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1

Hoff, Jens. "Election Campaigns on the Internet." International Journal of E-Politics 1, no. 1 (2010): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2010102202.

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This article investigates whether political use of the Internet affects users politically. Using a combination of log- and survey data from a study of Internet use during the Danish 2007 parliamentary election, a number of hypotheses are tested. The investigation finds that 30% of the survey respondents say they are influenced politically by their Internet use. However, they are only modestly influenced when it comes to “core values” such as party choice or important political issues, while respondents are affected more in terms of general political opinions and opinions on different candidate
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Stromer‐Galley, Jennifer. "Democratizing democracy: Strong democracy, US political campaigns and the Internet." Democratization 7, no. 1 (2000): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340008403644.

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Jungherr, Andreas. "The Role of the Internet in Political Campaigns in Germany." German Politics 24, no. 4 (2014): 427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2014.989218.

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4

Zeynep, HAMURDAN. "The internet usage in the political campaigns: the Obama campaign." İletişim: Araştırmaları Dergisi 4, no. 1 (2006): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/iltaras_0000000091.

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Bosch, Tanja Estella, Mare Admire, and Meli Ncube. "Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 3 (2020): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719895194.

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The potential for the Internet to play a role in political life, and the extension of the public sphere, has been widely documented. More specifically, social media has emerged as an arena of political communication, widely used by political parties for campaigning, and also by citizens to choreograph various forms of protest. In the African context, the growth of the mobile Internet has resulted in the rise of social media platforms, most notably Facebook and Twitter. These social networking sites are used for a range of purposes, from personal connectivity, to various citizenship practices,
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Zabotnova, M. V. "MANIPULATION OF MASS CONSCIOUSNESS CARRIED OUT BY INTERNET MEMES ON POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS." Scientific notes of Taurida National V.I. Vernadsky University, series Philology. Social Communications 4, no. 2 (2020): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2663-6069/2020.2-4/19.

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7

Ameripour, Aghil, Brian Nicholson, and Michael Newman. "Conviviality of Internet Social Networks: An Exploratory Study of Internet Campaigns in Iran." Journal of Information Technology 25, no. 2 (2010): 244–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jit.2010.14.

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In this study, we focus on the relationship between Internet social networks and societal change by examining case studies of the impact of Internet-based campaigns in Iran. Ivan Illich's theory of ‘Conviviality of Tools’ enables an analysis of the conviviality of the Internet. Subsequently, this conceptual lens is used to examine empirical data from two Internet-based campaigns. The paper contributes theoretical and practical Implications regarding conviviality of Internet social networks and the accomplishment of conviviality in society. Our findings show that Internet conviviality cannot be
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Sarıtaş, Ahmet, and Elif Esra Aydın. "Elections and Social Media." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 6, no. 1 (2015): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsesd.2015010105.

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Today, using of the internet extended social media by individuals habitually enables both the business firms and politicians to reach their target mass at any time. In this context, internet has become a popular place recently where political communication and campaigns are realized by ensuring a new dimension to political campaigns. When we examine the posts and discussions in the social media, we can say that they are converted into open political sessions. As there are no censorship in such channels, individuals have a freedom to reach to any partial/impartial information and obtain transpa
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Atkinson, David. "Catalan on the Internet and the .ct and .cat campaigns." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 2 (2006): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.2.06atk.

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ICANN, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers, divides the World Wide Web geographically, assigning country suffixes to states to be used in web addresses for sites on their territory. This paper reports on the campaign in Catalonia to have the right to use .ct as the territorial domain name for sites in Catalonia. The bid has been countered by the central government in Madrid and the argument is ongoing. In the interim, ICANN have assigned the .cat suffix. This recognises the linguistic, cultural and ethnic group as a web entity without going as far as to give them the same w
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Teehankee, Julio C. "Party.Politics.Ph: Internet Campaigning in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (2010): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101004.

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This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with citizens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the
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Nielsen, Rasmus Kleis. "Mundane internet tools, mobilizing practices, and the coproduction of citizenship in political campaigns." New Media & Society 13, no. 5 (2010): 755–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444810380863.

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Tomaszewski, Norbert. "How the internet has influenced political campaigns in the United States in the 20th century." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2019.24.4.10.

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Modern political campaigns in the United States need to combine the use of traditional and new media in order to let the candidate win. The emergement of social media allowed the campaign staffs to create a bond with the voter, through sharing and evaluating the content uploaded by the candidate. Nowadays, with the help of the internet, candidate is able to spend less time and money on the campaign, while interacting with a much bigger number of followers. The internet, however, is a rather new invention and only in the 21st century more than 50% of Americans started to use it on a daily basis
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Haleva-Amir, Sharon. "MKs Usage of Personal Internet Tools, 2009: On the verge of a New Decade." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 219–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0010.

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AbstractThis paper examines internet use as a personal political device among Members of the Knesset (hereafter: MKs). We will first describe the social and political trends which promote Israeli and worldwide parliamentarians’ use of personal internet platforms as a communication medium. Description of these trends will be accompanied by examples from 17th-Knesset MKs’ websites. We will also review the changes which took place in MKs’ use of personal internet tools, in accordance with the identified developmental phases. Finally, we will discuss the distinction between Internet use as a means
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Sotnikov, S., A. Sotnikov, and G. Kamneva. "FEATURES OF APPLICATION OF TECHNOLOGIES OF THE INTERNET COMMUNICATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS OF RUSSIA." Transbaikal State University Journal 25, no. 2 (2019): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2019-25-2-96-104.

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15

Karwacka, Anna. "Online Marketing in Political Communication – Its Essence, Instruments, and Functions." Social Communication 3, no. 2 (2017): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sc-2017-0009.

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AbstractOnline marketing is nothing else than a model of traditional marketing in cyberspace; it is a hybrid of previous forms of mass communication. In the first decade of the 21st century, the instruments used in marketing in political communication were revolutionized by the emergence of solutions enabling the interactions of users on the Internet. This type of marketing is characterized by a range of concepts, and includes online advertising campaigns, websites, interactive social networks, video-sharing sites, which encourage users to regularly post new material, websites that enable the
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Ignatovskiy, Yaroslav R., and Vladimir G. Ivanov. "Eye Tracking: Potential Applications for Public Management, Political Branding and Election Campaigns." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 2 (2020): 155–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-2-155-160.

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The article analyzes potential of applying contemporary eye-tracking technologies in the areas of analytical support of political activities and public administration. The authors conclude that eye-tracking research could be applied to planning of information and election campaigns, counter-extremism activities in the Internet, party branding and political SMM. The article shows that in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, an increasing share of information, management and regulatory functions are performed online, which further updates the possibilities of using eye-tracking to improve remot
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Darnolf, Staffan. "Critics or megaphones? News coverage during the parliamentary campaigns in Botswana 1994 and Zimbabwe 1995." Democratization 4, no. 2 (1997): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349708403520.

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18

Shaw, Daron R. "How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000." Journal of Political Marketing 1, no. 1 (2002): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v01n01_04.

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19

Baxter, Graeme, and Rita Marcella. "Online parliamentary election campaigns in Scotland: a decade of research." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 5, no. 2 (2013): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v5i2.210.

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Over the last ten years, the authors have conducted a series of investigations into the use of the Internet by political parties and individual candidates during parliamentary election campaigns in Scotland. These are the only such studies which have looked specifically at the Scottish political arena. This paper provides a longitudinal overview of the results of these studies, and reflects on how new technologies have been adopted by political actors in Scotland in an effort to disseminate information to, and engage with, potential voters.
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Rovinskaya, T. "Political Ambitions of European “Pirates”." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-72-84.

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The paper thoroughly examines the ideological essence, political goals, structure, electoral achievements and international protest activities of the Pirate Movement, consisting of national Pirate Parties worldwide and the Pirate Parties International. The Pirate ideology arose in mid-2000s in response to information society biases, and is paying special attention to the freedom of non-commercial information exchange in the Internet, individual privacy, transparency of state politics and direct citizens' involvement with flexible Internet-tools (Liquid Democracy concept). This relatively new p
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21

Sakaria, Ankur, Matthew Singer, and David Uhrmacher. "#140ToWinIt." Pitt Political Review 8, no. 2 (2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2012.19.

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The Internet has transformed from being almost insubstantial in political campaigns to being essential in only ten years. The elections of 2008 and 2010 have revolutionized the way that campaigns reach out to voters, with a new benchmark set by President Barack Obama and his campaign team in 2008. In the 2010 midterm elections, Republicans in Congress were able to match Obama’s social media success, and voters turned out in their favor. By delving into the uses of social media in those campaigns, we can evaluate how Republicans in the upcoming 2012 campaign are sharing the same success.
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22

Kurgacheva, K. D. "Black PR as a Function of the Political Internet (Case Study of Russian Election Campaigns)." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 20, no. 1 (2020): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2020-1-97-102.

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23

Raisinghani, Mahesh S., and Randy Weiss. "The Impact of the Internet on Politics: The "Net Effect" on Political Campaigns and Elections." Journal of Global Information Technology Management 13, no. 1 (2010): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1097198x.2010.10856506.

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24

Bail, Christopher A., Brian Guay, Emily Maloney, et al. "Assessing the Russian Internet Research Agency’s impact on the political attitudes and behaviors of American Twitter users in late 2017." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 1 (2019): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1906420116.

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There is widespread concern that Russia and other countries have launched social-media campaigns designed to increase political divisions in the United States. Though a growing number of studies analyze the strategy of such campaigns, it is not yet known how these efforts shaped the political attitudes and behaviors of Americans. We study this question using longitudinal data that describe the attitudes and online behaviors of 1,239 Republican and Democratic Twitter users from late 2017 merged with nonpublic data about the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) from Twitter. Using Bayesian reg
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25

Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term mi
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26

Kneese, Tamara. "Mourning the Commons: Circulating Affect in Crowdfunded Funeral Campaigns." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (2018): 205630511774335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305117743350.

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This article focuses on the role of circulated affect in crowdfunded funeral campaigns, which have attracted little scholarly attention so far. This study is based on content analysis of online campaigns ( N = 50) and qualitative interviews ( N = 10) with campaign supporters and initiators. Its aim is to connect crowdfunded funeral campaigns to the larger digital-sharing economy. The findings of the study suggest that in order to gather sufficient funds to cover funeral costs, individuals share emotionally evocative narratives and images with their social networks and an imagined Internet audi
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Emelianov, Anton I. "THE MAIN FEATURES OF APPLICATION OF POLITICAL TECHNOLOGIES IN THE RUSSIAN INTERNET SPACE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (2019): 208–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-2-208-217.

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The article discusses the impact of Internet technologies on the political process in Russia and in the world. The author draws attention to the emergence of new trends in the field of IT, which bring new to the electoral process, PR-activities, agitation, propaganda and counter-propaganda. It is suggested that political actors should act within the framework of the new rules of the game, without neglecting the transfer of political struggle in the Internet space. The article draws attention to the fact that the Internet activity of political actors can be both positive and negative in percept
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Ibrahim, Yasmin. "The Banning of Podcasts in Election Campaigns: Regulating the Spaces for Political Marketing on the Internet." International Journal of Technology, Knowledge, and Society 3, no. 4 (2007): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1832-3669/cgp/v03i04/55752.

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Mažylis, Liudas, Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė, and Romualdas Povilaitis. "Specifics of Communication in Lithuanian Voting Campaigns, 2012-2016." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 1 (2017): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0003.

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Abstract The rapid growth of the numbers of unaffiliated voters and the internet users caused politicians’ interest in these audiences and the start of their activities in these communication channels by establishing more personalized relationships with voters. This paper aims to analyze the communication of main parties and their candidates in social media channel “Facebook” and in popular Lithuanian internet news media portals, such as delfi.lt, lrytas.lt and others before the Parliamentary elections in 2012 and the forthcoming 2016 Parliamentary elections. Both quantitative and qualitative
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Sibiri, Hagan. "The Emerging Phenomenon of Anti-Chinese Populism in Africa: Evidence from Zambia, Zimbabwe and Ghana." Insight on Africa 13, no. 1 (2020): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820971443.

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This article explores the salient of anti-Chinese sentiments in Africa and how it has been utilised or materialised as a populist strategy in election campaigns. The contention herein is that anti-Chinese populism has emerged from the rising anti-Chinese sentiments and is utilised primarily as a rhetorical strategy to gain electoral support. In particular, political actors mostly seeking power are inclined to identify and declamatorily rehashed the salient issues driving the anti-Chinese sentiments in political platforms to attract attention and to gain the support of the electorate’s concern
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Wicks, Robert H., and Boubacar Souley. "Going Negative: Candidate Usage of Internet Web Sites during the 2000 Presidential Campaign." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2003): 128–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900308000109.

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This study examines the news releases that were posted on the official campaign Web sites of George W. Bush and Al Gore during the 2000 presidential campaign. Analysis of each of the 487 news releases posted during the campaign season reveals that nearly three-quarters of these contained an attack on the opponent. This parallels data on the incidence of attacks appearing in televised political advertising during the 2000 campaign. The study provides support for the Political Competition Model, which posits that close races produce significant negativity. Furthermore, the study offers insights
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Wilner, Alex S. "Cybersecurity and its discontents: Artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, and digital misinformation." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (2018): 308–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018782496.

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The future of cybersecurity is in flux. Artificial intelligence challenges existing notions of security, human rights, and governance. Digital misinformation campaigns leverage fabrications and mistruths for political and geostrategic gain. And the Internet of Things—a digital landscape in which billions of wireless objects from smart fridges to smart cars are tethered together—provides new means to distribute and conduct cyberattacks. As technological developments alter the way we think about cybersecurity, they will likewise broaden the way governments and societies will have to learn to res
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33

Sohal, Seerat, and Harsandaldeep Kaur. "Communicating with Voters on YouTube: Content Analysis of the Relationship Between Advertisement Message Characteristics and Viewers’ Responses." Management and Labour Studies 44, no. 1 (2019): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x18822901.

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The present study is an endeavour to broaden the research on the use of social media websites in political campaigns beyond the ambit of developed countries. This article focuses on scrutinizing the role of YouTube during 2014 Indian Parliamentary elections—the first ‘social media’-based elections in India. The methodology of data collection incorporates the content analysis of 147 YouTube-based audio–visual political advertisements, associating the message characteristics (natures, types and appeals) with message reach (number of views) and viewer engagement (types of comments). The results r
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DUTTON, WILLIAM H., and WAN-YING LIN. "Using the Web in the democratic process. The Web-orchestrated ‘Stop the Overlay’ cyber-campaign." European Review 9, no. 2 (2001): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000175.

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In the 1996 US Presidential elections, new information and communication technologies (ICTs), particularly the Internet and World Wide Web (Web), began to play a visible role in US campaigns and elections, and its role has expanded to shape the political process more generally. Case studies have shown how the Web, for example, can facilitate the rapid exchange of information that is essential to coordinating political activity. By virtue of reducing the costs of communication, it has become accessible to grassroots organisations without the resources to mount more traditional media campaigns.
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Lev-On, Azi. "Campaigning Online, Locally." International Journal of E-Politics 5, no. 3 (2014): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014070102.

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How do candidates for municipal office use the Internet in their campaigns, and are there differences between candidates according to the character of the constituencies and the races? This is the first a country-wide study of website usage in low-visibility political campaigns for municipal offices. Data were collected during municipal elections campaigns that took place in Israel in three cycles between November 2007 and February 2009, in 143 different municipalities and involving almost 500 candidates across Israel. 1The paper explores the characteristics of municipal campaigning, including
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Żurawski, Jakub. "Reklama wyborcza w Polsce w początkach XXI wieku: przejście od „starych” mediów do Internetu?" Zeszyty Prasoznawcze 60, no. 1 (2017): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/22996362zp.17.017.6783.

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Election advertising in Poland in the early 21st century: the transition from print media to the internet? On the basis of financial reports submitted by the election committees to the National Electoral Commission (PKW) the author investigates the phenomenon of the changes in election advertising spending on traditional printed press (and other “traditional” media, primarily television) and on the Internet. The data on the funding of specific activities of campaign is clear and direct measures of popularity of advertising forms among election committees. Comparing this data will help to answe
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Earl, Jennifer, and Katrina Kimport. "Movement Societies and Digital Protest: Fan Activism and Other Nonpolitical Protest Online." Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (2009): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01346.x.

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Sociologists of culture studying “fan activism” have noted an apparent increase in its volume, which they attribute to the growing use of the Internet to register fan claims. However, scholars have yet to measure the extent of contemporary fan activism, account for why fan discontent has been expressed through protest, or precisely specify the role of the Internet in this expansion. We argue that these questions can be addressed by drawing on a growing body of work by social movement scholars on “movement societies,” and more particularly on a nascent thread of this approach we develop that th
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Rauchfleisch, Adrian, and Jo-yao Chi. "Untangling Taiwan’s Hybridity With Structural Dysfunctions." Social Media + Society 6, no. 3 (2020): 205630512094765. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305120947658.

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Taiwan’s exceptionally high Internet penetration and social media adoption rates, combined with the growing centrality of digital tools and networks in shaping national politics, make it an interesting case for Internet researchers. This essay considers Andrew Chadwick’s notion of The Hybrid Media System in the context of recent political events in Taiwan. While Chadwick’s analysis is particularly useful in understanding political anomalies like the Sunflower Movement, we argue for the value of considering more substantial long-standing structural issues in attempts to understanding the politi
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Zikhali, Whitehead. "Community Policing And Crime Prevention: Evaluating The Role Of Traditional Leaders Under Chief Madliwa In Nkayi District, Zimbabwe." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8, no. 4 (2019): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v8i4.1179.

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Community policing is a strategic consideration for contemporary policing, especially when police organisations worldwide increasingly seek cost-effective and sustainable methods of combating crime. The principle of community policing recognises the community and its leaders as equal partners in the prevention and reduction of crime. Hence, there is a need for research to interrogate how different police organisations have considered community policing as a panacea to their policing challenges. This study sought to evaluate the role of traditional leaders in community policing and crime preven
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Lee, Francis L. F. "Internet, citizen self-mobilisation, and social movement organisations in environmental collective action campaigns: two Hong Kong cases." Environmental Politics 24, no. 2 (2014): 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2014.919749.

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D'Angelo, Paul, John C. Pollock, Kristen Kiernicki, and Donna Shaw. "Framing of AIDS in Africa: Press-state relations, HIV/AIDS news, and journalistic advocacy in four sub-Saharan Anglophone newspapers." Politics and the Life Sciences 32, no. 2 (2013): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/32_2_100.

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This study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of press-state relations, or media systems, on the HIV/AIDS news agenda in African news coverage. The premise is that media systems play a determining role in the degree to which journalists can independently advocate for social change when covering HIV/AIDS. Drawing on comparative research, four sub-Saharan countries were categorized into two media systems: Contained Democratic (South Africa, Nigeria) and Repressive Autocratic (Zimbabwe, Kenya). A sample of HIV/AIDS stories (n = 393) published from 2002–2007 in each country's leadi
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Fridkin, Kim L., Jillian Courey, Samantha Hernandez, and Joshua Spears. "Gender Differences in Reactions to Fact Checking of Negative Commercials." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (2016): 369–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000076.

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One of most negative campaigns in history may have taken place during the 2014 Senate election cycle. Nearly 75% of senate ads aired during a two-week period in early fall of 2014 showed a candidate in a negative light, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. A postelection analysis by the Center for Public Integrity showed that 46% of the more than one million ads aired during the 2014 senate campaigns were negative. And, in the most competitive states, the proportion of negative ads was even higher (e.g., 67% in North Carolina, 58% in Kansas). Negative advertisements sponsored by candidates
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Karan, Kavita, Jacques D. M. Gimeno, and Edson Tandoc. "The Internet and Mobile Technologies in Election Campaigns: The GABRIELA Women's Party During the 2007 Philippine Elections." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 6, no. 3-4 (2009): 326–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331680903047420.

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Popielec, Dominika. "Cybergenic Presidential Candidates of Third Parties in the United States: The Analysis of Selected Political Campaigns with the Key Role of New Media." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 4 (December 26, 2017): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2017.4.5.

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This article focuses on selected political campaigns of the Third Parties in the United States. The main purpose of this work is to present how these candidates promote themselves and communicate with voters. Traditional and new media are playing a crucial role in public life during presidential elections. Not only do they inform society but also are a tool of political communication. Voters can get to know a candidate and his/her election program via the media. Journalists are conducting interviews with main candidates, especially the Democrats and Republicans, which are leaders in the polls.
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Manavopoulos, Vasilis, Vasiliki Triga, Stefan Marschall, and Lucas Constantin Wurthmann. "The Impact of VAAs on (non-Voting) Aspects of Political Participation: Insights from Panel Data Collected During the 2017 German Federal Elections Campaign." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (2018): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0008.

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AbstractThus far, research on the effects of Voting Advice Applications has focused on some aspects of voting behavior, whether, for example, these online tools impact citizens’ likelihood to vote or their voting choices. Relatively under-researched remain questions concerning the relationship between using VAAs and other forms of engagement with politics, such as involvement in electoral campaigns and information seeking about politics and parties. This paper seeks to examine effects in these behaviors associated with VAA-use employing panel data generated during and after the period of the G
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Santosa, Hedi Pudjo, Sri Budi Lestari, and Primada Qurrota Ayun. "The Reception of Memes as Political Information in the Media." E3S Web of Conferences 73 (2018): 14014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187314014.

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Lately memes have been using as viral marketing for products in advertising or satire in political campaigns in Indonesia. In 2013 Richard Dawkins, the author of The Selfish Gene (1976), characterized that memes on the internet as a human creativity. The pictures in the meme are tailored to the user’s feelings and become the feeling of society. Meme cannot be said to be the ideal journalistic formula because most of them do not use the 5W + 1H journalism rule. Ironically though meme is not information that contains accuracy, relevance, and completeness of journalism, but at the same time it is
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Drew, Dan, and David Weaver. "Voter Learning in the 2004 Presidential Election: Did the Media Matter?" Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 83, no. 1 (2006): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900608300103.

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This study examines the relationships of exposure and attention to various news media, including the Internet, with information learned about the issue positions of candidates George Bush and John Kerry, interest in the 2004 election campaign, and intention to vote among a random sample of adult residents of Indiana who were interviewed by telephone in October 2004. The results are compared with our previous studies of the 1988, 1992, 1996, and 2000 U.S. presidential elections. In general, our studies suggest that attention to television news, televised debates, and now Internet news are impor
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Coggeshall, Kenneth S., Alexandra Michael, Shweta Bhatnagar, and Patricia D. Moynihan. "Assessing the 2004 Campaign Websites: The Role of the Internet in Elections and Civil Society." Policy Perspectives 12, no. 1 (2005): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v12i1.4134.

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The Internet is changing the face of political campaigns in the United States; not since the introduction of television have the tools used to communicate with the electorate changed so notably. This study uses the 2004 campaign websites created by the Democratic primary candidates and President George W. Bush to evaluate both the ways in which websites can help voters participate in democratic decision-making, and the ways in which websites may help candidates gain public support. We find that, given a list of 41 criteria deemed important to an informative, participatory and easy to use websi
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Tella, Akin. "Humour generation and multimodal framing of political actor in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaign memes." European Journal of Humour Research 6, no. 4 (2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2018.6.4.tella.

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Internet memes significantly constitute an outlet for extensive popular political participation in election contexts. They instantiate humour and represent political candidates so as to affect voters’ behaviour. Few studies on memes in political context exist (Shifman et al. 2007; Chen 2013; Tay 2014; Adegoju & Oyebode 2015; Huttington 2016; Dzanic & Berberovic 2017). These studies have not intensively examined the integrative deployment of visual and verbal resources afforded by internet memes to generate humour and to construct specific frames for election candidates in the campaign
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Budifebrianto, Rian, and Santi Delliana. "Strategi Kampanye Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) dalam Meningkatkan Pemilih Aktif Pada Pemilu 2019 (Kajian Deskriptif di Akun Instagram KPU)." Restorica: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Administrasi Negara dan Ilmu Komunikasi 6, no. 2 (2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33084/restorica.v6i2.1344.

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Communication in social media is a form of communication carried out by many parties, one of which is KPU. Welcoming the political year, the KPU is actively conducting campaigns to increase the number of active voters monitored each year. One of the campaign strategies used by KPU is using Instagram social media; according to KPU, this internet-based social media can reach the public widely and quickly. This study uses a qualitative research approach with the post-positivism paradigm. In this research, the model used is Ostergaard's campaign model. Based on research results, in conducting camp
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