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Academic literature on the topic 'International Woman Suffrage Alliance'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "International Woman Suffrage Alliance"

1

O'Connor, Pat. "Politics and friendship: Letters from the International woman suffrage alliance 1902–1942." Women's Studies International Forum 16, no. 4 (July 1993): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(93)90042-8.

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Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (August 18, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.

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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.

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3

Bosch, Mineke. "Between entertainment and nationalist politics: The uses of folklore in the spectacle of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance." Women's Studies International Forum 32, no. 1 (January 2009): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2009.01.002.

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4

Reinfeld, Barbara. "Františka Plamínková (1875-1942), Czech Feminist and Patriot." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 1 (March 1997): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408488.

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When the American suffragist Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947), one of the founders of the International Alliance for Women's Suffrage, came to Prague in 1908 to lecture before German-speaking groups of women in the city, a beautiful young teacher asked her to address Czech women as well. Catt readily obliged. She could not have known, then, that this determined Czech feminist and nationalist, Františka Plamínková (1875-1942) would become, in time, a familiar figure on the international circuit of women's organizations, known as “Madame Plam” and would be executed by the Nazis as a member of the Czech resistance.For her fight against fascism and for the liberation of her nation Plamínková was awarded, posthumously in 1950, the Czechoslovak Order of the Gold Star by the Ministry of National Defense. But then her name disappeared, along with thousands of other names from the First Czechoslovak Republic, as Stalinist repression set in. A plaque affixed to the building once her residence on Staroměstské Square tells us little about this energetic, dedicated patriot and fighter for women's rights. In 1993, the Gender Institute in Prague opened its doors, and, today, as feminism begins to awaken in the Czech Republic, the work and accomplishments of Františka Plamínková should be instructive.

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5

McDonagh, Eileen L., and H. Douglas Price. "Woman Suffrage in the Progressive Era: Patterns of Opposition and Support in Referenda Voting, 1910-1918." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956657.

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Sources of opposition and support for woman suffrage are analyzed with the use of the responses of male voters to constitutional referenda held in six key states during the Progressive era. Traditional axes of opposition and support for suffrage are examined, establishing that stable sources of suffrage support originate most often from Protestant and northern European constituencies (with the exception of Germans), whereas southern Europeans and Catholics (except for Germans) generally show no consistent patterns. Opposition to suffrage is most constant from Germans—both Catholic and Protestant—and from urban constituencies. A structural model indicating the greater importance of prohibition as an intervening variable compared to partisanship or turnout at the grass-roots level of voting behavior explicates the sources of direct and indirect support for suffrage while it also demonstrates the influence of educational commitment in determining suffrage voting patterns. Except in the West, opposition to suffrage was intense and greater at the grass-roots level than among legislative elites. The ultimate success of the federal amendment is discussed in the context of state referenda, the changed political climate after American entry into World War I, and the innovative efforts of state legislatures to grant “presidential” suffrage, thereby circumventing what proved to be the difficult referenda route.

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6

Kelly, T. Mills. "Feminism, Pragmatism or Both? Czech Radical Nationalism and the Woman Question, 1898–1914." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 4 (December 2002): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540506.

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During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.

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7

Ihalainen, Pasi. "A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border : The (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for women." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 133, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2020.1.004.ihal.

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Abstract A Finnish socialist female parliamentarian stopped on the Dutch border: the (de)politicization of Finnish women’s suffrage in Dutch battles on votes for womenThis research article in transnational history analyses an incident during which Hilja Pärssinen, a Finnish socialist woman MP, was stopped on the Dutch border in September 1913 on her way to visit a suffragette college in London. This two-hour event at the border and public controversy that followed were clashes between competing ideological and gendered discourses on women’s political agency. The incident was a nexus of intersecting discourses on a range of issues: Dutch and international debates on women’s suffrage, discourse on ‘white slavery’, racial prejudices towards East Europeans, Marxist class struggle discourse, and fears of socialism. During the incident, the authorities seemed to be casting the identity of an illegal immigrant or a Russian prostitute on Pärssinen. Provoked against her psycho-physical experiences, she protested by performing that identity. Afterwards, transnationally connected socialists politicized the case in their fight for women’s political rights, while the authorities and the non-socialist press consistently depoliticized it.

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8

Jeydel, Alana S. "Social Movements, Political Elites and Political Opportunity Structures: The Case of the Woman Suffrage Movement from 1890-1920." Congress & the Presidency 27, no. 1 (March 2000): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460009507774.

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9

Keremidchieva, Zornitsa D. "The organic crisis of Internationalism and the challenge of remembering alternative futures: Woman suffrage, parliamentarism, and anti-colonial critique in the Communist International." Quarterly Journal of Speech 106, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2020.1785631.

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10

Williams-Pulfer, Kim. "“When Bain Town Woman Catch A Fire, Even the Devil Run.”: The Bahamian Suffrage Movement as National and Cultural Development." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 27, no. 3 (August 11, 2015): 1472–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-015-9630-y.

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Books on the topic "International Woman Suffrage Alliance"

1

Thomas, Katherine. International Woman Suffrage Alliance Archive, 1913-1920. Manchester: John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 1999.

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2

Isabel, Lizarraga Vizcarra, ed. De Madrid a Ginebra: El feminismo español y el VIII Congreso de la Alianza Internacional para el Sufragio de la Mujer (1920). Barcelona: Icaria editorial, 2010.

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3

Pazifismus in der internationalen Frauenbewegung (1914-1920): Handlungsspielräume, politische Konzeptionen und gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzungen. Essen: Klartext, 2008.

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4

Conn, Charis, ed. Elephant Chronicles. Berlin: Fiktion, 2015.

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5

Politics and Friendship: Letters from the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, 1902-1942. Ohio State Univ Pr (Txt), 1990.

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6

Politics and friendship: Letters from the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, 1902-1942. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1990.

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7

1854-1929, Jacobs Aletta H., Bosch Mineke, Kloosterman Annemarie, and Internationaal Archief voor Vrouwenbeweging, eds. Lieve Dr. Jacobs: Brieven uit de Wereldbond voor Vrouwenkiesrecht, 1902-1942 : ter gelegenheid van 50 jaar Internationaal Archief voor Vrouwenbeweging, 1935-1985. Amsterdam: Feministische Uitgeverij Sara, 1985.

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8

John Rylands University Library of Manchester., ed. Campaign for women's suffrage, 1895-1920: Papers of the International Women Suffrage Alliance, The National Union of Woman's Suffrage Societies, The Parliamentary Committee for Woman's Suffrage and the Manchester Men's League for Woman's Suffrage from the John Rylands University Library, Manchester. Reading, Berkshire: Research Publications, 1990.

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9

International Woman Suffrage: Ius Suffragii 1913-1920 (History of Feminism). Routledge, 2003.

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10

Aronson, Amy. Crystal Eastman. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948734.001.0001.

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Crystal Eastman was a central figure in many of the defining social movements of the twentieth century—labor, feminism, internationalism, free speech, peace. She drafted America’s first serious workers’ compensation law. She helped found the National Woman’s Party and is credited as coauthor of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). She helped found the Woman’s Peace Party—today, the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)—and the American Union against Militarism. She copublished the Liberator magazine. And she engineered the founding the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). Eastman worked side by side with national and international suffrage leaders, renowned Progressive reformers and legislators, birth control advocates, civil rights champions, and revolutionary writers and artists. She traveled with a transatlantic crowd of boundary breakers and innovators. And in virtually every arena she entered, she was one of the most memorable women known to her allies and adversaries alike. Yet today, her legacy is oddly ambiguous. She is commemorated, paradoxically, as one of the most neglected feminist leaders in American history. This first full-length biography recovers the revealing story of a woman who attained rare political influence and left a thought-provoking legacy in ongoing struggles. The social justice issues she cared about—gender equality and human rights, nationalism and globalization, political censorship and media control, worker benefits and family balance, and the monumental questions of war, sovereignty, force, and freedom—remain some of the most consequential questions of our own time.

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Book chapters on the topic "International Woman Suffrage Alliance"

1

Macmillan, Chrystal. "The Future of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance (1920)." In Documenting First Wave Feminisms, edited by Maureen Moynagh and Nancy Forestell. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442664098-047.

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2

Luisi, Paulina. "International Woman Suffrage Alliance: Committee on an Equal Moral Standard and Against the Traffic in Women – from the Report of the Chairman (1926)." In Documenting First Wave Feminisms, edited by Maureen Moynagh and Nancy Forestell. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442664098-081.

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3

Aronson, Amy. "Coming Home." In Crystal Eastman, 269–78. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948734.003.0012.

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By 1927, Crystal Eastman had been living as the freelance journalist she never wanted to be, pitching article after article to conservative or capricious editors. She had recently covered the momentous International Woman Suffrage Alliance congress in Paris, but was generally exhausted from childcare and homemaking, frustrated by declining health, and almost always behind in her bills. She longed to return to home. Paul Kellogg advised patient planning and supplied a prescient idea for new line of work, but she returned to New York quite hastily, with only a short speaking engagement planned. Three weeks later, Walter died of a cerebral hemorrhage. Deep in mourning, Eastman began a temporary job organizing a celebration for The Nation. Her colleagues noticed she was fighting a tremendous battle. In fact, she was mortally ill. Her kidneys, damaged long ago by scarlet fever, were now giving out. Ten months later, she passed away.

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4

Johnson, Joan Marie. "Introduction." In Funding Feminism. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634692.003.0001.

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Women are learning something men have traditionally understood: money provides access. —Karen D. Stone Philanthropy lies at the heart of women’s history. —Kathleen D. McCarthy Over the first six decades of the twentieth century, Katharine Dexter McCormick wrote checks totaling millions of dollars to advance political, economic, and personal freedom and independence for women. She gave her time and money to the woman suffrage movement, funded a dormitory for women at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) to encourage women’s education in science, and almost single-handedly financed the development of the birth control pill. McCormick opposed the militant tactics of some suffragists—such as picketing the White House—which were bankrolled by another woman, Alva Belmont, a southerner who stunned New York society when she divorced William K. Vanderbilt, inheritor of the Vanderbilt fortune. With her flair for the dramatic, Belmont brought crucial publicity to the woman suffrage movement and wielded power with her money, giving tens of thousands of dollars to the national suffrage associations under certain conditions—for example, that organization offices be moved; that she be given a leadership position; and, later, that the movement focus on international women’s rights. Mary Garrett, another generous supporter of the suffrage movement, also understood the coercive power of philanthropy, paying the salary of the dean at Bryn Mawr College—but only if that dean was her partner, M. Carey Thomas—and orchestrating a half-million-dollar gift to Johns Hopkins University to open a medical school, with the condition that the school admit women. These monied women, and many like them, understood that their money gave them clout in society at a time when most women held little power....

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5

Amorosa, Paolo. "Apostles of Equality: James Brown Scott and the Feminist Cause." In Rewriting the History of the Law of Nations, 245–311. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849377.003.0008.

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Chapter 6 tracks the story of an unlikely alliance between Scott and leading feminist activists Doris Stevens and Alice Paul. The first section provides a short history of the women’s rights movement in the United States and details how Paul and Stevens rose to become key figures in the battle for women’s suffrage. Section 2 tracks the early interest by feminist activists in international politics. As Paul and Stevens moved toward internationalism, Scott moved closer to the positions of women’s rights activists by becoming a supporter of the equality of sexes under nationality law. Section 3 follows the collaboration between Scott and the feminist leaders. Beginning in 1928, the collaboration would peak in 1933 with the approval at the Montevideo Pan-American Conference of two equal rights treaties.

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6

Gottlieb, Julie V. "Modes and models of Conservative women’s leadership in the 1930s." In Rethinking Right-Wing Women. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994389.003.0006.

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Women came into their own in the Conservative Party in the aftermath of suffrage as party workers, as MPs, as local and national leaders, and as part of a notional women’s bloc of voters that Conservatives felt they could rely on at election time. The valuable work performed by Conservative women at grass roots has been acknowledged in the scholarship, as have the strategies developed by the party to mobilise women as both party workers and voters. Much less attention has been conferred on those Conservative women who became virtual national celebrities. By the late 1930s the two women Conservative MPs to achieve this celebrity and notoriety were Lady Nancy Astor, the first woman MP to take her seat, a committed feminist, and hostess of the so-called Cliveden Set, and the Duchess of Atholl, the first woman MP from Scotland, an avowed anti-(non) feminist, and the Chamberlain scourge at the height of appeasement. Both defied stereotypes of Tory femininity with their own personal styles, by taking an abiding interest in international affairs when most Conservative women were expected to be focused on the local and parochial, and by engaging with women across party lines to advance their favoured policies. They are contrasted with Irene Ward MP whose long Parliamentary career offers a different perspective on where a Conservative MP stood on women’s issues.

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7

Polat, Necati. "Gezi Protests." In Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474416962.003.0007.

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This chapter is on the historic Gezi Park protests of 2013, which promised a novel democratic fusion of otherwise disparate political forces—comparable perhaps to the broad democratic alliance led by ‘former’ Islamists from the late 1990s—enduringly bringing together a colourful variety of political forces, and arguably outside the settled republican reflexes, initially in opposition to an urban development plan in Istanbul, soon to engulf the whole nation. The harsh response by the government to the protests far beyond the limits in the applicable human rights law, which would do much to damage the hard-earned reputation of the administration before international public opinion within only a span of days, is illustrated in this chapter through the plight of three protesters: a young man battered within an inch of his life by the police, a young woman persecuted beyond the limits of credibility, and a child murdered during the protests.

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