EMPIRE AND INTERNATIONALISM IN FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST THOUGHT, 1871–1885." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (May 30, 2016): 1051–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000030.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically unconcerned with imperial and international questions. Rather, it was those who remained in Europe that produced more clearly elaborated theories on empire and international engagement. Such ideas subsequently served to demarcate the limits and possibilities of universal equality and solidarity, which were central to revolutionary socialist thought during this period. Consequently, it will be suggested that despite their recent rise in popularity, empire, and colonialism are not the best categories of analysis for approaching such themes, for they cannot be isolated from broader concerns with international and transnational thought.
44
Katz, Claudio. "The Socialist Polis: Antiquity and Socialism in Marx's Thought." Review of Politics 56, no. 2 (1994): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018428.
Full textAbstract:
The central question guiding this essay is: what does Marx's socialism owe to classical antiquity? Underlying this question is the thesis that Marx's studies of classical Greece supply the angle of vision necessary to bring to light the hallmark of his conception of the socialist polity. The argument challenges a widespread interpretation of the connection between antiquity and socialism in Marx's work—that his socialist vision takes its bearings from the Aristotelian understanding of the relationship between necessity and leisure. In Marx's view, the fundamental legacy of antiquity was the notion of freedom as masterlessness. The roots of this legacy are in the political experience of the democratic polis, not in Aristotle's reflections on the ideal household. The core of Marx's project, then, is not to open a realm of freedom beyond necessity, but rather to create spaces for democratic action within the realm of necessity itself, to ensure that work is free and compatible with leisured activities.
45
Piromalli, Eleonora. "Does socialism need fraternity? On Axel Honneth’s The Idea of Socialism." European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 3 (July 17, 2017): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885117718431.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, after retracing the main lines of Honneth’s The Idea of Socialism, I address two objections to it. Firstly, I question the marked substantiality of Honneth’s proposed socialist ‘community of fraternal life’, resulting from the conjunction of the idea of social freedom with the principle of fraternity he derives from the proto-socialists. On the basis of my objections, I then delineate an original theoretical model, denominated ‘socialism through convergence’ (STC). While based on Honneth’s concept of social freedom, STC can abstract from the element of fraternity. It is, by consequence, immune to the excess of substantiality of Honneth’s perspective and potentially more attractive for the members of modern, pluralistic societies. Finally, I criticize Honneth’s perspective for under-determining the element of normative social conflicts in the sphere of democracy and normalizing their expression into the forms of an orderly democratic deliberation; consequently, I show how the STC perspective can more effectively account for social struggles and political conflicts.
46
Marek, Pavel. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST PARTY IN 1948." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (49) (December 5, 2023): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(49).2023.290496.
Full textAbstract:
The Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, which changed its name several times over the years and whose legacy is currently claimed by the Czech National Social Party as a successor organization, is one of the oldest traditional Czech political parties. It was established in 1897 in the period of political differentiation of Czech society with the ambition of becoming an association of Czech workers, the organization of which until then had been the focus of the international Social Democratic Party. Eventually, it profiled itself as the party of the lower middle classes, with a nationalistically formulated programme of defending the ideas of democracy, social equality and justice that was aligned with the vision of creating a reformist Czech national socialism. By tradition, it was opposed to Marxism, communism and any kind of totalitarianism, and, after 1918, participated in the building of a democratic Czechoslovak Republic. It defended these policy postulates even after the end of the Second World War, when, in a heavily reduced, centre-left party-political system identified with the concept of the National Front, it profiled itself as the most consistent opponent of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). While the Communist policy aimed at a complete takeover of power with the objective of the revolutionary transformation of Czech and Slovak society and the building of socialism and communism, the National Socialists unequivocally rejected this concept and aimed at a vision of a national, democratic and socially just state. The clash of these contradictory ideas about the future, which was not specific only to Czechoslovakia, but was related to the formation of the bipolar order of the world and Europe after the Second World War, and the fact that Czechoslovakia found itself in the Soviet sphere of influence, was reflected in the emergence and resolution of the government crisis of Gottwald’s cabinet in February 1948. The KSČ used this case for a coup d’état. It established the dictatorship of the proletariat in Czechoslovakia, liquidated the democratic political system and replaced it with a totalitarian one, and in line with Moscow’s intentions, it began a revolutionary transformation of society with the aim of building socialism. The February Communist coup also had a major impact on political parties, particularly the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. The Communists, with the help of turncoats and careerists covered by Communist State Security, dismantled that party and began to actually build a new political party from its ruins under the name of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. In terms of its policy statement, the party identified itself with the visions of the Communists, who made it a shadow organization collaborating with the regime until 1989. This study reflects the circumstances behind the formation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party in 1948, with a focus on the formation of the party leadership and party elite. People who mostly cooperated with the Communists before February 1948, along with individuals secretly authorized by the KSČ and the security structures to work among the National Socialists for the purpose of intelligence and decomposition activities, established themselves as the leaders of the organization at central level.
47
Yablokov, Boris V. "Economic Diplomacy of Socialism: Participation of Comecon Member Countries in the UN Conference on Trade and Development 1964." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, no. 2 (2024): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.2.028.
Full textAbstract:
In the early 1960s, in the context of decolonisation, the contours of international trade underwent significant changes, leading to the need to review the principles of international organisations in the field of economic development. To this end, the first Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was convened in Geneva in 1964 at the initiative of the United Nations. On the basis of the archival materials of the Russian State Archive of the Economy, which are being introduced into scholarly circulation from the funds of the Office of International Economic Organisations of the United Nations of the Ministry of Foreign Trade of the USSR and the Foreign Trade Department of the COMECON Secretariat, the article examines the basic principles of the practical implementation of the economic diplomacy of socialism with reference to the participation of the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in the UN Conference on Trade and Development in 1964. The united front of the COMECON member countries on the key issues of the agenda revealed serious contradictions in the camp of the Western countries and contributed to the strengthening of the influence of COMECON as an international organisation striving to make trade an instrument of economic development and to strengthen peaceful coexistence in the new realities of the post-colonial world order. Thus, the position adopted by the socialist countries during the conference clearly demonstrated the possibilities of economic diplomacy at the international level and gave the Soviet leadership every reason to use UNCTAD in the future as an important platform for defending the interests of the socialist countries, including in the struggle with the EEC for economic influence in the Third World. The development of the theme in question with the inclusion of previously unpublished documents from the Russian State Archive of Economic Diplomacy opens up a number of promising directions for research into the phenomenon of socialist economic diplomacy, and thus significantly expands the source base for the study of various aspects of socialist integration within the COMECON, including the mechanisms of economic decision-making at the international level in the context of interstate confrontation. The academic novelty of this study also lies in the fact that the participation of socialist countries in the activities of UNCTAD has so far received only fragmentary attention in Russian historiography.
48
O'Neil, Patrick H. "Revolution from Within: Institutional Analysis, Transitions from Authoritarianism, and the Case of Hungary." World Politics 48, no. 4 (July 1996): 579–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0017.
Full textAbstract:
The Hungarian transition from socialism stands out from other examples of political change in the region, in that the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP) suffered an erosion of political power generated largely from within the party itself. The study shows how the Communist Party, after its destruction in the revolution of 1956, sought to institutionalize its rule through a course of limited liberalization and the broad co-optation of the populace. This policy helped create a tacit social compact with society, particularly in co-opting younger intellectuals who identified with the goals of reform socialism. However, the party eventually marginalized this group, creating an internal party opposition that supported socialism but opposed the MSZMP. Consequently, when the limits of Hungarian reform socialism became evident in the mid-1980s, rank-and-file intellectuals within the party began to mobilize against the party hierarchy, seeking to transform the MSZMP into a democratic socialist party. These “reform circles,” drawing their strength primarily from the countryside, spread to all parts of the party and helped undermine central party power and expand the political space for opposition groups to organize. Eventually, the reform circles were able to force an early party congress in which the MSZMP was transformed into a Western-style socialist party prior to open elections in 1990.The case is significant in that it indicates that the forms of transition in Eastern Europe were not simply the specific outcome of elite interaction. Rather, they were shaped in large part by the patterns of socialist institutionalization found in each country. Therefore, studies of political transition can be enriched with an explicit focus on the institutional characteristics of each case, linking the forms of transitions and their posttransition legacies to the institutional matrix from which they emerged. In short, the study argues that the way in which an autocratic order perpetuates itself affects the manner in which that system declines and the shape of the new system that takes its place.
49
Gehrig, Sebastian, James Mark, Paul Betts, Kim Christiaens, and Idesbald Goddeeris. "The Eastern Bloc, Human Rights, and the Global Fight against Apartheid." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (November 22, 2019): 290–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602007.
Full textAbstract:
Anti-apartheid advocacy allowed Eastern Bloc countries to reframe their ideological language of solidarity towards African countries into a legalist rhetoric during the 1960s and 70s. Support for international anti-racial discrimination law and self-determination from colonial rule reinforced their ties to Africa after the disenchantment of the Hungarian Uprising. Rights activism against apartheid showcased the socialist Bloc’s active contribution to the international rise of human rights language and international law during the Cold War. By the mid-1970s, however, international rights engagement became problematic for most Eastern European states, and dissidents at home eventually appropriated the term apartheid based on decades of state-mandated international rights activism to criticise socialism.
50
Scoppola, Iacopini Luigi. "I moti di Torino dell'agosto 1917 nelle memorie di un socialista." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (May 2009): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2009-001003.
Full textAbstract:
- This article presents an unpublished paper taken from the memoirs of Gino Mangini; the author was an italian socialist, who stood by the democratic vision of socialism for his whole life. At that time, he was a member of the radical left wing of the Psi, as well as a witness and an actor of the dramatic riots between the civilian population and the police forces joined by soldiers coming directly from the military front. This paper is relevant for two reasons: it is one of the few documents which allow us to partially review the accepted vision (embraced by many among whom Paolo Spriano in 1972 was the last one) of those days as a political effort towards the revolution. Secondly, the document is the only written evidence by a socialist who never accepted the ideas of the October's Revolution and of the Third International. Key words: Italian socialism, World War I, 1917, popular demonstration in Turin, home front