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Journal articles on the topic 'International territorial conflicts'
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1
Bradley, Martha M. "Classifying Non-International Armed Conflicts." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 11, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 349–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10011.
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Abstract In terms of Additional Protocol ii to the Geneva Conventions ‘territorial control’ is a requirement in order to determine whether, as contemplated by the provisions of the Protocol, a non-international armed conflict exists. Complex situations in which conflict is not confined to the territorial borders of the State where the non-international armed conflict originated increasingly present a challenge to those responsible for conflict classification under the conventional law of non-international armed conflict. In situations such as these, a non-international armed conflict is no longer restricted to the territory of a single State. Multiple non-international conflicts involving numerous actors can co-exist in a single territory at the same time or lead to fighting across borders. The complex conflict situations in the Central African Republic, Mali, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo serve as examples. Attaining legal certainty is pivotal with respect to conflict classification because the category of conflict determines the applicable rules of the conventional law of armed conflict. Even though Additional Protocol ii remains the only comprehensive treaty dedicated to the regulation of non-international armed conflict, there is a paucity of literature which analyses its scope of application, and specifically the territorial control requirement. This article offers an in-depth examination of the territorial control requirement.
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Dnistrianskyi, Miroslav, Galina Kopachinska, and Nataliya Dnistrianska. "PROBLEMS OF UNREGULATED POLITICAL STATUS OF TERRITORIES AS A FACTOR OF DEEPENING CONTRADICTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." SCIENTIFIC ISSUES OF TERNOPIL VOLODYMYR HNATIUK NATIONAL PEDAGOGICAL UNIVERSITY. SERIES: GEOGRAPHY 51, no. 2 (December 5, 2021): 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2519-4577.21.2.9.
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All international conflicts regarding unregulated political status of territories, despite the variety of their types, can be united by the lack of legitimate power in different parts of the earth's surface or the desire to establish such power. In order to differentiate all the conflicts regarding international legal unregulated political status of the territories according to their origin the following types can be proposed: 1) conflicts that arose as a result of the forcible annexation of territories, the incorporation of which is not recognized by the international community; 2) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states in the territories controlled by the occupation regimes; 3) conflicts that arose due to the creation of the self-proclaimed states as the result of domestic crisis reasons, but with the participation of foreign policy factors; 4) conflicts over disputable border areas and islands; 5) conflicts regarding political claims to dependent countries under the control of other states; 6) latent conflicts over claims on land and water areas, which according to international conventions should not be extended to the sovereignty of any state; 7) the Middle East conflict due to non-compliance with the decision of the UN General Assembly of 1947 on the establishment of a sovereign Arab state. The conflict over the legal status of Palestine and the there solution of the so-called self-proclaimed states are the main issues of geopolitical controversy among the various types of conflicts. The conflict-generating potential regarding disputes over control independent countries is much smaller today. Interstate border disputes mostly concern the status of individual islands. In order to avoid new conflicts, the UN needs to strengthen the status of Antarctica and the areas adjacent to the North Pole, making them as a neutral demilitarized territory, which can not be extended to the sovereignty of individual states. The greatest concentration of conflicts regarding the international legal unregulated political status of the territories is connected with the contradictions in the collapse of the USSR and in thein completeness and disorder of decolonization.
Thus, the resolution of territorial and political conflicts requires the UN Security Council and international law modernization and reform, paying much attention to the conditions and circumstances of state and political self-determination, as well as the realization of effective sanctions in the case of annexation of territories.
Among the various types of conflicts related to the international legal unresolved political status of territories, the main nodes of geopolitical controversy are Russia's occupation of Crimea and part of Donetsk and the conflict over the state status of Palestine and resolving the problems of so-called self-proclaimed states. its influence in the post-Soviet space.
Key words: territorial-political conflict, types of conflicts concerning international legal unregulated status of territories, self-proclaimed states, border conflicts, status of Antarctica and Arctic.
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Froltsov, V. V., T. V. Marmontova, A. G. Bolshakov, and A. V. Ataev. "Models for the settlement of territorial conflicts." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 7, 2022): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-2(4)-22-37.
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The article presents the materials of a round table held at the National Research Institute for the Communications Development (Moscow, Russia), the main topic of which was the experience of resolving territorial conflicts.A wide range of issues related to the theory and practice of crisis resolution practices is considered. The main political and legal approaches and diplomatic instruments to international mediation in the settlement of territorial conflicts are characterized. The results of the study of the historical experience of international mediation in the settlement of territorial conflicts are presented. A data-based methodology is proposed that allows evaluate information sources covering the conflict.The conflicts in Central Asia and the Caucasus that took place in different periods are considered. Territorial conflicts are numerous in the Central Asian region. They are mainly related to the absence of official state borders between the three countries: Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan. The most complex, large-scale, and bloody is the conflict between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2021, which was supported by the armed forces of the two countries. Negotiations, delimitation, and demarcation of borders are still the most significant alternative to existing conflicts.The tools for managing these events are highlighted. A set of recommendations is proposed that has scientific and practical significance in terms of anti-crisis response strategies in the post-Soviet space.
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Dreyer, David R. "Issue Intractability and the Persistence of International Rivalry." Conflict Management and Peace Science 29, no. 5 (November 2012): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212449090.
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Rivalries are likely to persist as long as contentious issues remain unresolved. Due to differing issue characteristics, some issues may be more intractable than others and therefore especially likely to prolong rivalry. In this study, I argue that rivalries rooted in territorial issues tend to be enduring due to broad-bases of domestic support for continuing to pursue territorial claims and loose linkages between territorial issues and particular political leaders, resulting in the persistence of territorial conflict over time despite changes of leadership. Alternatively, ideological and regime-related conflicts tend to be relatively fleeting due to narrow societal salience and close connections between such issues and particular political leaders, facilitating rivalry termination through leadership change. The empirical results reveal that territorial rivalries (as well as positional rivalries concerning influence/prestige) tend to be more enduring than rivalries rooted in ideological or regime-related conflict and that unlike territorial rivalries, ideological rivalries tend to terminate upon irregular changes of leadership.
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Dnistrianskyi, Myroslav, Galina Kopachinska, and Nataliia Dnistrianska. "Modern conflicts regarding the political status of territories: typological differences, features of spread and prospects for resolution." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series, no. 57 (August 4, 2022): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/bgss-2022-0026.
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All international conflicts regarding issues of contention about the political status of territories are united by the lack of legitimate power in various places on Earth or the desire to establish such power. A classification of conflicts regarding issues of contention about the political status of territories is proposed in the article. It is shown that the main territorial and political conflicts of modernity are: issues of self-proclaimed states; issues of control over dependent countries; border conflicts over the status of individual islands; and conflicts due to incomplete and disordered decolonization processes. Resolving international conflicts over issues of the contended political status of territories is currently an important task that requires modernization and reformation of the UN Security Council and international law, and confirms the relevance of the research topic addressed in the article.
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Caspersen, Nina. "Human rights in territorial peace agreements." Review of International Studies 45, no. 04 (March 15, 2019): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000056.
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AbstractJustice and peace are commonly seen as mutually reinforcing, and key international peacebuilding documents stress the importance of human rights. Is this apparent normative shift reflected in post-Cold War peace agreements? The existing literature is divided on this issue but has crucially treated both conflicts and peace agreements as aggregate categories. This article argues that the conflict type and the agreement's ‘core deal’ impact on the inclusion, or exclusion, of human rights provisions. Based on new coding of the 29 comprehensive agreements signed between 1990 and 2010, it compares agreements signed in territorial and non-territorial conflicts, and agreements with and without territorial autonomy. Qualitative Comparative Analysis is used to examine the different combinations of conditions that led to the inclusion of human rights. The analysis finds that agreements signed in territorial conflicts are significantly less likely to include effective human rights provisions, especially if the settlement includes territorial autonomy. Moreover, such provisions tend to be the result of high levels of international involvement, and the consequent lack of local commitment, or outright resistance, undermines their implementation. These findings point to important trade-offs between group rights and individual rights, and qualifies the notion of a liberal peace.
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Slyvka, R. "Problems of civilizations conflicts in “International Encyclopedia of Human Geography”." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 46 (December 26, 2013): 320–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2013.46.1498.
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This article represents and analyzes the publications of “International Encyclopedia of Human Geography” which are devoted to the problem of civilizations conflicts. All of them are written by Anglophone scientists and represents critical look on the modern relations among civilizations. The main attention focuses on the process of transformation of political structure inside some of them. Principal ideas of this publications help with better conceptualization of the political geographical location of Ukraine in the contemporary world. Key words: territorial and political conflict, territorial and political structure, postcolonial geography, civilization, geographical location.
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Azimov, Kamil, and Olga Petrosova. "TURKEY AND ARAB COUNTRIES: TERRITORIAL CONFLICTS AND PROBLEMS OF JOINT WATER USE BY TRANS BOUNDARY WATER ARTERIES." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 15, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2019-15-05.
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The article is devoted to territorial conflicts and conflicts of water use in the Middle East region. The states of the Near and Middle East are a sub regional system of international relations. This area has a high level of conflict. We can assume that the region holds one of the highest ratings in terms of the number of conflicts and crises
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Jenne, Nicole. "Managing Territorial Disputes in Southeast Asia: Is There more than the South China Sea?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 3 (December 2017): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600302.
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The conflicts in the South China Sea have come to dominate debates on Southeast Asian security and specifically on how boundary disputes have been managed within the region. Yet, the case is not necessarily exemplary for the way Southeast Asian countries have dealt with territorial disputes generally. The article gathers three common perceptions about conflict management that are strongly informed by the South China Sea case, but have lesser relevance when looking at other territorial conflicts in the region. I offer a critical reading of the who, why, and how of territorial conflict management and provide tentative guidelines on what to expect in the future.
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Bormann, Nils-Christian, and Burcu Savun. "Reputation, concessions, and territorial civil war." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (May 30, 2018): 671–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318767499.
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Barbara Walter’s application of reputation theory to self-determination movements has advanced our understanding of why many separatist movements result in armed conflict. Walter has shown that governments of multi-ethnic societies often respond to territorial disputes with violence to deter similar future demands by other ethnic groups. When governments grant territorial accommodation to one ethnic group, they encourage other ethnic groups to seek similar concessions. However, a number of recent empirical studies casts doubt on the validity of Walter’s argument. We address recent challenges to the efficacy of reputation building in the context of territorial conflicts by delineating the precise scope conditions of reputation theory. First, we argue that only concessions granted after fighting should trigger additional conflict onsets. Second, the demonstration effects should particularly apply to groups with grievances against the state. We then test the observable implications of our conditional argument for political power-sharing concessions. Using a global sample of ethnic groups in 120 states between 1946 and 2013, we find support for our arguments. Our theoretical framework enables us to identify the conditions under which different types of governmental concessions are likely to trigger future conflicts, and thus has important implications for conflict resolution.
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Gibler, Douglas M. "What they fight for: Specific territorial issues in militarized interstate disputes, 1816–2001." Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, no. 2 (July 18, 2016): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216653382.
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This paper provides a multifaceted classification of the primary issue for each state involved in territorial disputes between 1816 and 2001. I differentiate principally between cases in which ownership of the territory is disputed and cases over which status quo distributions of territory are acknowledged. I also consider the location of disputed territories—homeland vs other territories—and the types of actions in the dispute. This classification scheme produces categories such as (1) disputed ownership, (2) general border issues, (3) opportunity-based conflict, (4) state-system changes, (5) border violations, and (6) fishing rights and the hot pursuit of rebels. My analyses find that there is significant variation across types of territorial disputes, and serious conflicts are overwhelmingly concentrated in fights over bordering territories with disputed ownership claims. I suggest several ways in which this classification scheme can be used in future research.
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Gal, Tom. "Territorial Control by Armed Groups and the Regulation of Access to Humanitarian Assistance." Israel Law Review 50, no. 1 (February 9, 2017): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223716000285.
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Humanitarian assistance is essential for the survival of the civilian population and peoplehors de combatin the theatre of war. Its regulation under the laws of armed conflict tries to achieve a balance between humanitarian goals and state sovereignty. This balance, reflected in the provisions of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols, is not as relevant to contemporary armed conflicts, most of which involve non-state armed groups. Even those provisions relating to humanitarian assistance in conflicts involving non-state armed groups fail to address properly the key features of these groups, and especially their territorial aspect. This article proposes a different approach, which takes into consideration and gives weight to the control exercised by non-state armed groups over a given territory. Accordingly, it is suggested that provisions regulating humanitarian relief operations in occupied territories should apply to territories controlled by armed groups. This approach views international humanitarian law first and foremost as an effective, realistic and practical branch of law. Moreover, it has tremendous humanitarian advantages and reflects the aims and purposes of the law, while considering the factual framework of these conflicts.
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Zellman, Ariel, and Jonathan Fox. "Defending the Faith? Assessing the Impact of State Religious Exclusivity on Territorial MID Initiation." Politics and Religion 13, no. 3 (February 10, 2020): 465–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000488.
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AbstractInterstate conflicts involving religion are commonly argued to be more severe and more protracted than other forms of conflict. Although various arguments have sought to explain religion's apparent contributions to global violence, few consider the foreign policy goals over which religious actors actually fight. This article does so by examining whether religiously-exclusive states tend to militarize interstate territorial disputes (MIDs) over issues of strategic material or identity salience. Insofar as religiously-exclusive states seek to “defend the faith” against internal and external challengers, identity-salient disputes should be a particularly attractive target for militarization. We however find the opposite. Although religiously-exclusive states do initiate territorial MIDs more frequently than their secular counterparts, they are significantly more likely to do so owing to disputed territories' strategic rather than symbolic value. These results challenge accepted wisdom regarding religion's influence on international conflict and suggest critical new avenues for research.
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Tir, Jaroslav. "Never-Ending Conflicts? Territorial Changes as Potential Solutions for Territorial Disputes." Conflict Management and Peace Science 20, no. 2 (September 2003): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073889420302000203.
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Tir, Jaroslav. "Averting Armed International Conflicts Through State-to-State Territorial Transfers." Journal of Politics 65, no. 4 (November 2003): 1235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.t01-1-00135.
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Spiliopoulou Åkermark, Sia. "Internal Self-Determination and the Role of Territorial Autonomy as a Tool for the Resolution of Ethno-Political Disputes." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 1 (2013): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02001002.
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Since the end of the Cold War, autonomy arrangements have been increasingly perceived and used as tools for resolving ethno-political conflicts as well as part of the affirmation of indigenous claims and self-determination struggles. One important reason for this is that the all-or-nothing dichotomy of statehood and external self-determination seems to have sustained conflict at least as much as having resolved conflict. However, the theoretical underpinnings of territorial autonomy have not yet been elaborated in international law. While the Canadian Supreme Court started formulating some requirements of what it takes to have a “meaningful access to government” in the Reference re Secession of Quebec case, the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice seems to pull international law back into the perennial discussion of secession, this time dubbed “remedial”. Territorial autonomy as an institution is about more than the division of competences between centre and periphery; it is about creating comprehensive structural solutions and processes of representation, accountability and decision-making. International law needs thus to engage seriously with the conditions influencing the quality, stability and adaptability of territorial autonomy arrangements. Among those are issues of timing; responses to the traumas of conflict; the quality of democratic involvement and institutional design; as well as the influence of external actors.
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Iwashita, A. "Constructed Territories: Featuring A Fantasy of East Asian Border Disputes." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-33-42.
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The author considers practical and historical aspects of territorial conflicts between Japan and neighboring countries, i.e. with Russia on South Kuril islands (Northern territories), with China on Diaoyudao (Senkaku) islands and with Korea on Tokto (Takeshima) island. Theoretical issues of so called “constructed territories” in these three cases are analyzed. These constructed territories act as a diplomatic tool for a state to maximize its interests in the international field. But no win for no country in this dangerous game is expected.
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Kohen, Marcelo G. "International law is the most appropriate moral answer to territorial conflicts." Geopolitics 6, no. 2 (September 2001): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040108407723.
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Sardar Muhammad Abdul Waqar Khan Arif. "The Use of Force during Territorial Occupation." Review of Human Rights 5, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v5i1.150.
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It is well established that the provisions of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) regulates armed conflicts and guarantees protection to civilians. Similarly certain protections are also available under laws, such as, International Law of Occupation (ILOC) and International Human rights Law (IHRL). However, we know that often an occupying power uses force against civilians in the course of and maintenance of its occupation? But what grounds they give for the justification of use of force is the matter of critical focus in this article. We analyze the case studies of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J & K) and Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) to critically discuss the grounds of use of force under international law.
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Trapara, Vladimir, and Milos Joncic. "The road to conflict resolution: A comparative analysis of frozen conflicts in the OSCE area." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 3 (2012): 275–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1203275t.
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In this paper the authors comparatively analyze the frozen conflicts in the OSCE area with an objective to discover specific features of the road to their solution. An accent has been put on the post-Soviet conflicts, while Kosovo and Cyprus are treated as subsidiary cases. A decisive element of the frozen conflict definition is a disharmony between the legal and factual state regarding territorial changes which took place as a consequence of an armed conflict. Thus, the international law aspect is the most important in considering possibilities for settlement of these conflicts. Other aspects which are analyzed in the paper are security, energy, economic, and democratic ones. The common conclusion of the analysis of each of these aspects is that the USA and Russia are the key actors which influence these frozen conflicts? resolution. In the absence of their consensus, these conflicts are doomed to remain frozen in the long run.
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Averianova, Nina. "FEATURES OF THE ARMED CONFLICT IN UKRAINE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.1.
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Conflicts may arise within countries as well as between different countries. Conflict is an integral component of human existence. Conflicts occur in the economic, political, social, ideological, military, managerial and other spheres of public life. Accordingly, the methods and ways of their settlement vary significantly. It is dangerous that both internal (intrastate) and external (interstate) conflicts reduce the country's ability to defend its own interests in the world. Under certain circumstances, such conflicts can be used by external and internal players as an instrument of pressure on the state leadership and encourage it to adopt decisions and agreements that are unfavorable for the country. The solution to any conflicts requires a deep understanding of both the nature of their occurrence and the dynamics of the flow. Today the most dangerous for Ukraine is the armed conflict in the Donbass. This conflict was provoked by the Russian Federation, which sees our country as a “buffer zone” against international military threats. The level of conflict in the zone of armed confrontation is very high. Negotiations at the international level and the efforts to resolve the conflict in Donbass did not bring the desired success. The citizens of Ukraine have no confidence in the successful completion of this conflict. It provokes a social apathy and aggression in Ukrainian society. The cessation of the armed conflict in Donbass is extremely important both for Ukraine and the entire world community. Now Ukraine is forced to develop a strategy of national self-preservation in the difficult and uncertain conditions of international security. Finding optimal answers to hybrid threats is a necessary precondition for maintaining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our state.
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Kotsyubinsky, D. A. "THE IDEOLOGICAL LEGACY OF PYOTR KROPOTKIN IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN-DAY REGIONALISM." Juvenis scientia, no. 1 (2019): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32415/jscientia.2019.01.08.
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The article aims to find the constructive conceptual elements in the ideas of the anarchist theorist Peter Kropotkin which are suitable for resolving one of the fundamental contradictions of the modern world - the impossibility of an effective state-legal solution to many of the conflicts between states and their regions. This seemingly dead end conflict lies primarily in the internal contradiction of the original international legal document: the UN Charter. The article analyzes the views of Kropotkin on the problem of confrontation of communal and imperial beginnings throughout human history. Kropotkin’s ideas are noted for their potential productivity in the theoretical analysis and practical resolution of modern territorial conflicts on the basis of reforming international law. The concept of “regional sovereignty” is introduced into the terminological context.
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Rossi, Michael. "The Durability of Parastates: Declarative Statehood in the Absence of Constitutive Sovereignty." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (January 2020): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.59.
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AbstractThis article assesses the characteristics of the parastate; a territorial entity that operates outside the formal structures of international law and sovereign recognition. The primary obstacle for parastates transforming declarative statehood into constitutive sovereignty is the nature of their creation, which is seen as a violation of another state’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Parastates are thus prevented from becoming equal members of the international community with access to and decision-making in international organizations and governing bodies. Left outside these groups, parastates remain disputed territories dependent on patron state sponsorship and blocked from improving their status by international actors that deny sovereign recognition. Despite these limitations, parastates have a noted record of endurance that can last decades as long as the international status quo prevents the host state from regaining control of the contested territory. This article concludes that while options for ending frozen conflicts of parastates are not impossible, they are extremely costly and highly risky. Without decisive diplomatic and military leverage favoring the host state, parastates will continue to endure for the foreseeable future.
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Paquette, Gabriel. "Anglo-Portuguese Relations in the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Informal Empire, Arbitration, and the Durability of an Asymmetrical Alliance*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 836–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa195.
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Abstract This article examines Anglo-Portuguese relations in the middle of the nineteenth century, particularly conflicts over territorial claims in West and East Africa. It examines how these conflicts were de-escalated and why they did not tear asunder the long-standing, if asymmetrical, alliance between Britain and Portugal. After briefly surveying Anglo-Portuguese relations in the early modern period and in the first half of the nineteenth century, the article focuses on the way that conflicts were resolved through third-party arbitration between the 1850s and 1870s. Drawing on archival research in Portugal and Britain, the article contributes to the rich historiographies on informal empire, the partition of Africa, and the emergence of international law in the context of imperial conflict and collaboration.
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Wucherpfennig, Julian, Nils B. Weidmann, Luc Girardin, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Andreas Wimmer. "Politically Relevant Ethnic Groups across Space and Time: Introducing the GeoEPR Dataset." Conflict Management and Peace Science 28, no. 5 (February 25, 2011): 423–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894210393217.
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This article introduces GeoEPR, a geocoded version of the Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) dataset that charts politically relevant ethnic groups across space and time. We describe the dataset in detail, discuss its advantages and limitations, and use it in a replication of Cederman, Wimmer and Min’s (2010) study on the causes of ethno-nationalist conflict. We show that territorial conflicts are more likely to involve groups that settle far away from the capital city and close to the border, while these spatial variables have no effect for governmental conflicts.
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Schmidt, Cody J., Bomi K. Lee, and Sara McLaughlin Mitchell. "Climate bones of contention: How climate variability influences territorial, maritime, and river interstate conflicts." Journal of Peace Research 58, no. 1 (January 2021): 132–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320973738.
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Many scholars examine the relationship between climate variability and intrastate conflict onset. While empirical findings in this literature are mixed, we know less about how climate changes increase the risks for conflicts between countries. This article studies climate variability using the issue approach to world politics. We examine whether climate variability influences the onset and militarization of interstate diplomatic conflicts and whether these effects are similar across issues that involve sovereignty claims for land (territory) or water (maritime, river). We focus on two theoretical mechanisms: scarcity ( abundance) and uncertainty. We measure these concepts empirically through climate deviation (e.g. droughts/floods, heat waves/cold spells) and climate volatility (greater short-term variance in precipitation/temperature). Analyses of issue claims in the Western Hemisphere and Europe (1901–2001) show that greater deviations and volatility in climate conditions increase risks for new diplomatic conflicts and militarization of ongoing issues and that climate change acts as a trigger for revisionist states.
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Cherviakova, O. V., R. V. Sytnyk, and M. M. Honcharenko. "Concept of effective Control among the Means of Restoring National Security of Ukraine." Law and Safety 81, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2021.2.05.
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The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine have been violated for more than seven years, part of the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea are temporarily not under the control of the sovereign. Researchers and reintegration experts pay attention to the categories of effective and general control in these circumstances. Both concepts from the point of view of historical and law-making importance have significantly influenced the development of international public law and the state responsibility institution involved in armed conflicts, but accomplish this not directly, but through third parties of the conflict: a state controls the behavior of individuals or groups of individuals on the territory of another state. It is possible to appropriate the actions of individuals to the state through the concepts of state and effective control at the international level, although such evidence is extremely difficult in some cases, since the relationship is carefully concealed and the state denies its involvement in international armed conflict. The establishment and recognition of such a relationship between a state and a person or a group of persons, as well as the disclosure of the causal link between governmental actions and the conduct of individuals becomes the subject matter of proving at the international level in case of applying the concepts of effective and general control. In particular, the United Nations International Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights are actively working with the concepts of effective and general control to deal with cases of violating human rights, international humanitarian law on the territories of armed conflict.
All this determines the relevance of the research of these concepts for their subsequent practical application to prove the fact of involvement of certain subjects of international law in armed conflicts. In this aspect, the development of the concept of effective or general control can facilitate the solution of topical issues of Ukraine’s domestic and foreign policy. The analysis of this concept can be taken as arguments that the conflict in Ukraine should be classified as international, armed aggression of the Russian Federation is being carried out against Ukraine.
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Erlina, Esther Christie, and Raden Ahmad Gusman Catur Siswandi. "Law Enforcement Issues and Regulations in Undelimited Maritime Boundaries: An International Law Perspective." Lentera Hukum 7, no. 1 (March 10, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v7i1.16643.
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Maritime boundaries play an essential role in determining the state's sovereignty, rights to exploit natural resources, maintain security, and territorial integrity. However, maritime boundaries often overlap between states, which can amount to conflicts. Maritime areas whose boundaries have not been agreed between neighboring states are referred to as “undelimited maritime boundaries” (UMB). Indeed, Article 74 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 has set out rules regarding UMB. However, conflicts still arise between states; for instance, the conflict related to law enforcement between Indonesia and Viet Nam in the South China Sea. This study aims to analyze law enforcement issues and the rights and obligations of states in UMB under international law. This study uses normative legal research which applies the method of legislative, conceptual, and analytical approaches. This study finds that states involved in UMB are prohibited from carrying out excessive law enforcement since it could trigger more conflicts and will hamper the ongoing final maritime delimitation negotiation process. In order to ensure zero conflicts during the negotiation process, this paper recommends that Indonesia should make every effort to enter into a comprehensive provisional arrangement about UMB with its neighboring states.
Keywords: International Law, Law Enforcement, Undelimited Maritime Boundaries.
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Erlina, Esther Christie, and Raden Ahmad Gusman Catur Siswandi. "Law Enforcement Issues and Regulations in Undelimited Maritime Boundaries: An International Law Perspective." Lentera Hukum 7, no. 1 (March 10, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v7i1.16643.
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Maritime boundaries play an essential role in determining the state's sovereignty, rights to exploit natural resources, maintain security, and territorial integrity. However, maritime boundaries often overlap between states, which can amount to conflicts. Maritime areas whose boundaries have not been agreed between neighboring states are referred to as “undelimited maritime boundaries” (UMB). Indeed, Article 74 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 has set out rules regarding UMB. However, conflicts still arise between states; for instance, the conflict related to law enforcement between Indonesia and Viet Nam in the South China Sea. This study aims to analyze law enforcement issues and the rights and obligations of states in UMB under international law. This study uses normative legal research which applies the method of legislative, conceptual, and analytical approaches. This study finds that states involved in UMB are prohibited from carrying out excessive law enforcement since it could trigger more conflicts and will hamper the ongoing final maritime delimitation negotiation process. In order to ensure zero conflicts during the negotiation process, this paper recommends that Indonesia should make every effort to enter into a comprehensive provisional arrangement about UMB with its neighboring states.
Keywords: International Law, Law Enforcement, Undelimited Maritime Boundaries.
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Bakhsh, Dr Faiz. "SCOPE OF THE APPLICATION OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW (IHL) IN SITUATIONS OF NON-INTERNATIONAL ARMED CONFLICTS: EXTENDED APPLICABILITY OF COMMON ARTICLE.3." Journal of Law & Social Studies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 99–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.01.02.99105.
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The applicability of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in non-international conflicts is a complex phenomenon due to the undefined and unannounced nature of non-international armed conflicts. International Humanitarian Law extends its applicability to the armed conflicts of non-international nature between state and non-state armed groups or between non-state armed groups. Common article.3 to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and 1977 Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions, provide criteria for the applicability of IHL However, the states are often seen reluctant to accept international legal oversight into their internal matters and this phenomenon of violence often need to be identified and defined. This paper investigates the scope of the application of International Humanitarian Law in situations of non-international armed conflicts, mainly focussing on the extended applicability of common article.3 to the Geneva Conventions 1949, in situation of non-international armed conflicts. Various types and nature of armed conflicts, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law to non-international conflicts are discussed with special reference to the scope and applicability of Common Article.3 to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Moreover, the binding force and territorial scope of common article.3 are discussed in a broader context as to assess the applicability of International Humanitarian Law on the changing nature of the non-international armed conflicts.
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Батанов, О. В., and В. В. Кравченко. "Current problems of constitutional regulation of the status of local communities in Ukraine in the context of international experience." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ASPECTS 4, no. 1-2 (February 4, 2016): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1516001.
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In the article, taking into account foreign experience of development of modern systems of municipal management and practice application of the provisions of new legislation on decentralization highlights the conceptual problems of reforming local government and territorial organization of power in modern Ukraine. Describes the char-acteristics of the legal status of the territorial community as the primary subject of the municipal authorities in Ukraine and foreign countries. Analyzed the current state of the legal status of the territorial community, the basic of the modern constitutional project initiatives in part on local self-government in Ukraine from the position of the principles of classical muncipalism. We separately consider the possible risks with the possibility of introduction in Ukraine of Institute of the prefects and new mechanism of control over activity of local governments, draws attention to the shortcomings of legal support of process of formation of territorial basis of local government - the creation of local com-munities who owned the resource base necessary to ensure compliance with the tasks and powers transferred to local government during the decentralization. Proposed separateproposals to prevent possible conflicts of laws and organizational conflicts that can arise in the application of the provisions of the law of Ukraine «On Association of territorial communities».
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Андрей Андреевич, Ковалев. "CAUSES OF INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS AND HYPOTHESES OF THEIR FUTURE DEVELOPMENT: POLITICAL SCIENCE ASPECT." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (September 2022): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-193-203.
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The aim of the article is to identify possible causes of future international conflicts and analyze the ways of their occurrence from a political point of view. The work is based on the application of political analysis and forecasting, which allowed us to consider various aspects of likely future international conflicts in order to improve their management. Modern international conflicts have changed. On the basis of which the article attempted to systematize the conditions and causes of their occurrence. The main hotbeds of tension in the world were also considered, grouped on a territorial basis, supplemented by a number of secondary conditions. The author comes to the conclusion that international conflicts of the future can be predicted and managed on the basis of a number of hypotheses of their development, which will prevail in the near future.
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Obie, Muhammad, Endriatmo Soetarto, Titik Sumarti, and Saharuddin Saharuddin. "KONFLIK ETNIS DI PESISIR TELUK TOMINI: TINJAUAN SOSIO-EKOLOGI POLITIK." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 14, no. 2 (November 1, 2014): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v14i2.75.
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<em>Conflicts have colored human history and occurred in various places. The ranges of conflict vary, from international, national to local scales. There can be economical, political, territorial and other sorts of conflict. One example of common type of the conflicts in Indonesia is local ethnic conflict between Indonesian local government and Bajo ethnic over marine territory at Tomini bay. This research aims not only to analyze this conflict at Tomini bay area but also to explore its causes, types, and resolution. The research uses critical theory and applies historical sociology and case study. The data is analyzed through qualitative method. The research shows that the ethnic conflict at Tomini bay was stimulated by the local government decision to give a license to a timber company and fishing industry at the bay. This policy has threatened Bajo’s social and economic systems at the bay and triggered authority, economy and knowledge conflicts. Intensive dialogues have been conducted to resolve the conflicts but have not yielded significant resolution. The best solution to terminate the conflict and give legal certainty over the use of the bay area is that the conflicting zones must be mapped justly and all interests are accommodated equally.</em>
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HUTH, PAUL K., SARAH E. CROCO, and BENJAMIN J. APPEL. "Does International Law Promote the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes? Evidence from the Study of Territorial Conflicts since 1945." American Political Science Review 105, no. 2 (April 27, 2011): 415–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000062.
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In this article, we explain the role of international law in the resolution of territorial disputes from 1945 to 2000. In doing so, we focus on three outcomes of interest. First, when do states choose to revise the territorial status quo through negotiations instead of force? Second, when are states able to reach a final settlement? Third, when do states prefer a process of legal dispute resolution (i.e., adjudication or arbitration) to bilateral negotiations? To answer these questions, we argue that when the legal principles relevant to the dispute are unambiguous and clearly favor one side, a law-based focal point will emerge. This focal point, in turn, facilitates the settlement process by helping leaders overcome distribution problems, a central obstacle in reaching a final agreement. We find strong and consistent empirical support for our hypotheses regarding international law and peaceful dispute resolution.
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Knight, W. Andy. "The United Nations and International Security in the New Millennium." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 3 (2005): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915005775093331.
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AbstractThe end of the Cold War opened a window of opportunity for the United Nations to play a greater role in international security than it was allowed to play in the midst of the ideological conflict between the United States and the former Soviet Union. However, the expected "peace dividend" never materialized in the post-Cold War period. Instead, a number of civil conflicts erupted and new threats to security, particularly to human security, emerged. This chapter critically examines the evolution of the UN's role in addressing international security problems since 1945, including global terrorism. It also outlines recent attempts by the world body, through extension of its reach beyond the territorial constraints of sovereignty, to build sustained peace through preventive measures and protect human security globally.
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Fernandes, Bernardo Mançano. "LAND GRABBING FOR AGRO-EXTRACTIVISM IN THE SECOND NEOLIBERAL PHASE IN BRAZIL/Estrangeirização da terra para o agroextrativismo na segunda fase neoliberal no Brasil/ El acaparamiento de tierras para el agro-extractivismo en la segunda fase neoliberal en Brasil." REVISTA NERA, no. 50 (August 31, 2019): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i50.6612.
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Building territorial policies to free lands for national and international corporations to produce large-scale commodities for export, called agro-extractivism is one of the components of the neoliberal agrarian question. In Brazil, in the last thirty years, the agrarian question had two phases: the Neoliberal and the post-neoliberal. These policies intensified the territorial disputes between the agribusiness corporations and the peasant, indigenous and quilombola movements. To better understand these disputes we analyze the new conflicts from the reading of Brazil agrarian and rural Brazil. Through the method of paradigmatic debate, we analyze theoretical and political references for territorial development. Conflictuality is analyzed on a national scale with emphasis on new territory: MATOPIBA, created exclusively for agribusiness, is territorialized and attracts interest from several companies and international financial capital. Another case that we analyze is the conflict between the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and Del Monte Corporation in the territorial dispute in the Apodi plateau in the state of Ceará. We analyze the hegemony of Agrarian capitalism in the neoliberal and post-neoliberal phases and the actions of the peasantry to resist and advance, facing the binomial latifundio-agribusiness. With this article, we contribute to updating the readings on the Brazilian agrarian question.
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Fazaeli,, Mostafa, Mousa Karami, and Sorayya Asadi. "Interaction between Protection of Sunni Minority under International Law and National Security of Islamic Republic of Iran." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 3 (August 3, 2020): 580–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02703005.
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It appears that in accordance with the regulations of International Minority Rights Law, Iranian Sunni Muslims constitute a religious minority. The instrumental aim of the minorities’ protection system is to prevent conflict between persons belonging to minorities and those of majority populations in the light of territorial integrity, domestic stability and the national security of the states involved. The authors maintain that protecting the Sunni minority and observing their internationally recognised rights in Iran – through removing the reasons behind dissatisfactions of persons belonging to this group, resolving potential religious conflicts and promoting national integration – have a direct link with the maintenance of internal stability of the country, which, in the long term, tend to reinforce Iran’s national security and provide a good pattern for other countries in the region or other parts of the world.
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Fomin, M. "Russia. Matrix of Social (In)stability." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2010): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-8-56-68.
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In the present article, the author analyzes the issue of conflict zones around Russia in the post-Soviet space. The events of August 2008 in the Caucasus region outlined many problems, the solution of which determines significantly Russia's security. At that, not only "frozen" conflicts in South Caucasus and Moldova carry the destructive potential. Territorial problems also exist between Russia and Ukraine. The question of the Caspian Sea legal status remains unclear, while it is bordered with Central Asia with its social, ethno-religious and territorial problems, which creates the "instability belt" on Russia's southern borders. Russia's policy success and its world role will primarily depend on its economic and scientific potential, its capacity for rapid development.
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Lubell, Noam. "Challenges in applying human rights law to armed conflict." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 860 (December 1, 2005): 737–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184541.
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AbstractThe debates over the relationship between International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, have often focused on the question of whether human rights law continues to apply during armed conflict, and if so, on how these two bodies of law can complement each other. This article takes the continuing applicability of human rights law as an accepted and welcome starting point, and proceeds to lay out some of the challenges and obstacles encountered during the joint application of IHL and Human Rights Law, that still need to be addressed. These include extra-territorial applicability of human rights law; the mandate and expertise of human rights bodies; terminological and conceptual differences between the bodies of law; particular difficulties raised in non-international armed conflicts; and the question of economic, social and cultural rights during armed conflict.
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Brosted, Jens. "TERRITORIAL RIGHTS IN GREENLAND legal basis - view points and considerations." Nordic Journal of International Law 54, no. 1-2 (1985): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187529385x00084.
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AbstractLarge scale mineral and petroleum extraction - in fact or in terms of industry projects and government hopeful expectations - has in recent years been one of the main sources of conflict between indigenous peoples and the larger society encompassing them. This is particularly true of Greenland - not because of the numbers or magnitude of projects - but because there is no individual ownership to land in Greenland, in the traditional western sense and some of the traditional sources of conflict have therefore been absent. For a discussion of aboriginal territorial rights in Greenland, it might therefore be appropriate to take your point of departure in the conflicts which may arise between mineral extraction and the traditional Greenlandic land use. I shall therefore shortly review legal data, which may contribute to the solution of such conflicts. By the same process I'll contribute to the understanding of the legal entity, which is endowed with the territorial rights in Greenland, or - popularly speaking: who owns Greenland. While it is generally recognized that the ownership of Greenland is vested in the public or in the society, is has been disputed which society or what public possess the legal claim to that entitlement. The Home Rule Commission For Greenland contributed no solution to this problem, and the "Home Rule Act" simply laid down, that "the permanent resident population in Greenland have basic rights to the natural resources of Greenland".2 The mining acts for Greenland - both the old one from 1965 (rev. 69) and the one adapted to home rule from 1978 - prescribes that mineral concessions shall respect existing (use) rights (§ 3 resp. 8).3 This suggests two issues: 1.: what are the contents of the protected existing rights and as a sub-issue: who are entitled. This first problem is my main subject in the following, while I shall only touch upon the 2. issue: namely, that the authorities in granting concessions have neglected their duty to examine and safeguard prior existing Greenlandic land use rights. This is still current practice and represent a major reason for the fact that the main issue has yet to be solved. I shall subsequently contribute to the elucidation of existing Greenlandic land use rights by discussing: 1) localized rights, 2) the more general Greenlandic territorial rights and finally 3) the issue of the protection of these Greenlandic rights according to the Danish constitution (§ 73).
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Milano, Enrico. "The Security Council and Territorial Sovereignty: The Case of Kosovo." International Community Law Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498589.
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AbstractMore than ten years since NATO intervened militarily to stop the violence and to create the conditions for a new regime of international administration, Kosovo remains at the top on the agenda of international actors and institutions. The present contribution examines the nature and scope of the Security Council’s action (and inaction) with regard to the political crisis and ensuing conflict emerged in Kosovo starting from the late 1990s and how that practice has shaped notions of territorial sovereignty. It analyses the different forms of international intervention in the four phases of the Kosovo controversy (from the 1998‐1999 crisis to the current situation post declaration of independence, passing through the UN administration of the territory and the negotiations on future status), the extent to which international law played a role in dictating outcomes and results and the ways in which the notion of territorial sovereignty was reinterpreted by the Council. The main conclusion reached is that, while some of the measures adopted throughout the years have introduced important novelties in the contemporary conception of territorial sovereignty, that has been the result of harsh bargaining between different states and groups of states in which the Council has only provided for the diplomatic setting, rather than the end products of the Council’s own policy and strategies. Moreover, as the current discussions over the mandate and legal basis of EULEX show, the interpretation of those measures and instruments has been remarkably at variance among the different actors, surfacing diplomatic conflicts and ‘agreements to disagree’ that have been frozen, in some cases for years, under neutral UN procedures and operational strategies.
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Wright, Thorin M. "Revisionist Conflict and State Repression." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919888364.
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What kinds of international conflicts make states more likely to increase repression? I argue that the issues at stake in conflict may have different levels of domestic salience and may alter the domestic political status quo, thus increasing or decreasing a state’s or regime’s propensity to repress. I argue and find that democracies are most likely to increase repression when they are territorial revisionists, specifically increasing the use of imprisonment and torture. Autocratic states are more likely to increase repression during foreign policy-oriented disputes, as opposed to those fought over territory, which are less likely to escalate to full-scale war, and more likely to be domestically motivated. This project thus opens up the black box of international conflict to better understand how the reasons states fight abroad affects decisions to repress at home.
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Fedulova, N. "Conflictogenic Zones of Near Abroad: Threat to Russia's Interests." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-75-89.
Full textAbstract:
In the present article, the author analyzes the problem of conflict zones around Russia on the post-Soviet space. The events of August 2008 in the Caucasus region highlighted many problems, which should be solved in order to ensure the security of Russia. Moreover, the "frozen" conflicts in South Caucasus and Moldavia carry a destructive potential. Territorial problems exist between Russia and Ukraine. The subject of the Caspian Sea legal status remains unclear, and it is bordered with Central Asia having its own social, ethno-religious and territorial problems, which create the instability belt on the southern borders of Russia. The success of Russia's policy and its global role will be determined foremost by its economic and scientific potential, its capacity for rapid development.
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Seleznev, Igor. "Eurasian integration and the interstate conflict potential of the countries of the Central Asian region." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 1 (March 25, 2022): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.1.1.
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The article considers external security challenges in the Central Asian region (CAR), the causes of interstate instability and the emergence of regional conflicts. This study was conducted within the framework of the theory of conflict. The main conflict-causing foreign policy factors in the CAR are: the presence of hotbeds of military conflicts near the countries of the region; the threat of the spread of instability in the countries of the region and the likelihood of armed provocations; the activities of international terrorist and radical organizations and groups, the strengthening of the positions of religious extremism in neighboring countries near the borders of the CAR countries; the strengthening of China's economic role and its penetration into the CAR, the growing dependence of the countries of the region on the PRC; the penetration of extra-regional, Western actors into the CAR; conflicting interethnic and interstate contradictions and territorial-border disputes. The problems of cross-border interaction and the general use of water and energy resources in the CAR are considered. The reasons for the emergence of interstate conflict situations are indicated. These are the shortage of water and energy resources; territorial and border disputes with neighbors and the claims of some states to regional leadership; unresolved territorial claims, accumulated territorial disputes between the CAR states with insufficient validity of borders. Various approaches to solving the problem of water scarcity in the CAR are analyzed. Conclusions and forecasts of developments regarding the development of Eurasian integration and ensuring Russia's national interests in the CAR are given. It is concluded that the current and prospective situation in the CAR is based on integration and conflict scenarios. These two categories make up a dialectical pair, with the help of which it is possible to understand and describe the processes in the CAR, and throughout the post-Soviet space. Probabilistic scenarios of the development of integration processes in the Central Asian countries for the medium and long term are proposed.
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Bolotnikova, O. "Ethno-Separatism and its Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2011): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-5-32-42.
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The author explores the phenomenon of today's ethnic conflicts which are less frequently turning into the wars between states. The author uses the cases of the countries of former Soviet Union, Western Europe, Africa in order to examine important aspects of the ethnic conflicts settlement. It is concluded that the heart of the problems is the correlation between two fundamental principles of the international law (usually regarded as antagonists in terms of the settlement of such conflicts). Namely, these are the principle of states’ territorial integrity and the principle of peoples’ right to self-determination.
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Duursma, Allard. "Mediating Solutions to Territorial Civil Wars in Africa: Norms, Interests, and Major Power Leverage." African Studies Review 62, no. 3 (October 26, 2018): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.103.
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Abstract:This article draws on the concept of “identity interests” to explain why commitment to the territorial integrity norm in the context of African peace processes has persisted over such a long period of time, even as continental and international contexts have changed. One major implication of this commitment to the territorial integrity norm is that third parties involved in peacemaking in Africa have consistently refrained from promoting a negotiated settlement that might pave the way for independence; they have only pushed for a territorial revision in a few instances. The role of major powers has been crucial with regard to the few successful territorial changes in Africa since 1960. An overview of all outcomes of mediation in territorial intrastate conflicts in Africa—as well as seven case studies—support this argument.
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Auel, Katrin. "Intergovernmental relations in German federalism: Cooperative federalism, party politics and territorial conflicts." Comparative European Politics 12, no. 4-5 (May 5, 2014): 422–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2014.13.
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Bakhturidze, Z. Z., and N. A. Vasilyeva. "Unrecognized States of the Post-Soviet Space: Problems and Prospects." Post-Soviet Issues 7, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-1-29-41.
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The world order of the 21st century is characterized by transformational processes changing the spatial-temporal coordinates of international life. The features of the present stage are ambivalent processes (integration and disintegration; globalization and deglobalization).The article analyzes the transformation processes in post-Soviet space. The relevance of the study is caused by the presence of several frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet space that have changed the configuration of the region and have been enhancing its conflict potential since they are far from settling and constructive resolution. The conflict potential of the post-Soviet space is increased because of the presence of new state formations: the unrecognized de facto states thePridnestrovianMoldavianRepublicand theNagorno-KarabakhRepublic, and partially recognized Abkhazia andSouth Ossetia.The article also deals with the statehood acquisition and the formation of a new status of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, theNagorno-KarabakhRepublicand Transnistria. It emphasizes the necessity to solve the problem of obtaining external legitimization of the sovereignty of these political-territorial entities not only within the legal framework, but also within the political and social sphere.The actualization of frozen conflicts is only a matter of time, and in the context of the deterioration of relations between global players pursuing their own interests in the region, it can be used as an argument for aggravating the international situation.The principal approach to the study of this problem is the combination of comparative historical, institutional and situational methods that allow us to comprehensively consider the forms of international legitimization of small states in contemporary international relations and analyze conflict situations.The article presents various theoretical concepts on the problem of unrecognized states; the possibilities of further development of these partially recognized states are discussed. The difficulties of political integration and the difficulties of resolving frozen conflicts, in particular, due to the lack of a full-fledged dialogue between all parties to the conflict, are highlighted.The article is valuable as an analytical material for practical use by agencies and organizations involved in the development of political content in theSouth Caucasusregion.The authors conclude that in the issue of the existence of unrecognized States of the post-Soviet space, the time factor is essential because in these territories new generations of people are born who perceive themselves as full-fledged citizens of sovereign States.
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Yazuru, Watanabe. "NEW STRATEGY JAPANESE MILITARY IN THE ASIA PACIFIC REGION AND THE IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY STABILITY." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 2 (August 21, 2022): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23803.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the new Japanese military strategy in the Asia Pacific region and its impact on international security stability. The South China Sea conflict is one of the major conflicts for the Southeast Asia region and also the Asia Pacific region. Japan has a role in supporting countries involved in the conflict such as Vietnam. Japan promised Vietnam six patrol boats during Prime Minister Abe's visit to Southeast Asia.The approach used in this research is a qualitative approach and the type of research carried out is descriptive by explaining certain phenomena systematically, actually and accurately regarding facts, characteristics, and relationships. The patrol boat is aimed at enhancing Vietnam's capability in maritime law enforcement related to the South China Sea conflict. Japan, which is Vietnam's biggest foreign investor after South Korea, has no territorial claims in the South China Sea conflict. The South China Sea region has a big role in geopolitics because it is a meeting point between China and countries within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in terms of territory, security, natural resources and energy security. Disputes in the region include territorial sovereignty and maritime sovereignty. The South China Sea area consists of, among others, several small islands that are widely distributed, but there are two groups of islands that are much contested, namely the Spratly Islands and the Paracels. In addition, the South China Sea area is an important shipping lane and is often referred to as the maritime superhighway because it is one of the busiest international shipping lanes in the world.
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Yorgason, Ethan. "THE LIMITS OF A LABEL: FRAMING EASTERN ASIA’S TERRITORIAL CONFLICTS FOR A U.S.-AMERICAN AUDIENCE." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 18, no. 1 (January 25, 2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2022.18.1.1.
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This article explores limits to the framing power of several important short terms and phrases typically used within eastern Asia’s international politics. It conceptualises these labels as terminological frames. As frames, these terms/phrases help to set agendas, categorise, emphasise certain perspectives while excluding others from view, and ultimately shape opinions about controversial issues within international politics. Yet, I argue, the limits of frames have been insufficiently explored, especially as frames are taken to new audiences whose understanding of the broader discourses associated with the issues are weaker than that of the original audience. Do these terms still produce framing effects outside of eastern Asia? The study relied on a short survey of 800 U.S.-Americans. Respondents answered differing versions of questions relating to eastern Asian maritime politics in order to ascertain whether the wording and labels used affect evaluation of political issues. Specifically, the survey sought to determine whether use of East Sea vs. Sea of Japan, Northern Territories vs. Southern Kurils, and South China Sea vs. East Sea affected views of maritime disputes and issues relating to Korea, Japan, Russia, China/Taiwan, and Vietnam. It also explored whether an increasingly central phrase in eastern Asia’s maritime territorial disputes—“inherent territory”—presented a stronger claim than other possible phrases claiming territory. Survey results showed no statistical difference through use of one term or label over another. Thus, a certain type of limit to the power of these terminological frames was found. Nevertheless, the survey additionally demonstrated that producing framing effects required only a slight addition to the terminology, confirming the ease of framing international political issues to partisan effect.