Academic literature on the topic 'International trade – Soviet Union'
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Journal articles on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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Sun, Yizhi. "The Soviet Union and the May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021382-1.
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This article focuses specifically on the Soviet factor in The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai, including the degree of central and local Soviet authorities' involvement in the preparation and course of the Movement and financial assistance to Chinese strikers. It also examines Soviet intelligence activities in Shanghai during this period. Until May 30 the central organs of the USSR and the RCP(b) were not the initiators of the Movement. The largest workers' movement in Shanghai occurred spontaneously and was not under the control of the Comintern or the Politburo. However, we cannot completely deny the existence of attempts to organize and control the Movement by the Soviet Consulate as early as the first days of the strikes and it has been documented that the practical actions of Soviet agents began even before the Politburo began to pay attention to the Shanghai events. The All-Union Central Trade Union Council represented the "legal" support for the strikers by the Soviet authorities. The arrival of a delegation of Soviet trade unions in Shanghai was open and contained no elements of secret diplomacy. In the field of "secret politics", G.N. Voitinsky was sent to Shanghai to lead the Movement through the CCP. During the May Thirtieth Movement, Soviet intelligence had to work in intensified mode. However, in the Shanghai municipal police files we can only find references to the activities of Soviet spies at the beginning of the Movement. The reason for this is that all police attention in July and August was concentrated on the so-called "Dosser case", which was essentially of a small scale, but was hyped up by the Shanghai press and the Municipal Council of International Settlement. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the influence of the Soviets on the May Thirtieth Movement. The Soviets could only control, through the CCP and the General Trade Union, the workers' and partly the students' part of the strikes. The leading role in the May Thirtieth Movement was still held by the Shanghai merchants, not by the Politburo and the Comintern.
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van Brabant, Jozef M. "The Soviet Union and the International Trade Regime: A Reply." Soviet Economy 5, no. 4 (1989): 372–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08826994.1989.10641315.
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Marrella, Fabrizio, Rafik Khammatovic Usmanov, and Patricio Ignacio Barbirotto. "On Trade Liberalization for Political Ends: The Case of the EAEU." Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 4 (2021): 597–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021025.
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As evidenced by WTO theory and practice, even as exceptions regulated at Article XXIV GATT 1994 and Article V GATS, regional trade agreements (RTAs) or preferential trade agreements are an important legal tool to liberalize trade and strengthen economic or political cooperation. In recent years, notwithstanding the fiasco of TTIP and TPP, RTAs have proliferated in different regions of the world. Among them, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a customs union established in 2015 which is institutionally similar to the European Union (EU) albeit unexplored in academic literature. Remarkably, during its first five years of existence as an international organization, the EAEU has become a trade entity capable of adopting common technical regulations and a uniform customs code regulating cross-border trade in the internal single market and with third parties. Moreover, the EAEU has been quite active in concluding international agreements with third States, setting the basis to make the EAEU a key player on the global arena. Is the EAEU an RTA with the purpose to liberalize trade and services, mindful of the WTO philosophy, or rather is it a mean to attract back in the Moscow’s orbit some of the Post-Soviet States thus reaching precise geopolitical ends? What is its relevance for international business? Regional Trade Agreements, International Economic Law, Eurasian Economic Union, WTO, International Economic Organizations, Post-Soviet States, EAEU Customs Code, Russia, Common Market
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Mukhina, Irina. "Regulating the Trade: International Peddling in Post-Soviet Russia." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 37, no. 2 (2010): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633210x536889.
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AbstractThe economic, social, and political reforms of the former Soviet Union gave rise to a flourishing international peddling trade variously termed “shuttle trading,” “a suitcase trade,” or at times “trading tourism.” Small at first in the later 1980s, by the mid-1990s the shuttle trade expanded to include millions of people and came to constitute the backbone of Russian consumer trade. Initially the government was willing to “look the other way” or even support the shuttle trade as a way to provide for the collapsing consumer market in Russia. Yet the government drastically underestimated the vast number of people that the trade would attract and subsequently the scale and longevity of the trade. By 1993 and then progressively into the 1990s, the government aimed to bring this highly problematic aspect of the emerging market under its control, both by the means of regulating private businesses and creating a more business-conducive environment and by improving border control in order to make the borders “hard”. Thus this article analyzes the shuttle trade to demonstrate the ways in which decision makers, by accumulating raw data about the scale of the trade, border crossing, and the trade's social consequences, utilized these statistics in creating regulatory measures that simultaneously attempted to shape both the border control and customs regulations and the emerging free market space of the post-Soviet Russia.
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Larsen, Trina L., and Robert T. Green. "Export Opportunities in a Crumbling Economy: The Soviet Union in 1990." Journal of International Marketing 1, no. 4 (1993): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x9300100405.
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Economic liberalization is underway in many countries that had previously been relatively closed to outside commercial relations. This includes former East Bloc nations and LDCs that had long attempted to protect their inefficient industries from foreign competition. Perhaps the most spectacular example of this trend is the former Soviet Union. This article reports a study of the changes that occurred in the former Soviet Union's trade relations with non-communist countries in the critical period during which trade ‘openness’ was being established. The results provide insights that may be useful to exporters in their assessment of market opportunities in countries undergoing the difficult transition to a market economy.
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Ollapally, D., and G. Anandalingam. "India and the Soviet Union: Trade and Technology Transfer." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 12, no. 2 (1992): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-12-2-108.
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Mastanduno, Michael. "Strategies of Economic Containment: U.S. Trade Relations with the Soviet Union." World Politics 37, no. 4 (1985): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010342.
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If a consensus exists in the literature on international economic sanctions, it is that attempts to use economic instruments to achieve political objectives are likely to fail.1 This widely shared conclusion has been based on the analysis of a number of highly visible but unsuccessful attempts, including the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy in 1935–1936, the Arab boycott of Israel, U.S. sanctions against the Castro regime, United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia, and most recently, U.S. sanctions against the Soviet Union following the invasion of Afghanistan and the imposition of martial law in Poland.
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Elder, Bob. "A strategic approach to advanced technology trade with the Soviet Union." Comparative Strategy 11, no. 1 (1992): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939208402863.
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Yakupova, Dar'ya Viktorovna, and Roman Aleksandrovich Yakupov. "“Bread for the People and National Security”: Soviet commercial diplomacy during the period of détente." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2021): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.11.34328.
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The relevance of this research is defined by the need for analyzing the historical experience of adaptation of foreign economic activity of the Soviet State to the challenges of Western policy deterrence, the imperatives of which are being applied to Russia in the current context. The subject of this research is the Soviet grain procurement crisis and foreign policy ways for its overcoming. The object of this research is trade and diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. The scientific novelty lies in elaboration of the concept of “commercial diplomacy” – the foreign economic activity of the USSR government aimed at solution of the domestic problems and tasks of modernization. Leaning on the newly introduced sources, the conclusion is made that the policy of commercial diplomacy implemented by the Soviet Union suggested the use of international dialogue within the framework of cooperation between the governments and public-private business circles on achieving the economic goals associated with the national interests of the Soviet Union. The critical need for grain procurement, discovery of the oil resources potential, and détente in the international relations between the two superpowers led to a new round in the Soviet Union – United States relations. It is underlined that grain and oil manifested as the factor of maintaining domestic political stability and the object of foreign policy exchange. The article answers the question: how the grain procurement problem has transformed from the economic into social issue, and the grain import has become the vulnerable spot of the Soviet Union in the ideological confrontation with the United States, and the object of international relations.
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Siromskyi, Ruslan, and Hanna Siromska. "“MY VISIT DID NOT REASSURE ME”: FROM THE HISTORY OF VISIT LESTER PEARSON’S TO THE SOVIET UNION (OCTOBER 5–12, 1955)." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11608.
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The article examines the political background, organization and course of the official visit of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Canada Lester Pearson to the Soviet Union in October 1955. It is established that after ten years of mutual mistrust caused by the “Gouzenko case” (exposing the Soviet spy network in Canada), each side pursued its own goal of establishing contacts. Diplomatic searches for common ground between the two countries were made possible by a change of top leadership in the Soviet Union and a brief reduction in international tensions following the 1955 Geneva Summit, which expressed readiness to discuss acute international conflicts. Significantly, Pearson was destined to become the first high-ranking Western official to visit the Soviet Union since NATO’s founding. Pearson tended to be flexible in relations with the USSR, in particular, sought to take advantage of bilateral relations. Despite criticism of Soviet expansionist policies in the international arena and contempt for human rights within the country, he believed that it was in the West’s interest to maintain contacts with the USSR through trade in non-strategic goods and cooperation within the UN. For this he was sometimes accused of being too lenient with communism. At the same time, in the Soviet Union, Pearson was perceived as a cautious politician, “hostile” to their country. The visit of the Canadian official delegation led by L. Pearson to the Soviet Union was organized by the newly appointed Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Canada John Watkins (1954–1956). Watkins earned the support of the Soviet leadership, but fell victim to the newly formed KGB: they tried to turn him into an “agent of influence” by blackmailing him with leaked spicy information about the diplomat’s homosexual relations. In addition to Moscow, part of the Canadian delegation – only four people – visited Stalingrad, from where in the afternoon of October 11, 1955 arrived in Sevastopol. In addition to two hours of Soviet-Canadian talks with Khrushchev’s expressive behavior, the Crimean part of the Canadian delegation’s visit went down in history with its “drinking session”. The Crimean part of L. Pearson’s visit to the Soviet leadership and Khrushchev personally was an attempt to show that the Soviet Union was a sincere and reliable partner with whom it was profitable to deal. Unaware of common approaches to international issues, the parties focused on economic cooperation, which resulted in a mutually beneficial Canadian-Soviet trade agreement in 1956. The Soviet Union became a regular buyer of Canadian wheat for many years. It was found that conversations during the so-called the “Crimean party” (banquet) became for the Canadian delegation an indicator of the mood and intentions of the new Soviet leadership, which differed little from those that took place in the Stalinist era. Despite slight liberalization, the Soviet regime of the “Khrushchev thaw” period remained expansionist, hostile to human rights and freedoms. Nikita Khrushchev’s anti-Western (primarily anti-American) rhetoric, diluted by reflections on war and peace, allowed Canadian visitors to acknowledge the longevity of Soviet foreign policy and the inevitable continuation of the Cold War.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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Morriss, Anthony Douglas. "Russia, the Soviet Union and Arms Control 1899-1987." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625609.
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Balaev, Mikhail. "International trade ties and democracy in the post-Soviet world-system /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9149.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2008.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-202). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
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Balaev, Mikhail 1976. "International trade ties and democracy in the post-Soviet world-system." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9149.
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xiii, 202 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and international economic ties. The effects of economic processes on domestic politics have long been a subject for debate in the literature: some authors argue that economic liberalization advances democracy, while others advocate that economic liberalization impedes democracy. I argue that both sides of the debate omitted an important factor in the analyses of trade ties and democracy. The empirical studies predominantly used the volumes of international trade, without analyzing the structural position of trade partners in the international political arena. I argue that it is not how much a country trades, but the kind of states it trades with that determines its democracy. I analyze the current theories of democracy and identify that the main weakness of these theories is the inability to incorporate international processes and globalization in the analysis of democratization. I show that World-Systems theory (WST) can improve current theories of democracy. I employ WST and a number of alternative theories to create theoretical models of democracy. I then discuss the relevance of the former Soviet states to WST and to the analysis of democracy. I further construct a panel data set and apply pooled time-series regression, using three indexes of democracy as the dependent variables and two sets of theoretically distinct control variables. I find a negative relationship between core-periphery trade and democracy, and a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy in the periphery, which supports my main argument that trade ties must be reexamined based on the structural position of the trade partners. Contrary to conventional application of WST, the structure of the core-periphery trade shows that the core uses its economic ties to politically exploit the periphery, not the other way around. Hence, international trade is identified as a major tool for the modern hegemonies to broaden their political influence. Lastly, I found that both within- and between-states sets of control variables had influential predictors, which points out that modern theories of democracy must be restructured to incorporate multiple international processes in the analysis of the domestic politics of a state.<br>Advisers: Vallon Burris, Robert O'Brien
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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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Hancock, Kathleen J. "Surrendering sovereignty : hierarchy in the international system and the former Soviet Union /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3027046.
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Swann, Peter William. "British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1506/.
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The thesis is concerned with the British perception of Soviet foreign policy between 1951 and 1956. In particular it examines the understanding that British diplomats, politicians and civil servants had of the process of change which the death of Stalin stimulated in the Kremlin's relations with the outside world. The core of the study centres around 1955, as this was the pivotal point for the British. With the ascendancy of Khruschev there was perceived not only a new emphasis in Moscow on the necessity of avoiding global war between East and West, but also a new interest in economic competition. By 1956 Whitehall had concluded that there were a number of factors informing the Soviet re-evaluation of foreign policy. Among which were: the stabilisation of the Western alliance culminating with West German rearmament in 1955; the cost of defence expenditure both in armaments and in supporting the satellite regimes and China; the development of American and Soviet thermonuclear potentials. The latter was thought by the British to be the most profound in its implications on the Soviet approach to the future of international relations. The Soviet leadership certainly appeared eager to be friendly and particularly to communicate an awareness of the grotesque futility of a war employing the latest weaponry. To this end they agreed to the Geneva Summit of 1955. Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan were convinced by this meeting that, in Macmillan's words, "there ain't gonna be no war". For a few brief, golden months, it seemed in London as if the Cold War might even be negotiated into history. However, by the end of 1955 it was apparent to the British that Geneva did not mean the Kremlin had given up aspirations to global supremacy, rather that the means to this end were now to be different.
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Query, Jason. "The Impact of Transportation Costs and Trade Barriers on International Trade Flows." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19256.
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Because trade is seen as welfare improving for society, governments have long employed their policy-making powers to increase trade levels. In recent years, no strategy has been more employed by policy makers than free trade agreements. As free trade agreements become more popular, world tariff levels rapidly approach zero. Given this, policy makers must look to other methods to encourage trade. I examine how non-tariff trade barriers impact international trade levels. By better understanding these trade barriers, policy makers will be able to make more informed decisions.
To better understand non-tariff trade barriers, I begin with well-known impediments to trade, including the border effect, transportation costs, and the trade creation and trade diversion effects of regional trade agreements. I then demonstrate and examine heterogeneity in these trade costs.
In Chapter II I examine the often-studied border effect, the notion that regions trade more intra-nationally than internationally. I demonstrate that smaller regions are less attractive to foreign trading partners than their larger counterparts. Fixed costs of crossing an international border, as well as more effective marketing methods, mean economically larger U.S. states or Canadian provinces see a smaller border effect. In Chapter III I look at how transportation costs incurred within the exporting country impact trade levels. Using a unique instrumental variable strategy, I show that the cost of getting a good to a port is a significant hindrance to trade. Finally, in Chapter IV I show that the benefits of joining the European Union are heterogeneous across countries. This means that while the E.U. may be beneficial on average, it may not be beneficial for individual countries.
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Iandolo, Alessandro. "Soviet policy in West Africa, 1957-64." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2f17b326-8c4e-427a-8ce4-040c34582083.
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Between 1957 and 1964 the Soviet Union sought to export to West Africa a model of economic and social development. Moscow’s policy was driven by the conviction that socialism was a superior economic system, and could be replicated in Ghana, Guinea, and Mali. However, Soviet confidence in the project was undermined by the unreliability of local leaders, and then by the Congo crisis. The setback in West Africa taught the Soviet leadership crucial lessons, including the importance of supporting ideologically reliable leaders, and the necessity of building military strength to bolster intervention. Combining Soviet and Ghanaian sources with those more readily available in the UK and the US, this thesis shows the importance of modernisation of the Third World for Moscow’s foreign policy during the Khrushchev era, and contributes to the new sets of literature on the cold war in the third world, and on the Soviet Union’s foreign policy.
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Lee, Choongbae. "The geopolitics of South Korean trade relations with the former Soviet Union (1988-1993)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268961.
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Croll, Kirsteen Davina. "Soviet-Polish relations, 1919-1921." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/663/.
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The Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921 was a direct consequence of the ideological objectives pursued by the belligerents. Ideology shaped the political agenda and the diametrically opposed war aims of both states, and was implemented through the foreign policy, diplomatic negotiation and military engagements pursued. This proved to be the principal obstacle to the establishment of cordial relations. As western democracy and Russian Marxism battled it out, war was inevitable. Externally, the Paris Peace Conference provided the necessary conditions for the resumption of traditional Russian-Polish hostilities, whilst the Allied States consistently demonstrated their absolute inability to directly influence either the development, or outcome, of the conflict. Redressing the balance of historiography, this thesis includes a greater examination of the conflict from the perspective of the Soviet regime. This firmly controlled the Russian decision-making process. By charting the war, it becomes clear that both states deliberately pursued a dual offensive: traditional diplomatic negotiation and military campaign as conditions dictated. However, in addition, Soviet Russia developed a unique and innovative, revolutionary, agit-prop, diplomatic medium. This enabled adept Soviet diplomats to win the majority of diplomatic battles during the conflict, although often negotiating from a militarily weak position. Nevertheless, the regime ultimately failed in its objective: to ignite socialist revolution in western Europe. The mistaken Soviet decision in July 1920 to cross the ethnographic border to forcefully sovietise Poland, in opposition to Marxist doctrine, irreversibly altered the complexion of the war and proved its pivotal turning point. This culminated politically with the short-lived establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee in Białystok, and militarily, with the decisive defeat of the Red Army at the Battle of Warsaw. It is now certain that the Red Army offensive into Poland in July 1920 aimed not only at the sovietisation of Poland, but at spreading the socialist revolution to Western Europe and overthrowing the Versailles settlement. The European revolutionary upsurge had largely extinguished during the previous year and in August 1920, Communist ideology ultimately failed to inspire the vast majority of the Polish population. Thus, by utilising the Soviet military to secure its war aims, Lenin and the Politburo inadvertently signed the death-warrant of socialist revolution in Poland at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Books on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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Miller, E. Willard. United States trade--Europe, Soviet Union, Middle East, and Africa: A bibliography. Vance Bibliographies, 1991.
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Boguslavskiĭ, M. M. The reorganization of Soviet foreign trade: Legal aspects. M.E. Sharpe, 1989.
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India and the Soviet Union: Trade and technology transfer. Cambridge University Press, 1990.
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Smith, Alan. International trade and payments in the former Soviet Union/CMEA area: Reorientation or reintegration? Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1994.
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International Food Policy Research Institute., ed. Economic reform in Europe and the former Soviet Union: Implications for international food markets. International Food Policy Research Institute, 1994.
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Guerrieri, Paolo. Trade integration of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union into the world economy: A structuralist approach. Center for German and European Studies, University of California, 1993.
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Malov, I︠U︡. Rekviem po ministerstvu: Avtobiograficheskie zametki vypusknika MGIMO. MGIMO-Universitet, 2012.
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Funigiello, Philip J. American-Soviet trade in the Cold War. University of North Carolina Press, 1988.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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Pietromarchi, Luca, and Lovett F. Edwards. "Trade Union Safeguards." In The Soviet World. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003336501-17.
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Nove, Alec, and Desmond Donnelly. "The Soviet Union." In Trade with Communist Countries. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243328-16.
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Smith, Alan H. "Foreign Trade." In The Soviet Union Under Gorbachev. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18648-8_8.
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Muckle, James. "The Teachers’ Trade Union." In Portrait of a Soviet School under Glasnost. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21077-0_13.
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Nakamura, Yasushi. "Money Supply and Soviet Foreign Trade." In Monetary Policy in the Soviet Union. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-49418-4_6.
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Küenzl, Jan, Christina Schwabenland, Jenny Elmaco, et al. "International Trade Union Confederation." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society. Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_409.
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Pomfret, Richard. "From Landlocked to Land-Linked? Central Asia’s Place in the Eurasian Economy." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_10.
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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), while primarily a security organisation, has always included economic and human baskets or dimensions. Currently, the Office of the Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities operates in four main areas: (1) good governance and anti-corruption, (2) money laundering and financing of terrorism, (3) transport, trade and border-crossing facilitation, and (4) labour migration. This chapter addresses developments in Central Asia since the dissolution of the Soviet Union that are relevant to the third area of OSCE operations. The chapter’s focus is on the potential for the landlocked Central Asian countries to become land-linked, using improved transport connections between East Asia and Europe to promote economic development through export diversification and growth. Rail services across Central Asia improved considerably during the 2010s. They have been resilient, despite strained political relations between Russia and the EU since 2014, and rail traffic between Europe and China continued to increase in 2020 despite the shock of COVID-19. Further infrastructure improvements are promised under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. However, the expanded network has been little used by Central Asian producers to create new international trade, and the improved infrastructure represents a potential opportunity rather than a past benefit. If the Central Asian economies are successful in taking advantage of the opportunity, it will stimulate their trade across the Eurasian region and help economic diversification. The main determinant of success will be national policies and national economic development. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of multilateral institutions and, in particular, the prospects for OSCE collaboration with existing fora to promote cooperation and economic development in Central Asia.
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Horvat, Branko. "Customs Union." In The Theory of International Trade. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983386_19.
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Eberhard, F. "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics." In International Handbook of Universities. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09323-6_107.
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Langan, Mark. "The African Union and the European Union." In Handbook of International Trade Agreements. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351046954-29.
Full textConference papers on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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JI- EON, LEE, and YOO NA-YEON. "SOUTH KOREA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP WITH UZBEKISTAN SINCE 1991: STRATEGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF EACH GOVERNMENT." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-03.
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One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.
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Turdubekova, Aigul, and Elmira Kupsuralieva. "Kyrgyzstan and Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00823.
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This paper looks at the issue of joining the Eurasian Customs Union for Kyrgyzstan. We first provide a short description of how some former Soviet Union countries attempted to rejuvenate their regional integration followed by the review of the economic, social and political background of Kyrgyzstan in joining the Eurasian Customs Union. The main conditions for and the associated impact of joining the Union on customs tariffs and the international trade of Kyrgyzstan are discussed. By comparing the main development indicators of the Customs Union member countries we try to find any advantages for the Kyrgyz economy from joining the Union. An additional discussion of the potential losses and benefits shows that there are more benefits from joining the Customs Union. In general, we find that since the founders of the Customs Union – Russia and Kazakhstan – are also very important geographical, economic and political partners of our country, joining the Union seems inevitable for Kyrgyzstan.
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Gencer, Ayşen Hiç. "Gravity Modeling of Turkey's International Trade under Globalization." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00425.
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Gravity modeling in international trade is developed by Tinbergen and Poyhonen in the 1960s, inspired by Newton's standard gravity formulation. This model suggests that the volume of trade between two countries is proportional to the product of their national income and inversely proportional to the distance between them. This study attempts to answer the question whether the gravity model is still valid for the case of Turkey today in the age of globalization and declining transportation costs due to improvements in logistics and technology. To this end, Turkey's imports as well as exports data with respect to all the countries of the world for the 16 years between 1993 and 2008 are analyzed. The results show that the gravity model, even in its basic form, is still powerful in explaining the trade volumes between Turkey and all other countries. In addition, the basic model is extended to analyze Turkey's trade with specific country groups such as the EU countries, the Islamic countries, the former Soviet Union countries, and the Central Asian countries. The analysis concludes that except for the Central Asian countries, Turkey's trade is not specialized with any particular country group. The 1995 Customs Union with the EU or any other step already taken towards full membership into the EU has not significantly increased Turkey's trade volume with the EU members over the amounts predicted by the basic version of the gravity model for any country pair of similar distance and GDP levels.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak, and İlyas Sözen. "An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory: Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.
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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Azer, Özlem Arzu. "Political and Economic Integration of the Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkish Republics into the Global World." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00244.
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With the dissolution of Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics’ central planned economy transformed into free market economy and structural reforms were made as parallel of this development. These former socialist countries have some diffficulties to adopt capitalism due to absence of some fundamental feautures of capitalism and inheritance of Soviet Union. 
 Ending big threat of communism, the jeo-strategical importance of the region increased for the West because these countries own the oil and gas resources besides they are starting point or transit country of the energy pipelines. However, these transition countries could not develop economically and poverty became the major problem for most of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics. As economic problems lead weakness of governance, ethnical conflicts and border conflicts threat these new independent countries. The region seems in the center of war for power due to rich natural resources and pipelines as well as the connection point to Afghanistan and being the exit to the Black Sea. 
 This paper seeks economic situations of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics which jeo-strategical importance increased due to natural resources and geographic location during Post Cold-War era. This work is based on statistical data provided by United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database (COMTRADE), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), covering the period of 1990-2008 and contains Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan.
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Sarı, Yaşar. "Kyrgyzstan’s Relations with International Financial Organizations: Curse or Curve?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00358.
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Kyrgyzstan since the collapse of Soviet Union went to the transition path and while it is argued that it succeeded at some points, levels or degree. It is certainly that major obstacles to the successful transition are not overcome. First of all it was necessary to get out of Russian dominated economy since it was itself declining. Kyrgyzstan was the first former Soviet republics left Russian ruble zone and accepted its own currency, som in 1993. Moreover, it is also the first former Soviet republics entered to World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1998.
 Second, finding new trade partners and external markets was a challenge. Kyrgyz governments wanted to go outside for two reasons: trading with outsiders at time of economic downturn in CIS was rise profitable and trading with outsiders would be a manifestation of their independence and sovereignty.
 It is obvious that since the independence Kyrgyzstan still serves as supply of raw material such as Kyrgyzstan’s primary budget income is still composed from natural resources (gold export). The Kyrgyz Republic is also classified as a low-income country with high debt vulnerability, due to these characteristics it is eligible to receive a significant level of grant from international financial organization, like World Bank. 
 In this paper, Kyrgyzstan’s relations with the International Financial Organizations will divide three stages: Romantic years in 1990s, Debate on Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in 2000s, and the last one, after HIPC and Revolution in 2010.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.
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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009.
 This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute.
 Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.
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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough.
 Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way. 
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Reel, Yeşim. "The Dependency Game and Potential Gains in Energy Sector of Eurasia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00195.
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The integration of the Eurasian super-continent will potentially have major implications for the Eurasian region, and also for the world economy. 
 Traditionally, economic integration has ben analyzed and measured mostly with regard to trade and transport linkages. Turning from the most obvious linkages in energy to other areas, the first point to be made is that the collapse of the Former Soviet Union (FSU) had a devastating impact on trade within the former Soviet regional trading bloc known as COMECON (Linn and Tiomkin,2007). 
 Opening Greater Central Asia to continental trade in energy and goods would give countries in the region greater access to foreign technology and foreign exchange revenue, increase market access. Forecasts about the positive effects of construction and restoration of road corridors suggest there could be enormous gains (Norling and Swanström,2007).
 Moreover, potential gains in energy transit are also massive (Pandian,2005).
 It is stated that the increasing demand for Eurasian energy is creating a very interesting dependency game involving three groups of countries. The existing dependencies are based on a number of variables (Svedberg,2007).
 The aim of this paper is to analyze the current situation, the dependency game and potential gains in Eurasia’s energy sector. The current situation’s analysis presents a framework which shows Eurasia’s energy sector’s data, trends and problems. The dependency game indicates the linkages between different countries which are related to the sector, and these countries’ positions. The potential gains are important particularly in energy production, energy projects and energy trade for Eursia. Considering all these, first part presents introduction. The second part analyzes the current situation, the dependency game and, gives outcomes of this dependency in the sector. Third part presents the potential gains for this sector. Last part gives a conclusion.
Reports on the topic "International trade – Soviet Union"
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Idenburg, Peter, Per Stalacke, Klaus Schuch, et al. Report by External Evaluators on the Programme of the International Association for the Promotion of Co-operation with Scientists from the new Independent States of the former Soviet Union (INTAS) in the period 1993-2003 to the INTAS General Assembly. INTAS, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2004.207.
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Quak, Evert-jan. The Trend Of “De-Risking” In International Finance and Its Impact on Small Island Developing States. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.079.
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This rapid review synthesises the literature from academic sources, knowledge institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and trusted independent media outlets on the challenges small island development states (SIDS) face when they lose correspondent banking relationships (CBRs). The rapid review concludes that, although the loss of CBRs is a global phenomenon, regions with SIDS, such as the Pacific and Caribbean, have seen the highest rates of withdrawals. During the last decade, local and regional banks in SIDS have lost and continue to lose bank accounts at large global banks to a critical level, sometimes having only one or none CBRs with banks in major economies, such as the Unites States, the United Kingdom, the European Union or Australia. This means that local banks have reduced access to financial services related to cross-border financial transactions, impacting on remittances and trade finance.
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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.
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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.
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Walker, Randy M. CONCEPT OF OPERATIONS PLANS for Phase I the INTERNATIONAL PILOT FOR Global Radiological source SORTING, Tracking, AND MONITORING (GradSStraM) Using eMERGING RFID AND WEB 2.0 TECHNOLOGIES TO PROVIDE TOTAL ASSET AND INFORMATION VISUALIZATIONA United states- European Union Lighthouse Priority Project for fostering trade and reducing regulatory burden. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/993776.
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Dudoit, Alain, Molivann Panot, and Thierry Warin. Towards a multi-stakeholder Intermodal Trade-Transportation Data-Sharing and Knowledge Exchange Network. CIRANO, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54932/mvne7282.
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The performance of supply chains used to be mainly the concern of academics and professionals who studied the potential efficiencies and risks associated with this aspect of globalisation. In 2021, major disruptions in this critical sector of our economies are making headlines and attracting the attention of policy makers around the world. Supply chain bottlenecks create shortages, fuel inflation, and undermine economic recovery. This report provides a transversal and multidisciplinary analysis of the challenges and opportunities regarding data interoperability and data sharing as they relate to the ‘Great Lakes - St. Lawrence Seaway Trade Corridor’ (GLSLTC)’s intermodal transportation and trade data strategy. The size and scope of this trade corridor are only matched by the complexity of its multimodal freight transportation systems and growing urbanization on both sides of the Canada-US border. This complexity is exacerbated by the lack of data interoperability and effective collaborations between the different stakeholders within the various jurisdictions and amongst them. Our analytical work relies on : 1) A review of the relevant documentation on the latest challenges to supply chains (SC), intermodal freight transport and international trade, identifying any databases that are to be used.; 2) A comparative review of selected relevant initiatives to give insights into the best practices in digital supply chains implemented in Canada, the United States, and the European Union.; 3) Interviews and discussions with experts from Transport Canada, Statistics Canada, the Canadian Centre on Transportation Data (CCTD) and Global Affairs Canada, as well as with CIRANO’s research community and four partner institutions to identify databases and data that they use in their research related to transportation and trade relevant data availabilities and methodologies as well as joint research opportunities. Its main findings can be summarized as follow: GLSLTC is characterized by its critical scale, complexity, and strategic impact as North America’s most vital trade corridor in the foreseeable further intensification of continental trade. 4% of Canadian GDP is attributed to the Transportation and Logistics sector (2018): $1 trillion of goods moved every year: Goods and services imports are equivalent to 33% of Canada’s GDP and goods and services exports equivalent to 32%. The transportation sector is a key contributor to the achievement of net-zero emissions commitment by 2050. All sectors of the Canadian economy are affected by global supply chain disruptions. Uncertainty and threats extend well beyond the COVID-19 Pandemic. “De-globalization” and increasing supply chains regionalization pressures are mounting. Innovation and thus economic performance—increasingly hinges on the quantity and quality of data. Data is transforming Canada’s economy/society and is now at the center of global trade “Transport data is becoming less available: Canada needs to make data a priority for a national transportation strategy.” * “How the Government of Canada collects, manages, and governs data—and how it accesses and shares data with other governments, sectors, and Canadians—must change.”
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Braithwait, Samuel, Ricardo Rozemberg, and Jesica De Angelis. CARICOM Report: Progress and Challenges of The Integration Agenda. Inter-American Development Bank, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002912.
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The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) was established in 1973 as a customs union and nowadays consists of 15 member countries. CARICOM includes member and non-members of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), an economic union with free movement of people and goods, a single currency, and a common central bank. This report is the third in a series of INTAL publications on regional integration on the CaribbeanREPORT Community and covers the period 2005 to 2020. After a brief background to the CARICOM integration project and a look at the economy and international trade, this report focuses on the main issues and developments relating to the deepening of integration within CARICOM and crucial relationships with external partners. The final section concludes with an assessment of the short-term adverse impacts of the pandemic and summarizes a set of recommendations to tackle the main issues.
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei, and Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf: enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Monetary Policy Report - July 2022. Banco de la República, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/inf-pol-mont-eng.tr3-2022.
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In the second quarter, annual inflation (9.67%), the technical staff’s projections and its expectations continued to increase, remaining above the target. International cost shocks, accentuated by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more persistent than projected, thus contributing to higher inflation. The effects of indexation, higher than estimated excess demand, a tighter labor market, inflation expectations that continue to rise and currently exceed 3%, and the exchange rate pressures add to those described above. High core inflation measures as well as in the producer price index (PPI) across all baskets confirm a significant spread in price increases. Compared to estimates presented in April, the new forecast trajectory for headline and core inflation increased. This was partly the result of greater exchange rate pressure on prices, and a larger output gap, which is expected to remain positive for the remainder of 2022 and which is estimated to close towards yearend 2023. In addition, these trends take into account higher inflation rate indexation, more persistent above-target inflation expectations, a quickening of domestic fuel price increases due to the correction of lags versus the parity price and higher international oil price forecasts. The forecast supposes a good domestic supply of perishable foods, although it also considers that international prices of processed foods will remain high. In terms of the goods sub-basket, the end of the national health emergency implies a reversal of the value-added tax (VAT) refund applied to health and personal hygiene products, resulting in increases in the prices of these goods. Alternatively, the monetary policy adjustment process and the moderation of external shocks would help inflation and its expectations to begin to decrease over time and resume their alignment with the target. Thus, the new projection suggests that inflation could remain high for the second half of 2022, closing at 9.7%. However, it would begin to fall during 2023, closing the year at 5.7%. These forecasts are subject to significant uncertainty, especially regarding the future behavior of external cost shocks, the degree of indexation of nominal contracts and decisions made regarding the domestic price of fuels. Economic activity continues to outperform expectations, and the technical staff’s growth projections for 2022 have been revised upwards from 5% to 6.9%. The new forecasts suggest higher output levels that would continue to exceed the economy’s productive capacity for the remainder of 2022. Economic growth during the first quarter was above that estimated in April, while economic activity indicators for the second quarter suggest that the GDP could be expected to remain high, potentially above that of the first quarter. Domestic demand is expected to maintain a positive dynamic, in particular, due to the household consumption quarterly growth, as suggested by vehicle registrations, retail sales, credit card purchases and consumer loan disbursement figures. A slowdown in the machinery and equipment imports from the levels observed in March contrasts with the positive performance of sales and housing construction licenses, which indicates an investment level similar to that registered for the first three months of the year. International trade data suggests the trade deficit would be reduced as a consequence of import levels that would be lesser than those observed in the first quarter, and stable export levels. For the remainder of the year and 2023, a deceleration in consumption is expected from the high levels seen during the first half of the year, partially as a result of lower repressed demand, tighter domestic financial conditions and household available income deterioration due to increased inflation. Investment is expected to continue its slow recovery while remaining below pre-pandemic levels. The trade deficit is expected to tighten due to projected lower domestic demand dynamics, and high prices of oil and other basic goods exported by the country. Given the above, economic growth in the second quarter of 2022 would be 11.5%, and for 2022 and 2023 an annual growth of 6.9% and 1.1% is expected, respectively. Currently, and for the remainder of 2022, the output gap would be positive and greater than that estimated in April, and prices would be affected by demand pressures. These projections continue to be affected by significant uncertainty associated with global political tensions, the expected adjustment of monetary policy in developed countries, external demand behavior, changes in country risk outlook, and the future developments in domestic fiscal policy, among others. The high inflation levels and respective expectations, which exceed the target of the world's main central banks, largely explain the observed and anticipated increase in their monetary policy interest rates. This environment has tempered the growth forecast for external demand. Disruptions in value chains, rising international food and energy prices, and expansionary monetary and fiscal policies have contributed to the rise in inflation and above-target expectations seen by several of Colombia’s main trading partners. These cost and price shocks, heightened by the effects of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more prevalent than expected and have taken place within a set of output and employment recovery, variables that in some countries currently equal or exceed their projected long-term levels. In response, the U.S. Federal Reserve accelerated the pace of the benchmark interest rate increase and rapidly reduced liquidity levels in the money market. Financial market actors expect this behavior to continue and, consequently, significantly increase their expectations of the average path of the Fed's benchmark interest rate. In this setting, the U.S. dollar appreciated versus the peso in the second quarter and emerging market risk measures increased, a behavior that intensified for Colombia. Given the aforementioned, for the remainder of 2022 and 2023, the Bank's technical staff increased the forecast trajectory for the Fed's interest rate and reduced the country's external demand growth forecast. The projected oil price was revised upward over the forecast horizon, specifically due to greater supply restrictions and the interruption of hydrocarbon trade between the European Union and Russia. Global geopolitical tensions, a tightening of monetary policy in developed economies, the increase in risk perception for emerging markets and the macroeconomic imbalances in the country explain the increase in the projected trajectory of the risk premium, its trend level and the neutral real interest rate1. Uncertainty about external forecasts and their consequent impact on the country's macroeconomic scenario remains high, given the unpredictable evolution of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, geopolitical tensions, the degree of the global economic slowdown and the effect the response to recent outbreaks of the pandemic in some Asian countries may have on the world economy. This macroeconomic scenario that includes high inflation, inflation forecasts, and expectations above 3% and a positive output gap suggests the need for a contractionary monetary policy that mitigates the risk of the persistent unanchoring of inflation expectations. In contrast to the forecasts of the April report, the increase in the risk premium trend implies a higher neutral real interest rate and a greater prevailing monetary stimulus than previously estimated. For its part, domestic demand has been more dynamic, with a higher observed and expected output level that exceeds the economy’s productive capacity. The surprising accelerations in the headline and core inflation reflect stronger and more persistent external shocks, which, in combination with the strength of aggregate demand, indexation, higher inflation expectations and exchange rate pressures, explain the upward projected inflation trajectory at levels that exceed the target over the next two years. This is corroborated by the inflation expectations of economic analysts and those derived from the public debt market, which continued to climb and currently exceed 3%. All of the above increase the risk of unanchoring inflation expectations and could generate widespread indexation processes that may push inflation away from the target for longer. This new macroeconomic scenario suggests that the interest rate adjustment should continue towards a contractionary monetary policy landscape. 1.2. Monetary policy decision Banco de la República’s Board of Directors (BDBR), at its meetings in June and July 2022, decided to continue adjusting its monetary policy. At its June meeting, the BDBR decided to increase the monetary policy rate by 150 basis points (b.p.) and its July meeting by majority vote, on a 150 b.p. increase thereof at its July meeting. Consequently, the monetary policy interest rate currently stands at 9.0% . 1 The neutral real interest rate refers to the real interest rate level that is neither stimulative nor contractionary for aggregate demand and, therefore, does not generate pressures that lead to the close of the output gap. In a small, open economy like Colombia, this rate depends on the external neutral real interest rate, medium-term components of the country risk premium, and expected depreciation. Box 1: A Weekly Indicator of Economic Activity for Colombia Juan Pablo Cote Carlos Daniel Rojas Nicol Rodriguez Box 2: Common Inflationary Trends in Colombia Carlos D. Rojas-Martínez Nicolás Martínez-Cortés Franky Juliano Galeano-Ramírez Box 3: Shock Decomposition of 2021 Forecast Errors Nicolás Moreno Arias