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Journal articles on the topic 'Internationale socialiste'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 7 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Bonnin, Judith. "Robert Pontillon : l’internationalisme socialiste français au temps de la guerre froide." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique 40, no. 3 (2024): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl2.040.0097.

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À travers la carrière militante de Robert Pontillon (1921-1992), socialiste depuis les années 1930 qui fut entre autres maire de Suresnes (1965-1983) et Secrétaire national aux relations internationales du Parti socialiste français (1971-1979), nous étudions l’articulation des différentes échelles du militantisme socialiste de guerre froide, en posant la question du poids politique de l’expertise et de l’engagement internationaliste tant au sein du socialisme français (municipal, national) qu’international (jumelages, Internationale socialiste). Sa trajectoire permet notamment de montrer combi
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2

Godard, Simon. "L’URSS au défi de la gouvernance économique internationale du bloc socialiste (1984-1990)." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique N° 39, no. 4 (2024): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl2.039.0063.

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Dans les années 1980, l’URSS est une entité politique multiscalaire, à la fois simple État et superpuissance de guerre froide. L’interaction entre ces deux espaces de projection (national et transnational) met en jeu la capacité des institutions – étatiques et partisanes – soviétiques à configurer la doctrine de l’internationalisme socialiste. Celle-ci, au sens foucaldien du terme, fonctionne comme un double système de contrainte : elle lie l’URSS à un discours particulier, qui lui donne en retour un pouvoir sur les membres du bloc socialiste qui le reçoivent. La réforme de la gouvernance écon
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3

Consolim, Marcia, and Sébastien Mosbah-Natanson. "Entre sociologie et socialisme : la correspondance René Worms –Georges Renard." Les Études Sociales 177, no. 1 (2023): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etsoc.177.0277.

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Cet article vise à introduire l’édition critique de la correspondance du socialiste Georges Renard et du sociologue René Worms et, par là, à éclairer les relations entre la sociologie naissante et l’idéologie socialiste dans les années 1890. L’étude de la collaboration de Georges Renard à la Revue internationale de sociologie , qui est relativement éphémère, permet ainsi d’entrer dans le fonctionnement de la première revu
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4

Bouneau, Christine. "La jeunesse socialiste et l'action internationale durant l'entre-deux-guerres." Le Mouvement Social 223, no. 2 (2008): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lms.223.0041.

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Prochasson, Christophe, and Marc Angenot. "L'utopie collectiviste. Le grand recit socialiste sous la Deuxieme Internationale." Le Mouvement social, no. 195 (April 2001): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780014.

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6

Kuznecov, Sergej, and Patrick Sériot. "La langue internationale et la révolution mondiale." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 20 (April 9, 2022): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2005.1489.

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La position de la théorie marriste en URSS était déterminée par la situation politique et la politique linguistique du pouvoir. La politique linguistique de l’Union Soviétique à l'époque de Staline peut être décrite comme un système de trois paradigmes successifs : au moment de la création de l'URSS un paradigme exocentrique, avec une motivation de politique extérieure : l'idée de la révolution mondiale imminente ; dans le seconde moitié des années 30 il est remplacé par un paradigme endocentrique, avec une motivation de politique intérieure : la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays ;
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Bony-Cisternes, Romain. "L’état de droit dans le Vietnam contemporain : un système en tension entre héritage socialiste et ouverture capitaliste." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 3 (2019): 807–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21123.

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Plus de trente ans après le Đổi mới, le Vietnam est désormais pleinement intégré à l’économie mondiale (avec ou sans le TPP) et ouvert au capitalisme. L’ouverture grandissante du pays révèle des tensions entre, d’une part, l’intégration des principes du capitalisme de marché et, d’autre part, les postulats fondamentaux du régime vietnamien tels que la légalité socialiste. Ces tensions proviennent principalement d’une opposition de nature entre la conception socialiste de la règle de droit et le développement économique accompagné de son pendant, l’émergence de la société civile. Pragmatique, l
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Mendras, Marie. "L'urss et son Autre." European Journal of Sociology 29, no. 2 (1988): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005683.

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L'union soviétique a vécu son immersion dans la vie internationale d'une façon bien particulière. Elle a fait place sans difficulté, dans son idéologie et sa stratégie internationale, au phénomène de mondialisation de la politique depuis la deuxième guerre. Elle en a même tiré les plus grands bénéfices puisqu'elle a créé un camp socialiste de pays alliés-soumis et étendu son influence au-delà de l'Europe. La Russie a réussi à devenir une puissance mondiale, et même l'une des deux plus grandes puissances, plus facilement qu'elle ne s'était imposée comme puissance européenne sous les tsars.
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Losser, Alphonse. "La politique monétaire internationale en économie socialiste : le cas de la RDA." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 19, no. 4 (1987): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1987.2911.

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10

Favreau, Louis, and Lucie Fréchette. "Développement local, économie solidaire et coopération internationale aujourd’hui : l’expérience latino-américaine." Le dossier : La solidarité internationale 15, no. 1 (2004): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008260ar.

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Résumé Dans de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, les années 70 avaient vu la montée d’un solide mouvement urbain-populaire, ouvrier et paysan, les trois souvent unis autour d’un projet socialiste commun. La conjoncture des années 80 a plutôt provoqué une fragmentation de ces mouvements et leur repli. Mais la décennie 90 a par contre introduit de nouveaux acteurs sociaux, notamment les organisations de femmes et celles des jeunes, et de nouvelles stratégies de développement. Cette décennie a ainsi vu naître, en partie grâce à une coopération internationale décentralisée, de nouvelles démarches d
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11

Rivé, Marie-Orange, and Florence Galmiche. "L’évolution des relations intercoréennes : statu quo ante bellum ?" Questions internationales N° 123, no. 7 (2024): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.123.0085.

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Soixante-dix ans après la guerre de Corée, les deux Corées sont toujours techniquement en guerre et ne se reconnaissent pas l’une et l’autre comme des États légitimes. Un régime autoritaire socialiste sur la défensive au Nord a poursuivi sa militarisation et son programme nucléaire, alors que le Sud a fondé sa stratégie sur le développement économique et l’ouverture internationale. Les tentatives de rapprochement ont fluctué au gré des changements internationaux ou des alternances politiques sud-coréennes et américaines. Si la réunification de la péninsule reste officiellement à l’ordre du jou
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12

Diamant, Betinio. "Dreptul tratatelor internationale (Law of international treaties). By Marian C. Molea. Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1988. Pp. 285." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 3 (1989): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203331.

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Geuna, Andrea. "La première preuve de solidarité internationale. La guerre italo-turque, le parti socialiste italien et l’Internationale." Cahiers Jaurès N°237, no. 3 (2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cj.237.0093.

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14

Cœuré, Sophie. "Le siècle soviétique des archives." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 74, no. 3-4 (2019): 657–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2020.55.

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RésumésCet article interroge l’existence d’un paradigme soviétique des archives à travers l’analyse des institutions, des acteurs et de l’archivistique, entendue à la fois comme théorie et pratique, dans le cadre du projet politique communiste marxiste-léniniste mis en œuvre en Russie soviétique après 1917. En étudiant les processus de collecte, de tri, de catégorisation, de conservation, de destruction et de communication des archives, il s’agit de montrer l’absence de neutralité de celles-ci, de comprendre les spécificités du projet d’archivistique socialiste et de replacer sa réception et s
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15

Guibert-Yèche, Hélène. "« Heimat DDR » : le discours de la Heimat en RDA entre politique de démarcation et quête identitaire." Chroniques allemandes 13, no. 1 (2009): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chral.2009.916.

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La fonction principale du discours de la Heimat, élaboré entre 1949 et 1989 en RDA par les autorités politiques de l’Allemagne socialiste, fut d’ancrer la légitimité de la nouvelle nation au plus profond de l’âme citoyenne. L’utilisation réitérée de slogans mettant en jeu la notion de Heimat dans les années 1950 en RDA («die neue Heimat», «unsere Heimat DDR» ou plus tard «unsere sozialistische Heimat» …) a conduit à l’instrumentalisation politique collective d’un concept individuel. Contraint de lutter contre un terme perverti par le régime nazi, le socialisme s’est emparé du thème de la « pet
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16

Misiorowska, Mariola. "Le mouvement des femmes en Pologne postcommuniste et les acteurs internationaux." Articles 17, no. 2 (2006): 43–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012400ar.

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Résumé Le mouvement des femmes, né en Pologne postcommuniste, constitue une réponse des militantes polonaises aux problèmes qui ont surgi au lendemain des récents changements systémiques ou qui sont un héritage de la période socialiste. Formé à l’heure d’une forte internationalisation de la Pologne due aux programmes de coopération internationale, au progrès de la mondialisation dans la région, puis au processus d’adhésion à l’Union européenne, ce mouvement maintient des liens financiers et idéologiques avec des acteurs occidentaux. L’absence de soutien national à la mobilisation des femmes, u
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17

Bouchard, Carl, and Vincent Perras. "Les catholiques sociaux canadiens-français et la paix dans l’entre-deux-guerres : le cas de l’École sociale populaire." Les Études Sociales 179, no. 1 (2024): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etsoc.179.0077.

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Le Canada français semble faire preuve, durant l’entre-deux-guerres, d’un désintérêt généralisé pour la paix et le pacifisme et se place ainsi à contre-courant de la majeure partie du monde occidental. Cet article porte son attention sur la production écrite de l’École sociale populaire (ESP), prolifique organisme jésuite montréalais de propagande sociale, au sujet de la paix internationale. Il ressort de notre analyse que le pacifisme de l’entre-deux-guerres suscite la méfiance du clergé canadien-français en raison de son caractère laïc, interconfessionnel et de tendance socialiste. Les Jésui
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18

Favreau, Louis. "Mouvement citoyen international et développement social." Perspectives communautaires 17, no. 2 (2005): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011230ar.

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La mondialisation de la dernière décennie et donc l’interdépendance accrue entre les nations de la planète tout entière font de la période actuelle une période de profondes mutations qui représentent des menaces, mais aussi des opportunités. Malgré la déroute des projets de grande envergure (socialiste et tiers-mondiste) et même si la mondialisation néolibérale représente indiscutablement une tendance forte et durable, le rapport des forces en présence n’est pas à sens unique pour autant. La conjoncture internationale est en effet incertaine et instable. Les mouvements sociaux peuvent tirer pa
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19

MULHOLLAND, MARC. "‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000454.

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AbstractIn August 1914, as war broke out, socialist parties across Europe offered support to their own governments. The Socialist International was shattered. This rush to defencism has traditionally been seen as a volte face in which the International's frequent protestations in favour of peace and international working-class solidarity were suddenly abandoned. The collapse has been variously ascribed to socialist helplessness, betrayal, or ideological incoherence. This article examines the International's attitudes to war and peace as developed and espoused in the decades before 1914, and fi
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20

Plouviez, Mélanie. "Société européenne et Europe sociale." Durkheimian Studies 27, no. 1 (2023): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ds.2023.270104.

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Abstract This article examines the European extension that Émile Durkheim confers on the division of labour. It examines the surprising Durkheimian proposal that an increase in the division of labour is the morphological condition for the emergence of the European society. How understand this Durkheimian foundation of the European society on the question of labour and, more precisely, its division? A first possible interpretation might be that the performance by each European nation of specialised functions, complementary to those performed by the other European nations, would allow the sponta
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Joyal, André. "ANGENOT, Marc. L'utopie collectiviste : le grand récit socialiste sous la Deuxième Internationale. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1993, 400 p." Études internationales 25, no. 3 (1994): 594. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703357ar.

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22

Maravall, José Maria. "L'IDENTITÀ DELLA SINISTRA: LE POLITICHE SOCIALDEMOCRATICHE NELL'EUROPA DEL SUD." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no. 3 (1992): 449–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200018888.

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IntroduzioneQuesto articolo intende discutere i programmi e le politiche realizzate dai partiti socialisti dell'Europa del Sud giunti al potere negli anni ottanta. Vi sono considerati i partiti socialisti spagnolo (PSOE), greco (PASOK), portoghese (PSP), italiano (PSI) e francese (PS). Per i primi tre, la democrazia costituiva un'esperienza recente, esito delle transizioni dall'autoritarismo della metà degli anni settanta; negli altri due casi, era stata invece ristabilita al termine del secondo conflitto mondiale. Tre dei partiti socialisti considerati – PSOE, PS e PASOK – giungevano al poter
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23

Costa, Ettore. "From East-West Balancing to Militant Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 2 (2022): 95–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01044.

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Abstract The journal known as Socialist World—the short-lived publication of the Committee of the International Socialist Conference—is instructive for what it reveals about European Social Democracy at the beginning of the Cold War and about the problems of internationalism among Socialists. At first, the journal served to mediate between West European anti-Communist Socialists and the Communists in Eastern Europe. The Socialists tried to reach a common understanding of world affairs through a dialogue across borders, but divergent ideas and the impact of international events tore this cohabi
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Luparello, Velia Sabrina, and Emiliano Giorgis. "La Internacional Socialista de Mujeres y los orígenes del Día Internacional de la Mujer Trabajadora (1907-1917)." Astrolabio, no. 34 (January 3, 2025): 272–307. https://doi.org/10.55441/1668.7515.n34.41351.

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This article analyzes the origin and objectives of the celebration of International Women's Day based on the study of North American and German socialists framed in the Socialist Women's International. The work focuses on discussions about the “woman question” and the fight for universal women's suffrage within the socialist parties of Germany and the United States, in particular about the relationship that socialists had to maintain with bourgeois feminist movements. Through qualitative documentary analysis, we will try to demonstrate that International Women's Day was an initiative of the So
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Snyder, Timothy. "Un socialiste polonais à Paris ou Pourquoi le socialisme marxiste a-t-il méconnu l'importance du phénomène national ? À la lumière des enseignements que l'on peut tirer du congrès de Londres (1896) de la IIe Internationale." Revue des études slaves 71, no. 2 (1999): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/slave.1999.6593.

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26

Callahan, Kevin. "“Performing Inter-Nationalism” in Stuttgart in 1907: French and German Socialist Nationalism and the Political Culture of an International Socialist Congress." International Review of Social History 45, no. 1 (2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000031.

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The emphasis on ritual, political symbolism and public display at international socialist congresses highlights important cultural dimensions of the Second International that historians have, until now, left unexplored. From 1904 until the International Socialist Congress of Stuttgart in 1907, French and German socialists articulated – in both symbolic and discursive forms – a socialist nationalism within the framework of internationalism. The Stuttgart congress represented a public spectacle that served a cultural function for international socialism. The international performance at Stuttgar
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Muñoz Sánchez, Antonio. "La socialdemocracia alemana y el movimiento sindical ibérico durante las transiciones a la democracia (1974-1979) = The German Social Democracy and the Iberian Trade Union Movement during the Transition to Democracy (1974-1979)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.26052.

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El texto trata de la dimensión internacional de la transición sindical en Portugal y España. En concreto, analiza la contribución de la socialdemocracia alemana a la reconstrucción del movimiento sindical socialista, muy débil en ambos países al iniciarse el proceso de transición. Muestra cómo el temor a que el predominio comunista en las dos grandes centrales ibéricas, Intersindical y Comisiones Obreras, significase un factor de inestabilidad permanente en las nacientes democracias, movió a la DGB y la Fundación Ebert a implicarse masivamente en apoyo de las modestas organizaciones socialista
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Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.

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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endea
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Brinzing, Armin. "A Mozart Library in National Socialist Germany." Fontes Artis Musicae 70, no. 4 (2023): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fam.2023.a915317.

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Abstract: This article examines the development of the library of the International Mozarteum Foundation after Austria’s annexation by Nazi Germany, 1938 to 1945. Although the Mozarteum Foundation was under direct government control, it nominally remained a non-governmental institution even during the Nazi era. Therefore, although it was not directly involved in the National Socialist system of cultural property theft, it made intensive efforts to expand its holdings from collections expropriated by the National Socialists. The driving force behind this was the musicologist Erich Valentin, who
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Lépine, Nicolas. "The PSOE’s Regeneration of International Socialism During the War in Spain." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 23 (October 1, 2024): 77–98. https://doi.org/10.20318/hn.2025.8047.

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This article addresses the unknown transnational practices of the leading party of the Republican government during the civil war of 1936-39, the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). Abandoned by liberal democracy and its international institutions, the PSOE broke diplomatic isolation by turning to its Labour and Socialist International (LSI) backchannel in an attempt to sway the policies of socialist parties, namely for the abrogation of non-intervention. Through this internationalist commitment, the PSOE revitalized a moribund network subjected to the appeasement and neutralist inclinat
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Amin, Samir. "Forum on Samir Amin's Proposal for a New International of Workers and People." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (2019): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.960.

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Amin argues that “[w]e are now in the phase of the ‘autumn of capitalism’ without this being strengthened by the emergence of ‘the people’s spring’ and a socialist perspective. …There is no alternative other than that enabled by a renewal of the international radical left, capable of carrying out—and not just imagining—socialist advances.” What is needed is “the lucid and organized intervention of the international front of the workers and the peoples.” He proposes the establishment of a “new Internationale” that consists of “an Organization… and not just a ‘movement’” or discussion forum (suc
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Putyatina, Irina S. "Todorova M. The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s – 1920s. London; New York: Bloomsbury, 2020. 384 p. ISBN 978-1-3501-5033-1." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.13.

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This monograph by Maria Todorova discusses the establishment and mutual acceptance of the international socialist movement in Bulgarian social democracy. The main features of the socialist movement in Bulgaria are highlighted and the penetration of socialist ideas into the socio-political environment of the country is presented. The attitude of the Bulgarian socialists to the national question and the issues of war and peace during the Balkan Wars and the First World War are considered. Bulgarian socialists are presented as consistent internationalists and pacifists who did not change their po
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Dreyfus, Michel. "Carlo Rosselli, les néo-socialistes et la crise du socialisme international." Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 57, no. 1 (2000): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mat.2000.404234.

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Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.

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 This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representati
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Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.

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The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International o
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Manor, Udi. "Socialists in name only? Socialist–Zionist wartime progressivism." Israel Affairs 25, no. 2 (2019): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1577044.

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Granadino, Alan. "Lições a ter em conta: a revolução portuguesa e os socialistas espanhóis nos meados da década de 1970." Relações Internacionais, no. 81 (March 2023): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a05.

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This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese Revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of the Spanish socialist party, immediately befor
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Boyce, Robert. "The practice of socialist internationalism: European socialists and international politics, 1914–1960." Cold War History 19, no. 2 (2019): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2019.1601410.

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Granadino, Alan. "Lessons to be learned: the Portuguese revolution and the Spanish socialists in the mid-1970s." Relações Internacionais, Special Issue 2024 (October 2024): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.sia05.

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This article examines how the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party interpreted and responded to the Portuguese revolution. Based on the party’s newspaper, El Socialista, and supplemented by primary sources from Spanish, British and French archives, the article shows the relevance of the Portuguese experience in shaping the Spanish Socialist Party’s perspective on the transition from dictatorship to democratic socialism. It also highlights the impact of the revolution on the party’s international relations. The main working hypothesis is that the development of Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, imm
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Vidal, Nuno de Fragoso. "The international and domestic fabrics of an ideological illusion: the Socialist MPLA." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 34 (2021): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313342021e0102.

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A caracterização politico-ideológica e a análise dos movimentos nacionalistas An The political-ideological characterization and analysis of Angolan nationalist movements and the conflicts between them, has always been subject of major and passionate political-academic discussion, which became an important component of the nationalist movements’ international and domestic characterization and definition. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) rapidly acquired the epithet of leftist, Socialist and Marxist since the anti-colonial struggle through the independence and afterwards.
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Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.

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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior
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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.

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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were consta
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Javier, Monclús, and Díez Carmen. "El legado del Movimiento Moderno. Conjuntos de vivienda masiva en ciudades europeas del Oeste y del Este. No tan diferentes… = The legacy of the Modern Movement. Massive house sets in Eastern and Western European cities. Not so different..." rita_ Revista Indexada de Textos Académicos, no. 3 (May 6, 2015): 88–97. https://doi.org/10.24192/2386-7027(2015)(v3)(04).

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El objetivo de este artículo es comparar y contrastar algunos conjuntos de vivienda modernos en ciudades europeas del Oeste (“capitalistas”) y del Este (“socialistas”). Nuestro trabajo se centra en conjuntos de vivienda masiva construidos en el periodo de crecimiento urbano acelerado que tuvo lugar en Europa principalmente en las décadas de los años 60 y 70 del pasado siglo. El punto de partida más obvio es que las ciudades socialistas son diferentes de las europeas occidentales por la distinta naturaleza de sus políticas urbanas, el s
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Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "Socialism at the Edges of Civilization: Louis Pio and Colonial Visions in Scandinavia and the United States." Journal of the Civil War Era 15, no. 1 (2025): 55–80. https://doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2025.a952582.

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Abstract: In 1877 after years of labor organizing in Europe, Louis Pio, the founder of the Danish Social Democratic Party, fled to America to escape persecution. In the United States, Pio attempted to establish a socialist commune, proposed a socialist third-party initiative, published a socialist newspaper in Chicago, involved himself in the Knights of Labor, and supported Edward Bellamy's movement to nationalize production. Throughout his life, however, Pio's commitment to equality, stretching back to his involvement in the International Workingmen's Association, was undermined in practice b
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Krutílková, Hana. "International Women’s Day and its role in the consolidation of the female socialist worker’s movement in Moravia before 1914." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (2021): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.2.5.

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During the last years before WW1 the gender strategy of Moravian socialists started to follow the concept of new socialist woman. This effort was realized in several specific measures, first of all the introduction of International Women’s Day, the re-establishment of women’s party conferences and establishment of women’s political organizations. The new holiday helped revive the fading working-women’s socialist movement in Moravia during the years before WWI. It became an effective tool which helped both competing socialist parties – autonomists and centralists – to keep pace with growing com
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Mbembe, Achille J. "L’argument matériel dans les Églises catholiques d’Afrique : le cas du Zimbabwe." Politique africaine 35, no. 1 (1989): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1989.5297.

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Au début des années 80, l’Église catholique du Zimbabwe bénéficiait de l’aide illimitée des agences de financement du développement. L’indépendance l’a privée de ce monopole. Tout en proclamant son objectif d’instaurer une société socialiste fondée sur le marxisme-leninisme, l’État s’évertue néanmoins à montrer qu’il n’y a pas de contradiction de fond entre christianisme et socialisme.
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Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, no. 00 (2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.

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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the socia
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NICHOLLS, JULIA. "EMPIRE AND INTERNATIONALISM IN FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST THOUGHT, 1871–1885." Historical Journal 59, no. 4 (2016): 1051–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000030.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of empire and internationalism in French revolutionary socialist thought at the beginning of the Third Republic. Whilst French revolutionary socialists frequently employed colonial examples and operated within wider traditions of either imperialism or anti-colonialism, the concept of ‘empire’ itself remained vague and undefined in their thought. Previous literature on the subject has focused overwhelmingly on the writings of Communards deported to New Caledonia in the 1870s; however, this article argues that the deportees in fact remained theoretically un
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Poy, Lucas. "The “World Migration Congress” of 1926 and the Limits of Socialist Internationalism." Labor 20, no. 3 (2023): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-10581293.

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Abstract In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational s
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Laqua, Daniel. "Talbot C. Imlay. The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (2020): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz800.

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