Journal articles on the topic 'Interpersonal communication. Parent and teenager. Communication in the family'

The data of divorce by women is increasingly today. There are at least 553 divorce cases registered to Bandung Religious Court in 2017 -- most of them was proposed by women. This research wants to describe the form of family communication done by single mothers to their teenagers as a single parent. The method of this research is qualitative with case study approach. The researcher interviewed five single mothers lived in Bandung. The result shows that interpersonal communications on all informants were divided into coercive and democratic communication. The democratic communication is the most effective communication form to build a strong bond with the teenagers in a new single family. The contribution of this research is providing a new model of interpersonal coercive communication.

Проблема агрессивного поведения стала объектом широкого научного и практического обсуждения. Предлагается анализ отдельных аспектов содержания феномена агрессии, выделяются особенности подростковой агрессии. Приводятся результаты длительного изучения уровня агрессивности подростков и молодежи. Отмечается, что нарушения в сфере межличностных отношений подростков играют приоритетную роль в развитии отклоняющегося поведения; общение формирует конкретную модель поведения, оказывая порой влияние на совершение действий не всегда кон структивного характера; развитие навыков позитивного общения находится в поле влияния субъектов образовательной практики и является важнейшим фактором предупреждения агрессии подростков. Педагогически целесообразными действиями в части позитивного личностного становления является оптимизация взаимодействий участников образовательного процесса (детей, родителей, педагогов, социальных партнеров). Основными направлениями педагогической профилактической работы, с точки зрения авторов, являются: учет особенностей семьи каждого подростка как необходимое условие эффективной работы педагога; менеджмент классной ситуации и наблюдения за отношениями детей, что дает возможность предотвратить проявление агрессии в группе; обеспечение безопасности в образовательном учреждении посредством формирования социально-психологического комфорта учеников и педагогов; проецирование через СМИ и интернет конструктивных образцов мирного урегулирования конфликтов; интегрирование детей в систему социальных связей как в школе, так и вне, применяя социально-педагогические технологии; целенаправленное воспитательное воздействие на молодежь и работа с семьей в направлении устойчивых ориентаций на правомерное поведение рассматривается как значимый фактор предупреждения агрессии. The problem of aggressive behavior has become the subject of extensive scientific and practical discussion. The article offers an analysis of individual aspects of the content of the phenomenon of aggression, highlights the features of teenage aggression. The results of a long-term study of the level of aggressiveness of adolescents and youth are presented. It is noted that violations in the sphere of interpersonal relations of adolescents play a priority role in the development of deviant behavior; communication forms a specific model of behavior, sometimes influencing the performance of actions that are not always constructive; the formation of positive communication skills is in the field of influence of subjects of educational practice and is the most important factor in preventing adolescent aggression. The authors point out that pedagogically expedient actions in terms of shaping positive development in adolescents is to optimize interactions between all participants in the educational process (children, parents, teachers, social partners). The main directions of pedagogical preventive work, from the point of view of the authors, are: taking into account the characteristics of the family of each teenager as a necessary condition for the effective work of a teacher; management of the classroom situation and monitoring the relationships of children, which makes it possible to prevent the manifestation of aggression in the group; ensuring safety in an educational institution through the formation of social and psychological comfort of students and teachers; projecting constructive models of peaceful settlement of conflicts through the media and the Internet; integrating children into the system of social ties both at school and outside, using social and educational technologies; purposeful educational influence on youth and work with the family in the direction of stable orientations on lawful behavior is considered as a significant factor in preventing aggression.

The phenomenon of juvenile delinquency occurs in almost every region in Indonesia. The current of globalization is the driving force for juvenile delinquency today. This condition is seen from the behavior of adolescents who often show apathetic and selfish attitudes and the surrounding environment. Outside the home teenagers also often take actions outside the bounds such as ditching school, drinking, brawl and gambling. The behavior reflects the lack of interpersonal communication that is built by parents in fostering their children and there is no specific strategy in preventing the behavior. The purpose of writing is to describe how interpersonal communication is applied by the head of the family based on capacity building. Capacity building is the process by which individuals and organizations acquire, improve and maintain the skills, knowledge, tools, equipment, and other resources needed to carry out their work competently. This allows the individual (head of the family) to attend to build interpersonal communication in a greater capacity in anticipating the involvement of their children in juvenile delinquency. In carrying out individual capacity building, measured through the concept of Gross namely decision making, communication, control.

This study intends to know "How can interpersonal communication build family resilience in the face of increasingly tough challenges"? To reveal the reality of the authors use qualitative methods. To get the data, the author uses three techniques of data collection that is observation, in-depth interview and documentation study. The results of this study found that interpersonal communication plays an important role in shaping family resilience and strengthen the functioning of families facing increasingly severe challenges. Interpersonal communication between parent and child through the giving of statements such as "Know your family and remember who you are", "we live not alone" and "remember neighbors, remember family" can form self concept or character of child and family in society as do parents to the children / family in Neighborhood 1 Pasar 6 Kelurahan Tanjungsari Kecamatan Medan Selayang, Medan City, North Sumatera Province. There are positive family relationships and actions built on the basis of conversation, conformity, dependency and distribution of powers derived from parents and children as in families in Neighborhood I Pasar 6 Tanjungsari Village, Kec. Medan Selayang, so as to build a warm and supportive relationship that is characterized by mutual respect and care for each other. With the capital of interpersonal communication, the family can function in building relationships between families and social relations in the form of arisan aged 20 years more. Finally, the family communication (old family) upholds family secrets and restrictions on taboo matters.

Communication within the family is one of the means of parents instill the values to their children. This research background is the low skilled interpersonal communication of children and their parents. This study aimed to describe and examined: (1) interpersonal communication of children and parents in terms of sex, the last education of parent, and area of residence, (2) differences in interpersonal communication of children and parents in terms of sex, the last education of parent, and area of residence. The research methods applied in this research was ex post facto with factorial design 2 x 3 x 2. The population was students in SMAN 1 Maninjau and SMAN 1 Bukittinggi. The number of samples as much as 263 people were selected by cluster random sampling and combined with the technique propotional random sampling technique. The instruments used a Likert scale. Data were analyzed with descriptive statistics and using analysis of variance. Data analysis results showed that: (1) the general, interpersonal communication of children and parents in terms of sex, the last education of parents, and area of residence were in good category, (2) there are significant differences the variables sex, in the mean scores of female is higher than male students' the, the last education of parent and area of residence there are no differences significant. The implications of the results of this research can be used as input to create a program of guidance and counseling services, especially in the development of family.

Abstract Background Collecting complete and accurate family health history is critical to preventing type 2 diabetes. Purpose We seek to identify the optimal risk feedback approach that facilitates risk communication between parents and their adult children and helps them develop shared appraisals of family history of type 2 diabetes. Methods In a sample of parent-adult child dyads from 125 Mexican-heritage families residing in Houston, Texas, we examine change in parent-child dyadic (dis)agreement with respect to their shared family health history from baseline to 10 months after receipt of risk feedback generated by Family Healthware. A 2 × 2 factorial design is applied to test how the recipient (one parent or all family members) and the content (risk assessment with or without behavioral recommendations) of the feedback affect (dis)agreement through interpersonal ties, particularly dyadic risk communication. Results Providing risk assessment without behavioral recommendations to the parent, but not the adult child, shifts the dyads toward agreement (relative risk ratio [RRR]= 1.78, 95% confidence interval [CI] [1.18–2.67]), by activating reciprocal risk communication between parents and children (RRR =2.70, 95% CI [1.81–4.03]). Dyads with close interpersonal ties are more likely to shift toward agreement (RRR = 3.09, 95% CI [1.89–5.07]). Conclusion Programs aimed at improving family health history knowledge and accuracy of reports should tailor risk feedback strategically for better intervention effect and leverage a network approach in disease prevention among at-risk minority and/or immigrant populations. Trial Registration Number NCT00469339.

Parent-child communication is integral to the acquisition of positive developmental outcomes from sport. This position paper offers useful interdisciplinary frameworks and theories for future researchers as they investigate questions pertaining to parentchild communication in organized youth sport. We propose such work is enhanced when grounded in family, human development, and interpersonal communication theory and literature. Specifically, theoretical frameworks from these areas assist researchers in determining salient research questions, choosing appropriate methodologies, and most importantly in the interpretation of findings. As researchers attempt to further understand parental influence in sport, the role of specific family processes like communication will shed light on the potential mechanisms that drive youth’s developmental outcomes. This knowledge will likely lead to better outcomes for youth participating in sport, and better relationships among family members in and out of the sport context. By gaining greater understanding of this phenomenon, researchers will have a more complete set of tools to educate parents, administrators, and coaches in an evidence-based way.

The relationship of a family is highly influenced by the role of the husband and wife, as a parent their views and their way of educating their kids will lead to the well-being of the family. This research aims to determine the importance of communicating is in a family and how it could mold the child to a non-harmonious family and disharmony communication in the family on the developing o children personality deviant. The method used in this research is a qualitative method of data collection techniques with in-depth interviews on three sources and data analysis techniques in this research used the Huberman. Data analysis was conducted qualitatively and studied using interpersonal communication theory from Alvonco, J. The result of this research is, that interpersonal communication between children and parents is needed in the family, poor communication within the family can cause divisions among family members and make members close to communicate with each other so that the needs of a child in the family is not harmonious unfulfilled so children are very easy to fall into the negatives and have a deviant person in the community.

Being a single parent is not easy especially for father, and caring for his girls are still under age of 12 years old. Beside for suffice the needs of the family of an themselves a father is a single parent should parenting is independent. The purpose of the research to describe how to engagement parenting father as a single parent to his daughter after the occurance of divorce. This research using descriptive qualitative method with the approach of communication interpersonal. The object of this research consist of three father became a single parent because of the background of divorce in Jumapolo subdistrict. The technique of collecting data using semi-structured interview. The method of analysing data usingdescriptive analysing. The result of this research suggests that: (1) the communication interpersonal conducted father as a single parent to this child to give understanding of the family is not explained about divorce but give understanding of the work of this mother, (2) engagement parenting conducted in independent and not involved to the other, (3) the responsibility of father when leaving the girls with entrusting to this family, (4) accessibility is a single parent, father always give time to accompany for playing and activities his child everyday. It can be concluded that the involvement parenting father as a single parent to his daughter is directly in all fulfillment needs.

Starting from the assumption on the importance of influence that school and family exert on child development, the paper analyzes the effects of parental treatments on child social behavior. Empirical evidence proves that parents who contribute to the fullest extent to their children?s successful adaptation to school conditions, possess a specific style of communication with their children: they consistently support just behavior standards encourage a two-way communication, respect child?s opinions, are highly expectant of child?s responsible and mature behavior and care about his physical and emotional well-being. However, there is relatively lesser empirical evidence of teacher contributions to child successful adaptation to school conditions. The findings of more recent studies on the problem indicate that adaptation of younger age children significantly correlates with the quality of relations established with teacher, characterized by warmness, conflict absence and frank communication. The possibility of solving the problems children encounter is found in cooperation of school and family. A child generalizes his experience of family interpersonal relations onto relations he will find himself in throughout his life. In addition to family, the classes where cooperative relations intensively develop are a favorable base for socio-emotional development. Democratic and cooperative climate contribute to stronger ties between students. Joint activities of teachers, parents and peers, in and out of the class, are of crucial importance for student optimal socio-emotional development.

This article describes the brief treatment of a Mexican American teenager who presented for family therapy to address major depressive disorder (MDD) and comorbid binge-purge behaviors. Treatment was brief and integrated components of family-based therapy (LeGrange, 2010) and narrative therapy with an overarching multicultural lens. Progress was measured through self-report (Children’s Depression Inventory), parent-report, and concrete behavioral markers (e.g., reduced number of purging events). By the end of treatment, there was a reduction of depressive symptoms (e.g., elimination of suicidal ideation and cutting behaviors, reduction of fatigue, anhedonia, and low mood) as well as disrupted eating behaviors. By supporting the teenager and family to identify and leverage their individual and family strengths, treatment also strengthened family communication, increased shared positive family experiences (e.g., family meals), and supported the teenager in engaging in community activities consistent with the family’s values. This case adds to the existing literature by reviewing ways in which treatment was modified across multiple domains to provide culturally sensitive care, as well as by identifying weaknesses in the approach, which may serve to illuminate gaps in the existing literature and highlight areas where clinicians may want to adapt their treatment so as to strengthen client outcomes.

Abstract: The article with the title 'The Role of Parents' Families To Toddlers in Forming Character (Study of Beginner Parents),' aims to 1) Analyze the patterns of communication that parents make to their children, 2) Analyze the use of verbal and nonverbal communication by parents to toddlers. 3) looking for communication models carried out by parents to toddlers. The method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive approach to in-depth interviews with toddler parents. Conclusion Parent to child communication patterns are influenced by protective patterns with pluralistic patterns as well as the combination of protective patterns with consensual patterns. Parental verbal communication to children in parenting uses words that are easily understood by children, gentle, firm. nonverbal communication of parents to children hugging children when invited to other family homes, invited to go to a place of recreation. Model of family communication from parents between father and mother there are differences in the family communication model of family communication conducted by fathers using protective and laizzer-fair patterns, while the family communication model conducted by mothers uses modification or combination. Keywords: Family role; interpersonal communication. Abstrak: Artikel dengan judul ‘Peran Keluarga Orang Tua Kepada Anak Balita Dalam Membentuk Karakter (Studi Pada Orang Tua Pemula),’ ini bertujuan untuk 1) Menganalisis Pola komunikasi yang dilakukan orang tua kepada anak, 2) Menganalisis penggunaan komunikasi verbal dan nonverbal yang dilakukan orang tua kepada anaka balita. 3) mencari model komunikasi yang dilakukan oleh orang tua kepada balita. Metode yang digunakan pada penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan wawancara mendalam kepada orang tua balita. Kesimpulan Pola komunikasi orangtua kepada anak a dipengaruhi oleh pola protektif dengan pola pluralistik juga gabungan pola protektif dengan pola konsensual, Komunikasi verbal orangtua kepada anak pada pola pengasuhan menggunakan kata yang mudah difahami anak, lemah lembut, tegas. komunikasi nonverbal orangtua kepada anak memeluk anak saat diajak kerumah keluarga lain, diajak jalan ketempat rekreasi. Model komunikasi keluarga dari orangtua antara ayah dan ibu terdapat perbedaan dalam model komunikasi keluarga komunikasi keluarga yang dilakukan oleh ayah lebih mengunakan pola protektif dan laizzer-fair, sedangkan model komunikasi keluarga yang dilakukan oleh ibu lebih mengunakan modifikasi atau gabungan. Kata kunci: Peran keluarga; komunikasi interpersonal.

Abstract Background Many academic hospitals have incorporated family-centered rounds, yet little is known about pediatrics residents' perspectives on the educational impact of these rounds. Objective To identify pediatrics residents' knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs about family-centered rounds, including perceived benefits and barriers. Methods We conducted focus groups of residents exposed to family-centered rounds at 2 university-affiliated, freestanding children's hospitals. Focus group data were analyzed using grounded theory. Results A total of 24 residents participated in 4 focus groups. Residents reported that family-centered rounds enhance education by increasing patient encounters and improving physical exam skills, direct observation, real-time feedback, and attending role modeling; improve parent satisfaction, interpersonal and communication skills, and safety; and reduce length of stay. Physical constraints (large teams and small rooms), lack of uniform approaches to family-centered rounds, variable attending teaching styles, and specific conditions (child abuse, patients on isolation) were cited barriers. Conclusions Pediatrics residents report that well-conducted family-centered rounds improve their education and the quality of patient care, including parent satisfaction, communication with families, and patients' length of stay. Standardizing family-centered rounds and reducing attending variability in teaching style might further enhance residents' educational experiences.

Relevance and problem statement. Modern unstable society is characterized by narrowing the boundaries of controlled socialization and expanding the boundaries of spontaneous socialization of a teenager based on his immersion in the question arises about the importance of the family in the process of socialization of a teenager in the conditions of expanding the space of socialization. There is a need to study the role of the family in this process, to search, develop and test research methods that allow us to reveal the phenomenon of socialization from the side of its value characteristics. The purpose and methodology of the study: to identify the possibilities of a systematic and anthropological methodology for studying the role of the family in the process of socialization of adolescents in modern conditions, testing research methods: photo research on the topic “Ego – I” (author of the German sociologist H. Abels), profile update reflexive processes (by S. A. Raschetina). Materials and results of the study. The study showed that for all the problems that exist in the family of the perestroika era and in the modern family, it acts for a teenager as a value and the first (main) support in the processes of socialization. The positions well known in psychology about the importance of interpersonal relations in adolescence for the formation of attitudes towards oneself as the basis of socialization are confirmed. Today, the frontiers of making friends have expanded enormously on the basis of Internet communication. The types of activities of interest to a teenager (traditional and new ones related to digitalization) are the third pillar of socialization. Conclusion. The “Ego – I” method of photo research has a wide range of possibilities for quantitative and qualitative analysis of the socialization process to identify the value Pillars of this process.

Relevance and problem statement. Modern unstable society is characterized by narrowing the boundaries of controlled socialization and expanding the boundaries of spontaneous socialization of a teenager based on his immersion in the question arises about the importance of the family in the process of socialization of a teenager in the conditions of expanding the space of socialization. There is a need to study the role of the family in this process, to search, develop and test research methods that allow us to reveal the phenomenon of socialization from the side of its value characteristics. The purpose and methodology of the study: to identify the possibilities of a systematic and anthropological methodology for studying the role of the family in the process of socialization of adolescents in modern conditions, testing research methods: photo research on the topic “Ego – I” (author of the German sociologist H. Abels), profile update reflexive processes (by S. A. Raschetina). Materials and results of the study. The study showed that for all the problems that exist in the family of the perestroika era and in the modern family, it acts for a teenager as a value and the first (main) support in the processes of socialization. The positions well known in psychology about the importance of interpersonal relations in adolescence for the formation of attitudes towards oneself as the basis of socialization are confirmed. Today, the frontiers of making friends have expanded enormously on the basis of Internet communication. The types of activities of interest to a teenager (traditional and new ones related to digitalization) are the third pillar of socialization. Conclusion. The “Ego – I” method of photo research has a wide range of possibilities for quantitative and qualitative analysis of the socialization process to identify the value Pillars of this process.

Social Networking Sites (SNSs) are clearly becoming an authentic and chosen form of Communication. At present, utilize of SNSs amongst teenage students has enlarged, and utilize of SNS has extensive influence on these students in various ways, especially on their interpersonal relationships. The current study is placed in this context to determine the influence of SNS on interpersonal relationships of the teenager, and also find out the impetus of utilize, interest, as well as danger associated with SNS among the college student. In this study students finished a questionnaire that utilizes of SNSs from Khalilur Rahman Degree College, Shahed Hemayet Uddin Girl’s High School, and Wajed Memorial Secondary School at Mollahat Upazila for creating primary data; It was established that the utilize of SNS has a result on interpersonal relationships of a teenager, particularly with their members of family, and friends. We were also found that how much average time they take up on SNSs, what kind of alter has occurred in their face to face relationship. The study also tries to reveal the benefit and dangers associated with SNSs among teenagers. The study found that, although the SNSs have supported improve relationships among teenagers as friends, they have also created some negative effects such as losing their time, increase crime, and immoral activities, and increase their monthly expenditure. It provides an outlook for exploring the technological implications of a society in the domain of sociology.

Parental Involvement in their children's schooling has long been recognized as a critical component of good education. This study aims to find out the relationship between socioeconomic status, interpersonal communication, and school climate with parental involvement in early childhood education. Using survey and correlational research design, data collection was carried out through accumulation techniques with tests and questionnaires. The data analysis technique used statistical analysis and multiple regressions. The findings in the socio-economic context of parents show that the measure of power is an indicator in the very high category with a total score of 5, while the measures of wealth, honour and knowledge are included in the high category with a total score of 4 in relation to parental involvement. 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Family socioeconomic status, parental expectations, and adolescents’ academic achievements: A case of China. Educational Research and Evaluation, 22(5–6), 283–304. https://doi.org/10.1080/13803611.2016.1237369 Loukas, A. (2007). High-quality school climate is advantageous for all students and may be particularly beneficial for at-risk students. 3. Mattingly, D. J., Prislin, R., McKenzie, T. L., Rodriguez, J. L., & Kayzar, B. (2002). Evaluating Evaluations: The Case of Parent Involvement Programs. Review of Educational Research, 72(4), 549–576. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543072004549 McWayne, C., Hampton, V., Fantuzzo, J., Cohen, H. L., & Sekino, Y. (2004). A multivariate examination of parent involvement and the social and academic competencies of urban kindergarten children. Psychology in the Schools, 41(3), 363–377. https://doi.org/10.1002/pits.10163 Miedel, W. T., & Reynolds, A. J. (1999). Parent Involvement in Early Intervention for Disadvantaged Children: Does It Matter? 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Basically, every family hopes to have family members healthy both physically and spiritually. That is not merely the hope of every parent, but a child who becomes a sister or a brother will also expect the same thing. However, some families were blessed with a family member who has special needs. This study aims to investigate how interpersonal communication is established between siblings whom one of them is blessed with special needs. The main theory of this study is interpersonal communication theory which is supported by relational dialectics theory and affection exchange theory. The researcher used a descriptive qualitative approach and case study methods. The data was processed and analyzed according to the coding methods. The criteria for the selection of an informant are an older sibling who has a younger sibling with special needs that lives in the same house. The result of this study indicates that interpersonal communication is established by communicating face-to-face without medium, oldest siblings communicate by adjusting to the special needs of the younger siblings, younger siblings tend to communicate in the form of nonverbal communication, each informant experienced relational dialectics, and an exchange of affection is still possible.Pada dasarnya setiap keluarga berharap memiliki anggota keluarga yang sehat secara jasmani maupun rohani. Hal tersebut tidak hanya semata-mata harapan setiap orang tua saja, melainkan seorang anak yang menjadi kakak juga mengharapkan kehadiran adik yang sehat secara jasmani maupun rohani. Namun kenyataannya beberapa keluarga dianugerahi anggota keluarga yang berkebutuhan khusus. Rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana komunikasi interpersonal yang terjalin antara kakak dengan adik kandung yang berkebutuhan khusus. Teori utama penelitian ini yaitu teori komunikasi antarpribadi yang didukung dengan teori dialektika relasional dan teori pertukaran kasih sayang. Peneliti menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang bersifat deskriptif dan metode studi kasus. Teknik pengolahan dan analisis data adalah dengan pengodean. Kriteria pemilihan informan yaitu seorang kakak yang mempunyai adik kandung berkebutuhan khusus dan tinggal satu rumah dengan adiknya. Temuan penelitian ini adalah komunikasi interpersonal masih terjalin, komunikasi dilakukan dengan tatap muka tanpa medium, bentuk komunikasi kakak menyesuaikan kebutuhan adik, bentuk komunikasi adik umumnya berbentuk nonverbal, setiap informan mengalami dialektika relasional, dan pertukaran kasih sayang masih mungkin terjadi.

Despite increased emphasis on patient satisfaction as a quality measure in health care, little is known about the influence of race in parent-reported experience of care in pediatrics. This study evaluates the association of race with patient satisfaction scores in an inpatient pediatric tertiary care hospital in one year. Risk-adjusted multivariable logistic regression was performed to evaluate the association of minority race with the likelihood to provide a top-box (=5) satisfaction score for 38 individual questions across 8 domains. Of the 904 participants, 269 (29.8%) identified as belonging to a minority race. Parents of minority children reported 30% to 50% lower satisfaction across questions related to well-established themes of interpersonal communication and cultural competency. Overall, minorities also reported lower satisfaction for the domain of nursing care (odds ratio 0.7, P = .016). These findings suggest a need for training and interventions to improve communication and mitigate disparities in how minority patients and their families perceive pediatric care.

The death of a family member is a difficult experience. Although implications of loss are felt on intra- and interpersonal levels, little is known about how it affects the relational functioning of surviving family members, and in particular the parent–child relationship. Using data collected from 144 bereaved parent–child dyads, this study examined how the divergent experiences of spousally bereaved parents and parentally bereaved children impact the parent–child relationship following spousal/parental death. Drawing from relational turbulence theory (RTT), experiences with relational uncertainty and interference from a partner were explored. Findings indicate that parent–child pairs experience different types of relational uncertainty and interference from a partner and that within-dyad disagreement on these experiences can increase the amount of uncertainty and interference from a partner that an individual faces. This study extends RTT and demonstrates its generalizability to the parent–child relationship.

Immigrant youth in the U.S. are often enlisted to translate and interpret for their parents who may lack English proficiency. This activity is called language brokering, and it is commonly observed in immigrant families including those who are Latino. Evidence remains mixed as to whether language brokering is harmful or beneficial to family dynamics. However, examination of the factors which moderate the association between language brokering and family conflict may provide insight into these processes. This study investigated the moderating effects of three parent–child relationship variables (i.e., communication, psychological control, and behavioral control) on the relationship between language brokering frequency and family intergenerational conflict in a sample of 228 Latino/a young adults. Participants reported language brokering frequency for mothers and fathers as well as their perceptions of communication, psychological control, and behavioral control displayed by their mothers and fathers and the frequency of family intergenerational conflicts experienced. Results showed that more frequent language brokering for the mother predicted a higher likelihood of family intergenerational conflict, and all three familial contextual variables moderated this association. The findings suggest that interpersonal factors embedded within the family context must be considered in order to better understand language brokering processes.

In spite of the fact that migraine often manifests as a familial disorder, the role of the family in migraine has not been adequately explored. In this study parent-child interactions in 20 families with a child suffering from migraine were analysed and compared with 20 healthy families and 20 families with an asthma child. The families had to solve a puzzle within a limited time. Parent-child interactions within migraine and asthma families were asymmetric, revealing a disease-specific interpersonal context in the family. Communication with the affected child in migraine families was significantly more directive, with more specific instructions and less help, towards migraineurs than with the healthy siblings. Dominance of parents and submissive behaviour of children were the main features of interactions. In asthma families interactions were more conflicting and less cooperative. This study demonstrated a specific, asymmetric, pattern of family interactions predisposing children either to migraine or asthma.

The Juntos Program empowers Latina/o students and their families to gain the knowledge and resources necessary for academic success in high school and college. This is made possible via four interlinking components: Family Engagement; 4-H Clubs; Success Coaching and Mentoring; and a Juntos Summer Academy. Nineteen focus groups with participants in the Juntos Program (61 parent and 24 youth) revealed improvement in five core areas: aspirations, interpersonal communication, leadership skills, technical skills, and family engagement. Seven ripple maps were created by groups of participating parents demonstrating that parents understand the various components of the program and the ways it helps their youth. Various programmatic and research-related implications emerged that can be used to impact work with Latina/o parents and youth.

Healthy parent-child interaction is essential for child development. Parents play a central role in the acquisition of social and communicative skills, both in typical and atypical children. Increased support for parent-mediated intervention in autism has been demonstrated. Developmental approaches for ASD are based in establishing strong interpersonal relationships through natural play to foster developmental capacities. This work reports outcomes from an intensive approach based on a developmental, individual difference, home-based intervention program with children with severe ASD. Parents were trained with DIR approach by a specialist. An individual intensive rehabilitation program was set up for each child and implemented at school, home and rehabilitation center. The intervention program also focused on semi-structured activities to promote problem solving, and meliorate sensory dysfunction. Standardized scales were administered pre– and post-intervention, with ABC). The Childhood Autism Rating Scale (CARS), the Social Communication Questionnaire (SCQ) and Vineland Adaptive Behaviours Scales.ResultsBefore initiating the intervention all children presented severe difficulties in communication, social interaction, lack of language, and gestures of communication, auto– and hetero-aggressive behaviors. After 6 months, children showed significant changes in mean scores for emotional functioning, communication, and daily living skills and diminution of aggressive behaviors. The present results provide strong support for the effectiveness of a developmental-based intervention, specifically in the domains of social skills behavior, social responsiveness, in a group of children with severe autism. These results highlight the positive effects of a rehabilitative approach that works in harmony with the family, school and professional team.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

Effective communication in clinical encounters is dependent upon the exchange of accurate information between clinician and patient and the use of interpersonal skills that foster development of the patient-provider relationship and demonstrate understanding of the patient's social and cultural background. These skills are of critical importance in the diagnosis and management of hearing loss in children of Spanish-speaking families. While the provision of family friendly, culturally sensitive services to families of children with hearing loss can be challenging for audiologists and speech-language pathologists, the quality and satisfaction of these services is widely recognized as the cornerstone of patient satisfaction and improved outcomes. The purpose of this pilot study was to explore patient, audiologist, and interpreter satisfaction of the use of remote face-to-face language interpretation technologies in the context of audiology services. Parent participants rated each session regarding satisfaction with the communication exchange, audiology services, and the interpreting experience. Audiologists rated their satisfaction with the communication exchange, relationship with the parent, and experience with the interpreter. Interpreters rated their satisfaction with the logistics regarding the appointment, information exchange, and experience in working with the audiologist. Audiologists and interpreters were asked to identify what worked well and what challenges needed to be addressed. Data from this pilot study can be used to guide future efforts in providing high quality language interpretation services to Spanish-speaking families of young children who are at risk for or have been diagnosed with hearing loss.

This meta-analysis examined the effects of family-school interventions on children’s social-behavioral competence and mental health. One hundred and seventeen group design studies yielding 592 effect sizes constituted the current sample. Random effects models were estimated when calculating each pooled effect size estimate, and mixed effects models were calculated for each moderator analysis. The analyses yielded significant effects of family-school interventions on children’s social-behavioral competence and mental health ([Formula: see text]s = 0.332 and 0.391, respectively). Effects on children’s mental health were moderated by race/ethnicity (effects were larger for African American students) and locale (effects were smaller in urban settings relative to nonurban/rural settings). Components found to be significantly related to positive outcomes included both interpersonal, relational processes (i.e., communication, collaboration, and parent-teacher relationship) and tangible, structural elements (i.e., home-based involvement, behavioral supports). These findings indicate the benefits of family-school interventions and have implications for tailoring interventions to family characteristics and communities.

Research suggests that parent–child communication is rapidly changing as a result of the massive adoption of mobile devices and their penetration into interpersonal interaction within the family. Accordingly, this study aims to develop a more nuanced understanding of the impact of mobile device use on the quality of parent–child interaction in early childhood, based on ethnographic observations of 60 families at two playgrounds in the United States. The research findings suggest that parental behavior can be classified along a continuum of high engagement, divided engagement, and disengagement, often dependent upon whether and how parents use their mobile phone. Though mobile phones were not the only distracting factor during playground visits, their use was more highly correlated with parents’ disengagement from their children as compared to other distractors. Parents’ mobile phone use also corresponded to two main consequences for their children: safety concerns and emotional concerns, both resulting in missed opportunities for social learning. The results of this study call for closer attention to parental uses of mobile phones in public spaces.

Purpose. This study examines the relationship between smoking-related parental, family, and home factors with adolescents' cigarette use. Design. Cross-sectional surveys of adolescents, via a self-administered questionnaire in classrooms, and their parents, via a telephone interview, were conducted. Setting. Fifteen suburban and rural communities within Minnesota. Subjects. The study sample included 8th, 9th, and 10th grade public school students and their parents. Measures. The dependent variable was monthly tobacco use among students. The independent measures were parental, family, and home smoking-related characteristics. There were 1343 parent-child dyads with completed surveys. Results. The final, multivariate logistic regression model found the following variables to be independently related to higher smoking rates among adolescents: child's grade (odds ratio [OR] = 3.03 for 10th vs. 8th), parents' permissiveness of adult smoking (OR = 1.80), parents' having higher normative estimates of how many people smoke (OR = 1.70), parents' decreased likelihood of punishing their teenager for smoking (OR = 1.65), smoking by an adult living in the home (OR = 1.99), and sibling smoking (OR = 8.95). Lack of communication about consequences for breaking family smoking rules was associated with lower smoking rates among adolescents (OR = .49). Conclusion. The results of this study highlight the importance of parental smoking norms and attitudes and smoking role models in the home. It is important that smoking prevention strategies target and include the entire family. Limitations of the study are its cross-sectional design and that the sample was primarily white.

Parenting in the digital age has been characterized as one of the most challenging tasks of the modern era. Parents are ambivalent about their mediating role. However, problematic aspects of adolescent online use have not been adequately addressed in education. The present study investigated parental perceptions of intervention needs within schools to prevent excessive/problematic use, enhance parent–child communication, and reduce family conflicts. Nine interviews with parents of adolescents residing in the UK were carried out and analyzed utilizing thematic analysis. Three main themes emerged as parental proposals: (i) schools as digital education providers and prevention hubs, (ii) provision of mental health literacy to raise awareness, resolve ambiguity regarding impacts and mitigate excessive use and impacts, and (iii) psychoeducation and upskilling. The third theme related to impacts from time spent on screens (time displacement), content-related impacts, and context-related impacts. The present study offers recommendations for media literacy during adolescence beyond e-safety (i.e., addressing interpersonal communication problems, privacy vs. disclosure issues), based on parents’ views, and provides new insights for media and emotional health literacy collaboration efforts. Future work should investigate the feasibility and effectiveness of such interventions to support the emotional health of young people and prevent problematic internet use escalation.

Introduction. The article presents an empirical study on the actual problem of supporting single-parent families in modern sociocultural conditions. The purpose of the work is to conduct a comparative analysis of the features of everyday life, current problems and mechanisms of support for single-parent families in the social and cultural conditions in cities and villages in Mordovia. Materials and Methods. The theoretical and methodological basis of the work is presented by a set of concepts and theoretical approaches in accordance with the subject and problem of the study, the methodological tools of family sociology, cultural studies, and psychology. It used the methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, comparison, secondary analysis of empirical data, and questionnaire. Results and Discussion. The authors conducted a questionnaire of parents from single-parent families in Saransk and Bolsheignatovsky district of the Republic of Mordovia. The subject of the study is everyday life, family culture and mechanisms of support for single-parent families in the conditions of urban and rural socio-culture. As a result, the conditions and factors that influence the spread of problems of single-parent families, their everyday features, are empirically revealed in comparison of social and cultural conditions of the city and the village. The article analyzes the support mechanisms that single-parent families can use in the city and in the countryside, taking into account their opinions. Conclusion. It is empirically proved that the life, family subculture and problems of modern single-parent families are mainly defined by the socio-cultural features of the area of residence. The families are influenced by the location and the infrastructure of the locality, the employment of a single parent, and the forms of interpersonal communication in the socio-cultural conditions of the locality. It was revealed that in Saransk there are state, charitable organizations, where single-parent families can address when having problems. The research novelty of the study is that a comparative analysis of the features of everyday life, current problems and mechanisms of support for single-parent families in the urban and rural social and cultural conditions of modern Mordovia is carried out at the theoretical and empirical levels.

The article considers one of the important directions of the practical psychologist-teacher in residential institutions - psychological counseling, the problem of psychological counseling of boarding school students, specific features of counseling by a teacher-psychologist, features of the consultant's interaction with boarding school students, the content of the motivational and need-based sphere of students at all stages of their stay in this institution: during the period of adaptation of students, correction, and training, as well as during their preparation for new living conditions and practical life after graduation, a teenager, getting into the new environment of a residential institution, it faces a lot of complex problems, it has questions about almost all vital situations: family and household, material, interpersonal, labor, legal, and so on. In the case of solving any problem situations, the level of anxiety increases in the pupils, on the basis of which neurotic states can develop, psychological overstrain, which manifests itself in numerous conflicts. To prevent them objectively and to resolve any contradictions in each residential institution psychologists-teachers must be organized counseling on topical issues of activity, relations and communication between pupils, special attention in the process of psychological counseling is given to the subject of "works" adviser: behaviour, feelings and experiences of pupils, and lists in detail the difficulties and errors made by the educational psychologist in the process of psychological counseling.

The authors hereby discuss the social aspect of treatment of an oncological patient in a spa institution. The aim of this article is to analyse social changes and needs of an oncological patient, creating a burden to both the patient and their family. The disease is an unbalanced bio-psycho-socio-spiritual phenomenon affecting the quality of life. It is the result of interaction of pathologic and compensation processes that lead to the degeneration and damage of cells, tissues and systems of an organism. The way of coping with the disease is also influenced patients’ attitudes to the disease, their knowledge about the same and, of course, existing prejudices and distorted views that are still present among the public in relation to oncological diseases. A person lives in a certain social environment, has their own family, employment, problems, and interests. Satisfaction of social needs is aimed at moderation of social isolation, effective communication with the patient and provision of social support system. Communication is the exchange of information; it is the basic principle of interpersonal relationships in nursing healthcare. Effective communication is one of the basic and important psychosocial needs and positively influences the quality of relationship between the nurse and the patient. Communication with an oncological patient requires the nurse to have a variety of communication skills that cannot be learned, but are formed through real life situations, constant contact with the patient, knowledge of human psyche, but especially kind and open heart and love of their job. Oncological disease and the treatment thereof significantly influences physical activity, not only at home but also in employment. The patients find themselves in a new social role; can experience changes in their employment, role of a parent and/or a partner. The temporary incapacity to work has longer duration and can end with the return to the previous job position, change to a less exhausting job or a job with shorter working hours, in partial or complete disability and possibly also in death of the patient. The return to work often means the end of loneliness and increased self-awareness for the patient. Spa treatment is expected to provide restoration of organs or systems affected by the oncological disease after the termination of anti-carcinoma treatment, restore the unsatisfactory functioning of organs or systems induced secondarily by the disease or by the treatment thereof.

Communication technology developing rapidly in this globalization era makes a lot of people use gadget as one of any media for communicate and entertaiment. Not only adult but teenager in school age. That increasing use of gadget for parent and teenager cause a new phenomena in family called alone together. This reasearch aim to give a description about the effect of alone together phenomenon on family interaction. This reasearch was conducted in 209 Junior High School, East Jakarta. This data reasearch processed by using simple random sampling technique and this reasearch use survey methode. Total samples 185 active students in 209 Junior High School, East Jakarta. This whole reasearch data are using SPSS 2.2 and Microsoft Excel. The prerequisite test in this study use kolmogorov smirnov for normality test and the result shows that data are not normally distribute. So the reasearch use non parametric calculation. Result of correlation coefficient test are obtained > that is equal to -0,353 > 0,138. Result of t-test with significancy level 0,05 obtained > that equal to -5,688 > 1,97 the result explain that there are a negative and significant correlation between alone together and family interaction. Alone together give 15% effective contribute to family interaction and the other 85% determine by other factors. Abstrak Teknologi komunikasi yang berkembang dengan cepat di era globalisasi membuat banyak masyarakat menggunakan gadget sebagai salah satu media atau sarana berkomunikasi dan mencari hiburan. Tidak hanya orang dewasa melainkan remaja dalam usia sekolah. Meningkatnya penggunaan gadget yang berlebih pada orang tua dan remaja tersebut menimbulkan suatu fenomena baru di dalam keluarga, yang disebut dengan alone together. Akibat dari fenomena tersebut adalah berkurangnya intensitas interaksi di dalam keluarga, khususnya interaksi antara orang tua dan anak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran hubungan fenomena alone together dengan interaksi keluarga. Penelitian ini dilakukan di SMP Negeri 209 Jakarta Timur. Pengambilan sampel dalam penelitian ini menggunakan simple random sampling. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode survey. Jumlah sampel dalam penelitian ini sebanyak 185 siswa aktif di SMP Negeri 209 Jakarta Timur. Perhitungan data menggunakan SPSS 2.2 dan Excel. Uji prasyarat pada penelitian ini menggunakan uji normalitas kolmogorov smirnov dan hasil yang ada menyatakan bahwa data tidak berdistribusi dengan normal, maka penelitian ini mengunakan perhitungan non parametrik. Uji hipotesis data yang digunakan adalah korelasi dengan hasil > yaitu sebesar -0,353 > 0,138. Hasil uji t dengan taraf signifikasi 0,05 diperoleh yaitu > -5,688 > 1,97 hal ini menjelaskan bahwa terdapat korelasi negatif dan hubungan yang signifikan antara fenomena alone together dengan interaksi keluarga. Alone together memberikan sumbangan efektif terhadap interaksi keluarga sebesar 15%, sedangkan sisanya 85% ditentukan oleh faktor lain yang tidak diteliti. Kata Kunci : Alone Together, Gadget, Interaksi Keluarga, Orang Tua, Remaja

En la historia de la humanidad, la violencia ha dejado huellas de destrucción masiva quitando la vida a millones de personas, en diferentes épocas, legado que genera más violencia, y las víctimas aprenden de sus agresores. El objetivo de este estudio es analizar el impacto de la violencia intrafamiliar sobre las relaciones interpersonales de niños y jóvenes escolares de las instituciones educativas de la Zona 5 de Ecuador, identificar los factores que intervienen en la violencia intrafamiliar y establecer los diferentes modelos de comportamiento social que utilizan en sus relaciones interpersonales. La muestra estuvo comprendida por 11 053 estudiantes de 10–17 años, de séptimo año de Educación Básica media – superior, a primero de Bachillerato. Para medir el clima familiar se utilizó el cuestionario de Moos y Moos (1981), y para las relaciones interpersonales la Escala de comunicación de padres-adolescentes de Barnes y Olson (1985), ambos, aplicados en otras investigaciones y alto nivel de confiabilidad y validez. De los resultados obtenidos, las manifestaciones más graves de violencia interpersonal es la violencia intrafamiliar, violencia de pareja, maltrato infantil, de padres a hijos. Las diferentes formas de violencia intrafamiliar afectan a la población más vulnerable e influye, de manera determinante, en el comportamiento de los escolares. Throughout the history of humanity, violence has left traces of mass destruction taking the lives of millions of people at different times of the world, whose legacy generates more violence, and victims learn from victimizers. The aim of this study is to analyze the impact of domestic violence on interpersonal relations of children and young students of educational institutions in Zone 5 of Ecuador, identifying the factors involved in domestic violence and establish the different models of behavior they use in their social relationships. The sample was comprised of 11 053 students aged 10 to 17 years old from seventh year of primary and secondary education. To evaluate family atmosphere, a questionnaire by Moos, R and Moos, B. (1981) was used and for interpersonal relationships, the Scale communication of parent-adolescent by Barnes and Olson (1985) was taken, both with high level of reliability and validity applied in other research. According to the results, the most serious manifestations of interpersonal violence is domestic violence, partner violence and child abuse from parents to children. The different forms of domestic violence affect the most vulnerable people and influence in most cases the schoolchildren behavior.

Abstract:The family plays a crucial role throughout the child’s life, being responsible for raising him/her according to certain values, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors accepted both in the family and respective society/culture. Specifically, parent-child relationship is proved to affect interpersonal skills and relationships, behaviors, academic achievement and professional, amongst others. Research shows that for a healthy, positive, and adaptive development, a close, warm, supportive, and accepting parent-child relationship should have place. In this research, it was aimed to analyze parent–child relationships in a very specific and idiosyncratic context that has been under lots of recent economic, social, cultural, and, we assume, familiar changes and that has been understudied: United Arab Emirates. Concretely, we explored Emirati parents’ perceptions on seven main dimensions of parent–child relationships: parental support and satisfaction, involvement, communication, limiting setting, autonomy and role orientation. The participants were 122 Emirati parents, mostly mothers (73.8%) and married (96.3%), with ages between 21 and 63 years old (M=35.98, SD= 9.172), and with different levels of education (50% of the parents have a bachelor degree). The instrument used was the Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI), a standardized instrument published by the Western Psychological Services that integrates 78 items with a 4-point agreement Likert scale, divided by the dimensions previously presented plus a validity indicator (social desirability). All the questionnaires were individually administered, and descriptive and correlational analyses were performed to understand Emirati parents’ attitudes towards their children and explore how the PCRI dimensions interrelate. Overall, Emirati parents perceive themselves as satisfied, involved and communicative with their children, meanwhile they face some difficulties in establishing limits and promoting autonomy, and tend to accept and apply within their families traditional gender roles. The dimensions of the PCRI exhibit a global pattern of positive and moderate intercorrelation, consistent with the theoretical background of this instrument.Keywords: Parent-Child relationship; United Arab Emirates; Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI).Resumen:RELACIONES PADRE-HIJO EN LOS EMIRATOS ÁRABES UNIDOS (EAU)La familia juega un papel fundamental en la vida del niño, siendo responsable por criarlo conforme valores, creencias, actitudes y comportamientos aceptados en la familia y sociedad. La relación padres-hijos afecta las habilidades interpersonales y relaciones, comportamientos, rendimiento académico y profesional. Estudios muestran que, para un desarrollo saludable, positivo y adaptativo, es necesario una relación cerca, cálida, de apoyo y aceptación. Esta investigación analizó las relaciones entre padres y hijos en un contexto muy peculiar tras muchos cambios economicos, sociales, culturales y familiares, que han sido poco estudiadas: los EAU. En concreto, hemos explorado las percepciones de los padres en siete dimensiones de las relaciones entre padres e hijos: apoyo y satisfacción de los padres, participación, comunicación, establecimiento de límites, autonomía y orientación del rol parental. Fueron inquiridos 122 personas, en su mayoría madres (73,8%), casados (96,3%), con edades entre 21 y 63 años (M=35.98, SD=9,172), y con diferentes niveles de educación (50% de los padres tienen un título de grado). Se utilizó el Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI), un instrumento estandarizado publicado por Western Psychological Services que integra 78 items con una escala de acuerdo Likert de 4 puntos, entre las dimensiones anteriormente presentadas, además de un indicador de validez (deseabilidad social). Todos los cuestionarios fueron administrados individualmente, y análisis descriptivas y de correlación se realizaron para comprender las actitudes de los padres a sus hijos y explorar cómo las dimensiones del PCRI se interrelacionan. En general, los padres se perciben como satisfechos, participativos y comunicativos con sus hijos, mientras enfrentan algunas dificultades en el establecimiento de límites y la promoción de autonomía, y tienden a aceptar y aplicar dentro de sus familias los roles de género tradicionales. Las dimensiones del PCRI exhiben un patrón global de intercorrelación positiva y moderada, en consonancia con el marco teórico de este instrumento.Palabras claves: Relaciones padre-hijo; Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU); Parent-Child Relationship Inventory (PCRI).

<p><span><em>The research on adolescence perception to their reproduction </em><span><em>health guidance in Wirobrajan District, Yogyakarta could give an illustration </em><span><em>on a very well, well or poor perception guidance variables. Adolescence </em><span><em>reproduction health guiding function was to guide and to direct adolescence </em><span><em>in order to avoid from a disadvantageous behaviour for their future lives such </em><span><em>as free association, pre-marriage sexual intercourse, sexual affected disease, </em><span><em>drugs abuse, drinking, criminal acts and soon. Adolescence reproduction </em><span><em>health program was conducted through several approaches were among </em><span><em>others: Firstly, family communication approach i.e. a program given through </em><span><em>interpersonal communication between parents and their adolescence phase </em><span><em>and learning/ teaching approach, aimed to give adolescence reproduction </em><span><em>health program in school through intra-curricular and extra-curricular. </em><span><em>Secondly, a counselling approach meant that given to the adolescence and </em><span><em>their parents in a school guidance activity form as well as society through </em><span><em>social group/ organization such as youth workshop, Family Wellness </em><span><em>Program (PKK), BKR, and soon. </em></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><em>From the research result, it was known that adolescence perception to </em><em>reproduction health guidance was averagely good, except its perception </em><em>credibility was very good, adolescence concept or ways most liked on </em><em>adolescence health guidance was conducted a direct guidance using </em><em>demonstration tools. Viewed from an adolescence perception difference on </em><em>adolescence reproduction health guidance was based on sex, age, origin, </em><em>school, parent educational level and occupation. From the analysis result, </em><em>there was no respondent perception difference viewed from sex, age, origin, </em><em>school, parent educational level and occupation.</em></p>

OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: (1) To propose an iterative decision-making model of care planning for CSHCN. (2) To identify targets warranting measurement in future studies of SDM in care planning for CSHCN. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Conceptual model developed by a multidisciplinary team iteratively considering the complex relationships among diverse factors affecting care planning for CSHCN, informed by clinical and implementation science experience and a scoping literature review of medical and cognitive sciences literature addressing interpersonal decision-making, communication, negotiation, and trust among children, their parents, and their clinicians. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Decision-making interventions in pediatrics tend to focus narrowly on single acute decisions, providing minimal guidance for decisions related to chronic disease management over time. Few models account for the role of the child in the decision-making process, despite their ongoing development. Therefore, we propose a model of shared decision-making in the context of managing chronic illness in children that recognizes all actors and can support both the design of clinical care and research. This model—The SDM Learning Loop Model—highlights the dynamic iterative nature of exchanges between and among the clinical team and the parent-child dyad and recognizes the child as the center of each decision-making cycle. The model accounts for key practice, family, experiential, and emotional contexts influencing the decision-making encounter. In this model, change in child health status and developmental capacity resulting from a given cycle’s care plan will directly influence the relationship between clinician and parent-child dyad (eg, mutual trust, attunement) and impact each party’s engagement in the next round of decision-making. The relationship between experience and outcome stimulates learning. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Our proposed SDM Learning Loop Model suggests that increasing the shared nature of decision making is not only likely to optimize care planning, but creates “buy-in” that can both reinforce the impact of positive outcomes, and moderate the negative impact on relationships when the outcome is other than desired. We hypothesize that this model can guide care planning and shape research to the benefit of both clinical outcomes and clinician-family relationships. Future work should focus on the development and validation of measures to account for the experiential and emotional contexts in which such decisions are made, and the outcomes of care in this population.

BackgroundTherapy interventions emerged four times in the top 10 research priorities in a James Lind Alliance research prioritisation exercise for children with neurodisabilities (Morris C, Simkiss D, Busk M, Morris M, Allard A, Denness J,et al.Setting research priorities to improve the health of children and young people with neurodisability: a British Academy of Childhood Disability-James Lind Alliance Research Priority Setting Partnership.BMJ Open2015;5:e006233). The National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) commissioned this study as part of an information-gathering exercise in response to this.ObjectivesThe objectives were to (1) describe the current practice, approaches and schools of thought in relation to physiotherapy, occupational therapy and speech and language therapy for children with neurodisability; (2) explore clinical decision-making; (3) investigate views on outcomes and their measurement, particularly participation as an outcome, that is, the child’s ability to have the opportunity to be involved in life situations and activities (e.g. communication, mobility, interpersonal interactions, self-care, learning and applying knowledge); (4) seek views on the aspects of therapy interventions that have an impact on outcomes; and (5) elicit stakeholder views on research needs and priorities.Design, setting and participantsMore than 70 professionals (therapists, service leads, paediatricians and education staff) and 25 parents participated in a qualitative interview (either individually or as part of a focus group).ResultsProfessional thinking and models of service delivery are in a state of flux and development. There is a move towards goals-focused, family-centred approaches. Work tends to be highly individualised, with few protocols. Parents are certain of the value of therapies, although they may experience difficulties with provision and may seek (additional) private provision. Therapy interventions are conceived as three components: the therapist, the procedures/equipment, etc., and the wider therapeutic environment. They are believed to be highly complex and poorly understood. Although participation is widely endorsed as a core intervention objective of therapy interventions, its suitability, or appropriateness, as an outcome measure was questioned. Other child and/or parent outcomes were identified as more or equally important. Notions of intermediate outcomes – in terms of body structure/function, and the achievement of activities – were regarded as important and not counter to participation-focused approaches. Among therapists, research on intervention effectiveness was (cautiously) welcomed. A number of methodological challenges were identified. A portfolio of study designs – quantitative and qualitative, experimental and observational – was called for, and which included economic evaluation and clear pathways to impact.LimitationsThe study was not successful in recruiting children and young people. Further work is required to elucidate the views of this key stakeholder group.ConclusionsTherapy interventions are poorly understood. There was strong support, tempered a little by concerns among some about the feasibility of demonstrating impact, for investment in research.Future workThe identification of research priorities was a core study objective, and a wide-ranging research agenda was identified. It included ‘foundational’ research into neurodisability, the active components of therapy interventions and the concept of participation. Three areas of evaluation were identified: overall approaches to therapy, service organisation and delivery issues, and the evaluation of specific techniques. Parents regarded evaluations of approaches to therapy (e.g. goals-focused; supporting family-self management) as priorities, along with evaluations of models of service provision. Professionals’ views were broadly similar, with an additional emphasis on methodological research. In terms of specific techniques, there was no shared agreement regarding priorities, with views informed by personal interests and experiences.FundingThe NIHR Health Technology Assessment programme.

The communication model in the family is part of the interpersonal communication. Here the role of parents can be called as the main communicator in the delivery of communication messages. To achieve the effectiveness of a parent communication certainly has its own way of delivering messages to their children, especially when children face certain problems in their social life. As an effective message delivery standard, this activity suggests three possible patterns of communication skills, including: listening communication; Open communication; and honest communication. Listening communication is a parent-to-child interpersonal communication model, or a form of communication involved, especially in responding to the psychological needs of the child. Open communication is a communication that enables messengers and message recipients to understand what they want to achieve in an ongoing communication. Parents as messengers and children as recipients of the message occupy the same position in the exchange of communication messages they are building. While honest communication is a communication model that is delivered with the aim of fostering self-esteem of children. These three models of communication, apart from being the most important way to find solutions to problems faced by children, as well as a way to counter the tendency of self-egoism of parents. With these communication patterns parents are able to absorb what children expect. And, in this way, children feel understood and appreciated by their parents.<br />Keywords: Interpersonal Communication, Listening, Open, Honest.

Abstract Background: The aim of this study was to evaluate the link between romantic relationship and/or sexual activity of adolescents, and family structure. Methods: Medical records of 1087 adolescent girls were evaluated for age, statute (student, working, out-of-school), incidence of romantic relationship and sexual activity, and family structures. Results: Teenager students had significantly less romantic relationships and experience of sexual intercourse than other groups. Parent-adolescent communication was negatively correlated with absence of romantic relationship and sexual intercourse. Conclusion: Adolescents who have left school and are working constitute a population having higher romantic relationships and sexual intercourse experiences compared with the student adolescents. Good relationships with parents were associated with less risky sexual behavior. Close relationships with school delay the onset of sexual activity.

The purpose of this study was to determine and analyze factors that affect communication families of migrant workers, the level of relations of parents and children in a migrant worker family communication, and communication styles of communication parents in families of migrant workers in the district of Indramayu district Sliyeg. The benefits and outcomes of this research is an article that would be presented as a study in the scientific journal, both the national level and international level, as well as teaching material in several courses ie Interpersonal Communication and Social Communication Development.The method used in this research is descriptive quantitative method, with research areas in the District Indramayu regency Sliyeg persuasive selection. The collection of data obtained through questionnaires, interviews and observations of respondents as many as 40 heads of families of migrant workers.The results showed that the characteristics of the heads of families of migrant workers, namely age, education level, occupation, income level, number of children and the number of dependents is the driving factor that causes him to allow his wife to become migrant workers. The physical environment and the social environment are important factors that affect patterns of interaction and communication patterns of families of migrant workers. Level relationships of parents and children in a migrant worker family communication going pretty well. Style of parent communication in communication families of migrant workers support their mutual communication between parents and children.

Social Networking Sites (SNSs) are clearly becoming an authentic and chosen form of Communication. At present, utilize of SNSs amongst teenage students has enlarged, and utilize of SNS has extensive influence on these students in various ways, especially on their interpersonal relationships. The current study is placed in this context to determine the influence of SNS on interpersonal relationships of the teenager, and also find out the impetus of utilize, interest, as well as danger associated with SNS among the college student. In this study students finished a questionnaire that utilizes of SNSs from Khalilur Rahman Degree College, Shahed Hemayet Uddin Girl’s High School, and Wajed Memorial Secondary School at Mollahat Upazila for creating primary data; It was established that the utilize of SNS has a result on interpersonal relationships of a teenager, particularly with their members of family, and friends. We were also found that how much average time they take up on SNSs, what kind of alter has occurred in their face to face relationship. The study also tries to reveal the benefit and dangers associated with SNSs among teenagers. The study found that, although the SNSs have supported improve relationships among teenagers as friends, they have also created some negative effects such as losing their time, increase crime, and immoral activities, and increase their monthly expenditure. It provides an outlook for exploring the technological implications of a society in the domain of sociology.

Social Networking Sites (SNSs) are clearly becoming an authentic and chosen form of Communication. At present, utilize of SNSs amongst teenage students has enlarged, and utilize of SNS has extensive influence on these students in various ways, especially on their interpersonal relationships. The current study is placed in this context to determine the influence of SNS on interpersonal relationships of the teenager, and also find out the impetus of utilize, interest, as well as danger associated with SNS among the college student. In this study students finished a questionnaire that utilizes of SNSs from Khalilur Rahman Degree College, Shahed Hemayet Uddin Girl’s High School, and Wajed Memorial Secondary School at Mollahat Upazila for creating primary data; It was established that the utilize of SNS has a result on interpersonal relationships of a teenager, particularly with their members of family, and friends. We were also found that how much average time they take up on SNSs, what kind of alter has occurred in their face to face relationship. The study also tries to reveal the benefit and dangers associated with SNSs among teenagers. The study found that, although the SNSs have supported improve relationships among teenagers as friends, they have also created some negative effects such as losing their time, increase crime, and immoral activities, and increase their monthly expenditure. It provides an outlook for exploring the technological implications of a society in the domain of sociology.

Abstract Conversations are an essential form of communication in daily family life. Specific patterns of caregiver–child conversations have been linked to children’s socio-cognitive development and child-relationship quality beyond the immediate family environment. Recently, interpersonal neural synchronization has been proposed as a neural mechanism supporting conversation. Here, we present a functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS) hyperscanning study looking at the temporal dynamics of neural synchrony during mother–child conversation. Preschoolers (20 boys and 20 girls, M age 5;07 years) and their mothers (M age 36.37 years) were tested simultaneously with fNIRS hyperscanning while engaging in a free verbal conversation lasting for 4 min. Neural synchrony (using wavelet transform coherence analysis) was assessed over time. Furthermore, each conversational turn was coded for conversation patterns comprising turn-taking, relevance, contingency and intrusiveness. Results from linear mixed-effects modeling revealed that turn-taking, but not relevance, contingency or intrusiveness predicted neural synchronization during the conversation over time. Results are discussed to point out possible variables affecting parent–child conversation quality and the potential functional role of interpersonal neural synchronization for parent–child conversation.

O acesso a internet teve reconhecimento como sendo essencial ao exerc�cio da cidadania, assim cada vez mais as pessoas est�o em contato com esta ferramenta para variadas finalidades, tais como: aprimoramento intelectual, manten�a de rela��es intersubjetivas, comunica��o, distra��o, entre outras. Neste artigo pretendemos abordar a import�ncia da fam�lia no processo educativo como instrumento eficaz para prote��o da crian�a e o adolescente no uso internet, por meio da regulamenta��o, fiscaliza��o e orienta��o por parte dos pais do conte�do que seus filhos acessam na internet. Busca-se demonstrar a responsabilidade dos pais em conjunto com a sociedade e o Estado para fins de resguardar a exposi��o, o direito � privacidade, bem como para evitar a ocorr�ncia de crimes sexuais cometidos contra a crian�a e o adolescente na internet, que por vezes, em havendo sua ocorr�ncia, pode afetar e criar danos irrepar�veis ao desenvolvimento saud�vel destes. Palavras-Chave: Privacidade. Internet. Educa��o. Fam�lia. Crimes sexuais. ABSTRACT The internet access was recognized as being essential to the exercise of citizenship and increasingly people are in contact with this tool for different purposes, such as: intellectual improvement, maintenance of interpersonal relations, communication, distraction, among others. This article aims to address the importance of the family in the educational process as an effective tool for the protection of children and adolescents use the internet, through regulation, supervision and guidance by the parents of the content their children access on the internet. Seeks to demonstrate the responsibility of parents together with society and the state for the purpose of protecting the exposure, the right to privacy and to prevent the occurrence of sexual crimes committed against children and teenagers on the Internet, which sometimes , upon its occurrence, can affect and create irreparable damage to the healthy development of these. Keywords: Privacy. Internet. Education. Family. Sexual crimes.

Abstract Background A consistently demonstrated overlap exists between the occurrence of domestic violence and child maltreatment, yet these issues are historically addressed by distinct systems and programming. The randomized control trial pilot study presented in this article adapts, implements, and tests a new approach for addressing family violence for Latinx families with co-occurring risk for domestic violence and child maltreatment. In doing so, this pilot study addresses the clear need for collaboration between the two fields and focuses on Latinx families, who often face specific challenges regarding seeking and receiving needed services. The primary aim of the current study is a pilot implementation of SafeCare+®, an evidence-based parenting curriculum (SafeCare®) augmented with a healthy relationships curriculum (SafeCare+®). The objectives are a reduction of family violence, improved communication, and a healthy home environment for children in Latinx families with co-occurring domestic violence and child maltreatment. Methods This protocol outlines a feasibility, randomized control trial to examine the potential efficacy of SafeCare+. The pilot study is divided into two phases. Components of phase one involve developing a detailed implementation and evaluation plan, including a community needs assessment, determining screening and outcome measures, and assuring all components are culturally appropriate for the target population. Phase two implements the randomization of parents, who are involved in the child welfare system and referred for in-home parenting services, into SafeCare+ or SafeCare as usual. Participants complete assessments regarding mental health, provider-parent relationship, interpersonal violence experiences, and fidelity to the intervention. Analyses will focus on improvement on target outcomes for the intervention group, as well as comparison to the control group. Discussion This study will provide evidence on the feasibility and potential effectiveness of an early intervention program aimed at improving communication skills and mental health and reducing incidents of violence for Latinx parents who are involved with the child welfare service system. The findings of the study will inform the decision to progress to a full scale, definitive randomized control trial to test the effectiveness of an intervention, delivered as part of home visitation, for improving outcomes for families with histories of domestic violence. Trial registration ClinicalTrials.gov, NCT03041558; registered 2 February, 2017—retrospectively registered.

As a genre, science fiction deals with possible futures, imagining places and technologies that typically do not exist in audiences’ own lives. Science fiction film takes this directive a step further by creating visual representations of these futures and possibilities, presenting audiences with imagined ideas of what new technologies or unfamiliar places might look like. Thus, although any science fiction text can describe sociocultural and technological futures, science fiction film goes a step further by providing images that viewers do not have to envision for themselves. This difference can enable science fiction films to deliver even more incisive stories and commentaries on futuristic technologies as “sociotechnical assemblages” (Gillespie 18) – that is, as machines whose possibilities stem from humans’ interactions with them as much as from the technologies themselves.Marquard Smith and Joanne Morra maintain that today’s society is already interested in a real-world version of sociotechnologies: they call this interest the “prosthetic impulse” (4). For Smith and Morra, the prosthetic impulse can denote either “ways that the body and technology come into contact with one another” (4) or else any exploration of boundaries between technoculture and “the body, its histories, and its mutability” (6). However, Smith and Morra also warn that the prosthetic impulse often creates unreasonable expectations of what technology can accomplish: a prosthetic can “assume an epic status that is out of proportion with its abilities to fulfill our ambitions for it” (Smith and Morra 2), and the drive to “enhance” human bodies’ capabilities can signify beliefs that abled bodies are the standard, desirable norm (S. Smith).Science fiction films in turn often pick up on real-world ideas such as Smith and Morra’s prosthetic impulse as new ways of visualizing possible futures. Knowledgeable fans could undoubtedly list several examples of prosthetics in favorite sci-fi movies, including those donned by Star Wars’ Luke Skywalker, Star Trek’s Borg collective, Mad Max: Fury Road’s Imperator Furiosa, and many more. However, these films can also heighten the prosthetic’s immoderately “epic status” (Smith and Morra 2) and result in “our fantasies for technological possibility [being] played out across depictions of impairment” (Hung par. 10). In science fiction film, then, the prosthetic impulse can strongly reinforce problematic assumptions about what human beings “need” to have added, augmented, or replaced in order to function according to subjective norms.Steven Spielberg’s 2001 film A.I. Artificial Intelligence, though, expands the implications of the prosthetic impulse even further by broadening the types of bodies, losses, and functions that we imagine prosthetics can address. Set in a dystopian future where human-driven climate change has decimated the environment, world governments have instituted mandatory birth control, and socioeconomic stratification has skyrocketed, A.I. Artificial Intelligence speaks directly to Vivian Carol Sobchack’s 2006 concern that “theoretical use of the prosthetic metaphor tends to transfer agency [from] human actors to human artifacts” (23), though it does so in a novel way.The film’s human characters, or “human actors” to use Sobchack’s term, expend their creativity and resources not to address the issues of environmental catastrophe, starvation, and class warfare that humans themselves have created: instead, they turn to manufacturing advanced robots, or “mechas”, that are literally “human artifacts” (Sobchack 23) created to help humanity avoid the debilitating consequences of its own destructive actions. As a result, the film’s mecha characters, seen most clearly in the “child-substitute mecha” David and the mecha prostitute Gigolo Joe, are positioned as prosthetic humans intended to fill social roles and functions that human beings themselves are incapable of fully satisfying.The Prosthetic HumanEven though it offers a new angle to this concept, A.I. Artificial Intelligence is hardly the only science fiction film concerned with some configuration of the prosthetic impulse. In fact, several other science fiction films incorporate one of three other versions, each building up to more and more complex possibilities before we reach the prosthetic human as envisioned in A.I.The first – and arguably most common – treatment of the prosthetic impulse in science fiction film is found in the partial prosthetic, where technology is depicted as replacing or repairing one visible part of the perceptible bodily whole. Common versions of the partial prosthetic include replacements for limbs or even certain organs, with examples such as Luke Skywalker’s prosthetic hand in Star Wars, the techno-organic Borg collective in Star Trek: The Next Generation, Bucky Barnes’s metal arm in Captain America: The Winter Soldier and other Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) films, and Furiosa’s metal arm in Mad Max: Fury Road. The partial prosthetic in science fiction film is the most analogous to real-world prosthetics, despite problematic conflations created by this comparison (S. Smith), and the partial prosthetic is also the one that Mailee Hung is describing when she maintains that in science fiction film “it is technological, or even technophilic, fantasy that is being explored rather than the spectrum of human ability” (par. 11).A second treatment of the prosthetic impulse in science fiction film is visible in the full-body prosthetic, which denotes a technology that completely encloses or envelops the human body. Anne McCaffrey offers an early example of this type with her “Ship Who Sang” series (1961–1969), where “brainships” are created when children with severe physical disabilities but above-average brains can be rescued from euthanasia by having their minds linked with spaceships. Thankfully, later science fiction narratives tend to avoid most of the eugenicist and ableist overtones plaguing McCaffrey’s work. Science fiction films also offer examples of full-body prosthetics that can be departed or disengaged from at will, and these prosthetics may be used to enhance an abled body rather than housing a disabled one. Examples of full-body prosthetics in science fiction film include the boxing robots of Real Steel (2011), the Jaegers of Pacific Rim (2013) and Pacific Rim: Uprising (2018), the genetically-engineered alien bodies operated by remote human pilots in James Cameron’s Avatar (2009), and the police robot MOOSE in Chappie (2015), among others. In these cases, the full-body prosthetic is a technological entity that must be interfaced with by a human consciousness – and sometimes the whole human body – in order to perform some function that the human body alone cannot accomplish.A third way of depicting the prosthetic impulse in science fiction film can be found in what Victor Grech calls Pinocchio Syndrome, or a “reverse prosthetic impulse” (265). Here technological, non-human characters “desire to become human” (Grech 263) and often attempt to gain humanity in the form of a human body, “its histories, and its mutability” (Smith and Morra 6) that will replace their own mechanical components. Examples of this third type include Data of Star Trek: The Next Generation (1987–1994 television, 1994–2002 films) and NDR-113/Andrew of the novelette “Bicentennial Man” (1967), the novel Positronic Man (1992), and the film Bicentennial Man (1999). Data is an android, and Andrew is a service robot, who both explore what it would mean to “be” human and actively pursue different means of achieving humanness – Data through human emotions and NDR-113/Andrew through a fully human body.All three of these science fiction versions – the partial prosthetic, the full prosthetic, and the reverse prosthetic impulse or Pinocchio Syndrome – tend to reinforce Smith and Morra’s warning that the prosthetic, both as an aid and as a technology, can “assume an epic status that is out of proportion with its abilities to fulfill our ambitions for it” (2). Put differently, just because these technologies exist within the films’ storyworlds does not mean that they can fix the characters’ or even the worlds’ problems, and the plots of many science fiction films actually stem from these assumptions.Of these three versions, Grech’s “reverse prosthetic impulse” (265) might initially seem the most applicable to A.I. Artificial Intelligence, particularly because most of the film follows David’s quest to find the Blue Fairy of the Pinocchio tale and petition her to make him “a real boy” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). However, even Grech’s term does not fully cover what Spielberg’s film is attempting through its characters and its setting. Unlike robot characters who embody Grech’s reverse prosthetic impulse, David is not attempting to “become” human: instead, he articulates his struggle as the desire to “become real”, which prioritizes not humanness via a human body but instead David’s self-perceived ability to better fulfill a particular role within a nuclear family. Moreover, unlike the ways in which Data and NDR-113/Andrew fulfill primarily career-adjacent roles in their respective storyworlds – Data as a ship’s officer, NDR-113/Andrew initially as a caretaker and butler – A.I. Artificial Intelligence depicts a world in which mechas are both an “essential” form of labor in a decimated global economy, but can also be constructed to fill specifically social roles such as child or lover. Where robots like Data and NDR-113/Andrew enact a reverse prosthetic impulse in their yearning to “become” human (Grech 263), thus treating humanness and the human body as prosthetics to technology, David as a “child-substitute mecha” and Gigolo Joe as a “lover robot” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence) are more like prosthetic humans.In A.I. Artificial Intelligence, humans attempt to replace, enhance, or augment specific interpersonal relationships using “human artifacts” that function like Sobchack’s “human actors” – only, better than those human actors ever could be. David is continually described as a child who demonstrates unconditional love but never loses his temper, catches ill, or grows older; Gigolo Joe describes mecha prostitutes like himself as “the guiltless pleasures of the lonely human being” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence) and promises that they will never get pregnant, clingy, or tired of sex. Because David is a “toy boy” and Gigolo Joe is a “boy toy” (Sobchack 2) – both meant to enhance different types of human relationships without the inconveniences that a human actor would bring into the picture – A.I. Artificial Intelligence is also imagining sociocultural structures like the nuclear family or the heterosexual romantic relationship as the wholes, the social bodies, that the prosthetic human will supposedly repair. Here the prosthetic impulse becomes human beings’ drive to use reparative technologies to replace other human beings entirely, rather than simply parts or functions of the human body.David as Prosthetic HumanDavid’s role as a prosthetic human meant to repair or augment human relationships is made clear even before the character himself first appears onscreen. Instead, the film’s initial scene follows Professor Allen Hobby, the scientist who leads the team that later creates David, as he pitches a new mecha of “a qualitatively different order” to a skeptical audience (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). Hobby contends that his new robot will be capable of love “like a child for its parents” instead of the “sensuality simulators” already available (A.I. Artificial Intelligence), and moreover, that this kind of love “will be the key by which they [mechas] acquire a kind of sub-consciousness never before achieved. An inner world of metaphor, of intuition, of self-motivated reasoning, of dreams” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). However, these plans are quickly challenged by a female scientist who poses a moral question: “Isn’t the real conundrum [whether] you can get a human to love them back?” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). Hobby then cycles through three responses to his peer’s question, all of which point to the ways in which David is positioned as a prosthetic human.First, Hobby stresses that this new mecha will be “a perfect child caught in a freeze-frame: always loving, never ill, never changing” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). His claim implies that families want or need a perfect child, and also that childhood perfection entails unwavering physical health, a permanently positive attitude, and unshakeable devotion to the parent(s) – all features that a real human child, as Sobchack’s “human actor”, cannot provide. Then too, Hobby’s claim that David is a child caught in “freeze-frame” perfection also hints that, as a form of technology, a prosthetic human supersedes many of a biological human’s limitations: just moments later, for example, the film’s audience learns that David’s adoptive family the Swintons have a young son, Martin, who has been placed in a cryogenic chamber until his terminal illness can be treated. For David, being “caught in a freeze-frame” of eternal and “perfect” childhood is beneficial to the Swintons, who will then experience his love and participation in their family unit forever – unlike Martin, who when similarly “frozen” cannot express or reciprocate familial affection at all, and so has been superseded by David.Hobby’s second response to the female scientist’s moral question is to assert that David, as a “child-substitute mecha” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence), will answer both a market need and a human one: because world governments issue a limited number of pregnancy licenses, Hobby argues, mechas like David may become many families’ only way of having children. Here, the family unit is imagined as incomplete without offspring, to the extent that there is a species-wide “human need” for children (A.I. Artificial Intelligence) even though global catastrophes such as climate change and mass starvation are unavoidable threats to real children’s future welfare. To this end, Hobby positions a “child-substitute mecha” like David as a prosthetic for the family unit, filling in for children without taking up any of the resources needed to raise an actual member of the population who will then face and inherit unfixable global issues. Moreover, toward the end of A.I. audiences also learn that David was created to look like Hobby’s own dead son, meaning that this entire line of child-substitute mechas has stemmed from Hobby’s own grief – and perhaps his need of a prosthetic to repair it.Finally, Hobby’s last response to his peer’s challenge is to ask: “In the beginning, didn’t God create Adam to love him?” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). This rhetorical question reiterates how Hobby built David, reminding Hobby’s challenger – and by extension the film’s audience – that human actors are technology’s creators. The question’s rhetorical nature also implies that a creator’s status translates to their right to use such created technologies however they choose – regardless of the potential harm to either the prosthetic human or the "real" humans around them.Thus, although most of A.I. Artificial Intelligence does follow David’s journey to become “real”, it is important to realize that this quest actually stems from his being a prosthetic human rather than just Pinocchio Syndrome or a “reverse prosthetic impulse” (Grech 265). The very features of unconditional love, eternal innocence, and unchanging health that initially made David so attractive to the grieving Swintons are the same attributes that later lead to the family’s hostility when Martin does recover, and David is eventually abandoned in the woods – the prosthetic human child ousted for the “real” human child he was intended to replace. David’s longing to become “a real boy” so that Monica Swinton will return his love and welcome him home stems from his realization that he was always just a “technological substitution” (Hung par. 9) for Martin, and because of this, David’s desire to “become real” is better understood as him seeking to become a true part of the whole nuclear family instead of remaining a replacement or attachment to it. Rather than just “desire to become human” (Grech 263), David seeks to move from being a “human artifact” to becoming a “human actor” (Sobchack 23).Gigolo Joe as Prosthetic HumanWhile Gigolo Joe also serves as a prosthetic human in A.I. Artificial Intelligence, he does so in different ways than David. As a “child-substitute mecha”, David was created for intentionally prosthetic ends: even though he “can never be anything more than an approximate substitute” (Rosenbaum 74), he was still made specifically to repair or complete family units like the Swintons, rendering them “whole” by taking the place of an unavailable human child. As a mecha prostitute, though, Gigolo Joe was not created with prosthetic ends in mind: he was made to augment or supplement sexual experiences on a temporary basis, not to replace a long-term human partner or to make a sexual or romantic relationship whole by his presence within it. Also in obvious contrast to David, Gigolo Joe addresses sexual appetite rather than a need for filial love, provides short-term pleasure instead of a long-term connection, and is never intended to be seen by the film’s human characters as a human man instead of a male-shaped mecha. These are crucial differences between the two mechas’ purposes, functions, and target audiences, and Sobchack sums up this disparity by describing David and Gigolo Joe as two different types of “love machines” that remain “[s]uspended between an ironic Kubrickian critique of technological man and his Spielbergian redemption” (12–13).However, these differences between David and Gigolo Joe also translate into their being different kinds of prosthetic human. Where David was created to be a prosthetic human in the context of a childless family, replacing a needed member in order to make that family whole, Gigolo Joe takes the initiative to position himself as a prosthetic human, substituting the technology of his mecha body for the various physiological and/or emotional shortcomings of absent human sexual partners. Then too, where David rejects and attempts to outstrip his status as a “technological substitution” (Hung par. 9) for a human being, Gigolo Joe seems to exult in his part as substitute for human being.Audiences are shown this difference immediately. Where David is introduced through descriptions by Hobby, the scientist who created him and knows exactly what he wants David to accomplish, Gigolo Joe is introduced in person, alongside a nervous young woman who has apparently solicited him for sex. This unnamed woman admits that she has never had sex with a mecha before, and Gigolo Joe quickly discovers bruises from physical abuse by a human partner. In implied contrast to this unseen human partner, Gigolo Joe remains quiet, respectful, and gentle as he navigates the young woman’s communication of her fears and desires: he also assures her first that “once you’ve had a lover robot, you’ll never want a real man again” and then that “you are a goddess ... [and] you deserve much better in your life. You deserve me” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). Both implicitly and explicitly, then, Gigolo Joe promises to provide his client with sexual and pseudo-romantic fulfillment: Sobchack frames this appeal as Gigolo Joe's ability to "satisfy every female sexual need and desire (including the illusion of romance) without wearing out” (5). But Gigolo Joe can only accomplish all of this because he is a perceptible, self-aware substitution for a human man – and a substitution that does not replicate the intentions and behaviors of his clients' "real" human partners.Gigolo Joe returns frequently to this idea that substitution is positive. Later, for instance, he explains to several fascinated teenage boys that mecha prostitutes “are the guiltless pleasures of the lonely human being. You’re not going to get us pregnant or have us to supper with Mommy and Daddy” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence), emphasizing that humans do not need to fulfill any social obligations toward mechas precisely because they are not “real” lovers. Gigolo Joe also pitches mecha sex workers by reminding his listeners that “We work under you, we work on you, and we work for you. Man made us better at what we do than was ever humanly possible” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence), suggesting that a substitute sexual partner will offer technological advantages over their human counterparts.Through dialogues and exchanges such as these, Gigolo Joe positions himself as a prosthetic human, acknowledging that he and his sex worker peers were not really meant to “repair” or “complete” human relationships even as he also maintains that mechas do replace human partners in important ways, even if temporarily. However, Gigolo Joe also recognizes the realities of being a prosthetic human in ways that David seems incapable of. For instance, when one of his clients is murdered by her human partner for seeking a replacement lover, Gigolo Joe realizes immediately that the man won’t even be suspected while Gigolo Joe himself automatically takes the blame. Similarly, Gigolo Joe is the one who can tell David that Monica Swinton “loves what you do for her, as my customers love what it is I do for them. But she does not love you. . . You were designed and built specific like the rest of us” (A.I. Artificial Intelligence). David rejects this warning, demonstrating that his creation as a prosthetic human has made him impervious to that same reality, but Gigolo Joe’s positioning himself as a prosthetic human has made him aware that being “designed and built specific” to meet humans’ needs does not negate the dangers that come along with a designed, perfected form of substitution.Prosthetic Humans and the End of HumanityThe ending of AI: Artificial Intelligence has baffled critics and audiences alike since its theatrical release. Are the alien-like Specialists real, or does David imagine these beings as a means of explaining away Hobby’s entire line of child-substitute mechas? Does David actually see Monica again, or is this the robotic equivalent of a comforting dream before he dies? Frances Flannery-Dailey outlines nine possible ways of understanding how the film ends before noting that its ambiguity and length often frustrate audiences, leaving them with a negative impression of the film.No matter which way we try to explain the ending of A.I. Artificial Intelligence, though, it is worth noting the presence of the Specialists, who claim that they are advanced beings that evolved from mechas following humanity’s extinction. Though Flannery-Daily correctly questions whether the Specialists actually exist or else are just dream-specters of David's “death”, their presence at the end of the film suggests at least the possibility of a distant future in which the prosthetic human has completely overtaken and supplanted the “real” humans that David so wanted to join. This potential ending, as well as David’s and Gigolo Joe’s poor treatment by "real" humans throughout the film, all demonstrate that the prosthetic humans in A.I. Artificial Intelligence suffer from more than the “epic status” that Smith and Morra assign to real-world prosthetics (2), or even the shortcomings visible in other versions of the prosthetic impulse as depicted in science fiction films. Instead, A.I. Artificial Intelligence becomes bleak when we realize that these prosthetic humans actually function very well, even when (wrongly) touted as miracle technologies (Smith and Morra 2), and that instead it is humans, their needs, and their visions that have fallen sadly short. Both David and Gigolo Joe do exactly what they were "designed and built specific” to do (A.I. Artificial Intelligence) and more, yet humanity has destroyed both them and itself by the end of the film regardless.ReferencesA.I. Artificial Intelligence. Dir. Steven Spielberg. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2001. Flannery-Dailey, Frances. "Robot Heavens and Robot Dreams: Ultimate Reality in A.I. and Other Recent Films." Journal of Religion & Film 7.2 (2016). 1 July 2019 <https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/jrf/vol7/iss2/7>.Gillespie, Tarleton. Custodians of the Internet: Platforms, Content Moderation, and the Hidden Decisions That Shape Social Media. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018.Grech, Victor. "The Pinocchio Syndrome and the Prosthetic Impulse." Intelligence Unbound: The Future of Uploaded and Machine Minds. Eds. Russel Blackford and Damien Broderick. Malden: Wiley Blackwell, 2014. 263–278.Hung, Mailee. “We Are More than Our Machines.” Bitch Media (24 Aug. 2017). 2 July 2019 <https://www.bitchmedia.org/article/more-our-machines/aesthetics-and-prosthetics-science-fiction>.Rosenbaum, Jonathan. "A Matter of Life and Death: A.I. Artificial Intelligence (Directed by Steven Spielberg)." Film Quarterly 65.3 (2012): 74-78.Smith, Susan. "‘Limbitless Solutions’: The Prosthetic Arm, Iron Man and the Science Fiction of Technoscience." Medical Humanities 42.4 (2016): 259–264.Smith, Marquard, and Joanne Morra. “Introduction.” The Prosthetic Impulse: From a Posthuman Present to a Biocultural Future. Eds. Marquard Smith and Joanne Morra. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2006. 1–15. Sobchack, Vivian. “A Leg to Stand On: Prosthetics, Metaphor, and Materiality.” The Prosthetic Impulse: From a Posthuman Present to a Biocultural Future. Eds. Marquard Smith and Joanne Morra. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2006. 17–42.Sobchack, Vivian Carol. "Love Machines: Boy Toys, Toy Boys and the Oxymorons of A.I.: Artificial Intelligence." Science Fiction Film and Television 1.1 (2009): 1–13.

This article is about refugees’ and migrants’ dreams of home and family and stems from an Australian Research Council Linkage Grant, “A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency” (LP140100935), with Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc. (Vinnies). A Vinnies-supported refugee and migrant support centre was chosen as one of the hubs for interviewee recruitment, given that many refugee families experience persistent and chronic economic disadvantage. The de-identified name for the drop-in language-teaching and learning social facility is the Migrant and Refugee Homebase (MARH). At the time of the research, in 2018, refugee and forced migrant families from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan constituted MARH’s primary membership base. MARH provided English language classes alongside other educational and financial support. It could also organise provision of emergency food and was a conduit for furniture donated by Australian families. Crucially, MARH operated as a space in which members could come together to build shared community.As part of her role, the researcher was introduced to Sara (de-identified), a mother-tongue Arabic speaker and the centre’s coordinator. Sara had personal experience of being a refugee, as well as being MARH’s manager, and she became both a point of contact for the researcher team, an interpreter/translator, and an empathetic listener as refugees shared their stories. Dreams of home and family emerged throughout the interviews as a vital part of participants’ everyday lives. These dreams and hopes were developed in the face of what was, for some, a nightmare of adversity. Underpinning participants’ sense of agency, subjectivity and resilience, Badiou argues (93, as noted in Jackson, 241) that hope can appear as a basic form of patience or perseverance rather than a dream for justice. Instead of imagining an improvement in personal circumstances, the dream is one of simply moving forward rather than backward. While dreams of being reunited with family are rooted in the past and project a vision of a family which no longer exists, these dreams help fashion a future which once again contains a range of possibilities.Although Sara volunteered her time on the research project as part of her commitment to Vinnies, she was well-known to interviewees as a MARH staff member and, in many cases, a friend and confidante. While Sara’s manager role implies an imbalance of power, with Sara powerful and participants comparatively less so, the majority of the information explored in the interviews pertained to refugees’ experiences of life outside the sphere in which MARH is engaged, so there was limited risk of the data being sanitised to reflect positively upon MARH. The specialist information and understandings that the interviewees shared positions them as experts, and as co-creators of knowledge.Recruitment and Methodological ApproachThe project researcher (Jaunzems) met potential contributors at MARH when its members gathered for a coffee morning. With Sara’s assistance, the researcher invited MARH members to take part in the research project, giving those present the opportunity to ask and have answered any questions they deemed important. Coffee morning attendees were under no obligation to take part, and about half chose not to do so, while the remainder volunteered to participate. Sara scheduled the interviews at times to suit the families participating. A parent and child from each volunteer family was interviewed, separately. In all cases it was the mother who volunteered to take part, and all interviewees chose to be interviewed in their homes. Each set of interviews was digitally recorded and lasted no longer than 90 minutes. This article includes extracts from interviews with three mothers from refugee families who escaped war-torn homelands for a new life in Australia, sometimes via interim refugee camps.The project researcher conducted the in-depth interviews with Sara’s crucial interpreting/translating assistance. The interviews followed a traditional approach, except that the researcher deferred to Sara as being more important in the interview exchange than she was. This reflects the premise that meaning is socially constructed, and that what people do and say makes visible the meanings that underpin their actions and statements within a wider social context (Burr). Conceptualising knowledge as socially constructed privileges the role of the decoder in receiving, understanding and communicating such knowledge (Crotty). Respecting the role of the interpreter/translator signified to the participants that their views, opinions and their overall cultural context were valued.Once complete, the interviews were sent for translation and transcription by a trusted bi-lingual transcriber, where both the English and Arabic exchanges were transcribed. This was deemed essential by the researchers, to ensure both the authenticity of the data collected and to demonstrate “trust, understanding, respect, and a caring connection” (Valibhoy, Kaplan, and Szwarc, 23) with the participants. Upon completion of the interviews with volunteer members of the MARH community, and at the beginning of the analysis phase, researchers recognised the need for the adoption of an interpretive framework. The interpretive approach seeks to understand an individual’s view of the world through the contexts of time, place and culture. The knowledge produced is contextualised and differs from one person to another as a result of individual subjectivities such as age, race and ethnicity, even within a shared social context (Guba and Lincoln). Accordingly, a mother-tongue Arabic speaker, who identifies as a refugee (Al-Hameed), was added to the project. All authors were involved in writing up the article while authors two, three and four took responsibility for transcript coding and analysis. In the transcripts that follow, words originally spoken in Arabic are in intalics, with non-italcised words originally spoken in English.Discrimination and BelongingAya initially fled from her home in Syria into neighbouring Jordan. She didn’t feel welcomed or supported there.[00:55:06] Aya: …in Jordan, refugees didn’t have rights, and the Jordanian schools refused to teach them [the children…] We were put aside.[00:55:49] Interpreter, Sara (to Researcher): And then she said they push us aside like you’re a zero on the left, yeah this is unfortunately the reality of our countries, I want to cry now.[00:56:10] Aya: You’re not allowed to cry because we’ll all cry.Some refugees and migrant communities suffer discrimination based on their ethnicity and perceived legitimacy as members of the host society. Although Australian refugees may have had searing experiences prior to their acceptance by Australia, migrant community members in Australia can also feel themselves “constructed in the public and political spheres as less legitimately Australian than others” (Green and Aly). Jackson argues that both refugees and migrants experiencethe impossibility of ever bridging the gap between one’s natal ties to the place one left because life was insupportable there, and the demands of the nation to which one has travelled, legally or illegally, in search of a better life. And this tension between belonging and not belonging, between a place where one has rights and a place where one does not, implies an unresolved relationship between one’s natural identity as a human being and one’s social identity as ‘undocumented migrant,’ a ‘resident alien,’ an ‘ethnic minority,’ or ‘the wretched of the earth,’ whose plight remains a stigma of radical alterity even though it inspires our compassion and moves us to political action. (223)The tension Jackson refers to, where the migrant is haunted by belonging and not belonging, is an area of much research focus. Moreover, the label of “asylum seeker” can contribute to systemic “exclusion of a marginalised and abject group of people, precisely by employing a term that emphasises the suspended recognition of a community” (Nyers). Unsurprisingly, many refugees in Australia long for the connectedness of the lives they left behind relocated in the safe spaces where they live now.Eades focuses on an emic approach to understanding refugee/migrant distress, or trauma, which seeks to incorporate the worldview of the people in distress: essentially replicating the interpretive perspective taken in the research. This emic framing is adopted in place of the etic approach that seeks to understand the distress through a Western biomedical lens that is positioned outside the social/cultural system in which the distress is taking place. Eades argues: “developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications”. Furthermore, Eades sees the challenge for service providers working with refugee/migrants in distress as being able to move beyond “harm minimisation” models of care “to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands”. This opens the door for studies concerning the notions of attachment to place and its links to resilience and a refugee’s ability to “settle in” (for example, Myers’s ground-breaking place-making work in Plymouth).Resilient PrecariousnessChaima: We feel […] good here, we’re safe, but when we sit together, we remember what we went through how my kids screamed when the bombs came, and we went out in the car. My son was 12 and I was pregnant, every time I remember it, I go back.Alongside the dreams that migrants have possible futures are the nightmares that threaten to destabilise their daily lives. As per the work of Xavier and Rosaldo, post-migration social life is recreated in two ways: the first through participation and presence in localised events; the second by developing relationships with absent others (family and friends) across the globe through media. These relationships, both distanced and at a distance, are dispersed through time and space. In light of this, Campays and Said suggest that places of past experiences and rituals for meaning are commonly recreated or reproduced as new places of attachment abroad; similarly, other recollections and experience can trigger a sense of fragility when “we remember what we went through”. Gupta and Ferguson suggest that resilience is defined by the migrant/refugee capacity to “reimagine and re-materialise” their lost heritage in their new home. This involves a sense of connection to the good things in the past, while leaving the bad things behind.Resilience has also been linked to the migrant’s/refugee’s capacity “to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships” (Eades). Resilience in this case is seen through an intersubjective lens. Joseph reminds us that there is danger in romanticising community. Local communities may not only be hostile toward different national and ethnic groups, they may actively display a level of hostility toward them (Boswell). However, Gill maintains that “the reciprocal relations found in communities are crucially important to their [migrant/refugee] well-being”. This is because inclusion in a given community allows migrants/refugees to shrug off the outsider label, and the feeling of being at risk, and provides the opportunity for them to become known as families and friends. One of MAHR’s central aims was to help bridge the cultural divide between MARH users and the broader Australian community.Hope[01:06: 10] Sara (to interviewee, Aya): What’s the key to your success here in Australia?[01:06:12] Aya: The people, and how they treat us.[01:06:15] Sara (to Researcher): People and how they deal with us.[01:06:21] Aya: It’s the best thing when you look around, and see people who don’t understand your language but they help you.[01:06:28] Sara (to Researcher): She said – this is nice. I want to cry also. She said the best thing when I see people, they don’t understand your language, and I don’t understand theirs but they still smile in your face.[01:06:43] Aya: It’s the best.[01:06:45] Sara (to Aya): yes, yes, people here are angels. This is the best thing about Australia.Here, Sara is possibly shown to be taking liberties with the translation offered to the researcher, talking about how Australians “smile in your face”, when (according to the translator) Aya talked about how Australians “help”. Even so, the capacity for social connection and other aspects of sociality have been linked to a person’s ability to turn a negative experience into a positive cultural resource (Wilson). Resilience is understood in these cases as a strength-based practice where families, communities and individuals are viewed in terms of their capabilities and possibilities, instead of their deficiencies or disorders (Graybeal and Saleeby in Eades). According to Fozdar and Torezani, there is an “apparent paradox between high-levels of discrimination experienced by humanitarian migrants to Australia in the labour market and everyday life” (30) on the one hand, and their reporting of positive well-being on the other. That disparity includes accounts such as the one offered by Aya.As Wilson and Arvanitakis suggest,the interaction between negative experiences of discrimination and reports of wellbeing suggested a counter-intuitive propensity among refugees to adapt to and make sense of their migration experiences in unique, resourceful and life-affirming ways. Such response patterns among refugees and trauma survivors indicate a similar resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from negative migration experiences and associated emotions. … However, resilience is not expressed or employed uniformly among individuals or communities. Some respond in a resilient manner, while others collapse. On this point, an argument could be made that collapse and breakdown is a built-in aspect of resilience, and necessary for renewal and ongoing growth.Using this approach, Wilson and Arvanitakis have linked resilience to hope, as a “present- and future-oriented mode of situated defence against adversity”. They argue that the term “hope” is often utilised in a tokenistic way “as a strategic instrument in increasingly empty domestic and international political vocabularies”. Nonetheless, Wilson and Arvanitakis believe hope to be of vital academic interest due to the prevalence of war and suffering throughout the world. In the research reported here, the authors found that participants’ hopes were interwoven with dreams of being reunited with their families in a place of safety. This is a common longing. As Jackson states,so it is that migrants travel abroad in pursuit of utopia, but having found that place, which is also no-place (ou-topos), they are haunted by the thought that utopia actually lies in the past. It is the family they left behind. That is where they properly belong. Though the family broke up long ago and is now scattered to the four winds, they imagine a reunion in which they are together again. (223)There is a sense here that with their hopes and dreams lying in the past, refugees/migrants are living forward while looking backwards (a Kierkegaardian concept). If hope is thought to be key to resilience (Wilson and Arvanitakis), and key to an individual’s ability to live with a sense of well-being, then perhaps a refugee’s past relations (familial) impact both their present relations (social/community), and their ability to transform negative experiences into positive experiences. And yet, there is no readily accessible way in which migrants and refugees can recreate the connections that sustained them in the past. As Jackson suggests,the irreversibility of time is intimately connected with the irreversibility of one’s place of origin, and this entwined movement through time and across space proves perplexing to many migrants, who, in imagining themselves one day returning to the place from where they started out, forget that there is no transport which will convey them back into the past. … Often it is only by going home that is becomes starkly and disconcertingly clear that one’s natal village is no longer the same and that one has also changed. (221)The dream of home and family, therefore and the hope that this might somehow be recreated in the safety of the here and now, becomes a paradoxical loss and longing even as it is a constant companion for many on their refugee journey.Esma’s DreamAccording to author three, personal dreams are not generally discussed in Arab culture, even though dreams themselves may form part of the rich tradition of Arabic folklore and storytelling. Alongside issues of mental wellbeing, dreams are constructed as something private, and it generally breaks social taboos to describe them publicly. However, in personal discussions with other refugee women and men, and echoing Jackson’s finding, a recurring dream is “to meet my family in a safe place and not be worried about my safety or theirs”. As a refugee, the third author shares this dream. This is also the perspective articulated by Esma, who had recently had a fifth child and was very much missing her extended family who had died, been scattered as refugees, or were still living in a conflict zone. The researcher asked Sara to ask Esma about the best aspect of her current life:[01:17:03] Esma: The thing that comforts me here is nature, it’s beautiful.[01:17:15] Sara (to the Researcher): The nature.[01:17:16] Esma: And feeling safe.[01:17:19] Sara (to the Researcher): The safety. ...[01:17:45] Esma: Life’s beautiful here.[01:17:47] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is beautiful here.[01:17:49] Esma: But I want to know people, speak the language, have friends, life is beautiful here even if I don’t have my family here.[01:17:56] Sara (to the Researcher): Life is so pretty you only need to improve the language and have friends, she said I love my life here even though I don’t have any family or community here. (To Esma:) I am your family.[01:18:12] Esma: Bring me my siblings here.[01:18:14] Sara (to Esma): I just want my brothers here and my sisters.[01:18:17] Esma: It’s a dream.[01:18:18] Sara (to Esma): it’s a dream, one day it will become true.Here Esma uses the term dream metaphorically, to describe an imagined utopia: a dream world. In supporting Esma, who is mourning the absence of her family, Sara finds herself reacting and emoting around their shared experience of leaving siblings behind. In doing so, she affirms the younger woman, but also offers a hope for the future. Esma had previously made a suggestion, absorbed into her larger dream, but more achievable in the short term, “to know people, speak the language, have friends”. The implication here is that Esma is keen to find a way to connect with Australians. She sees this as a means of compensating for the loss of family, a realistic hope rather than an impossible dream.ConclusionInterviews with refugee families in a Perth-based migrant support centre reveals both the nightmare pasts and the dreamed-of futures of people whose lives have experienced a radical disruption due to war, conflict and other life-threatening events. Jackson’s work with migrants provides a context for understanding the power of the dream in helping to resolve issues around the irreversibility of time and circumstance, while Wilson and Arvanitakis point to the importance of hope and resilience in supporting the building of a positive future. Within this mix of the longed for and the impossible, both the refugee informants and the academic literature suggest that participation in local events, and authentic engagement with the broader community, help make a difference in supporting a migrant’s transition from dreaming to reality.AcknowledgmentsThis article arises from an ARC Linkage Project, ‘A Hand Up: Disrupting the Communication of Intergenerational Welfare Dependency’ (LP140100935), supported by the Australian Research Council, Partner Organisation St Vincent de Paul Society (WA) Inc., and Edith Cowan University. The authors are grateful to the anonymous staff and member of Vinnies’ Migrant and Refugee Homebase for their trust in and support of this project, and for their contributions to it.ReferencesBadiou, Alan. Saint Paul: The Foundation of Universalism. Trans. Ray Brassier. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2003.Boswell, Christina. “Burden-Sharing in the European Union: Lessons from the German and UK Experience.” Journal of Refugee Studies 16.3 (2003): 316–35.Burr, Vivien. Social Constructionism. 2nd ed. Hove, UK & New York, NY: Routledge, 2003.Campays, Philippe, and Vioula Said. “Re-Imagine.” M/C Journal 20.4 (2017). Aug. 2017 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/1250>.Crotty, Michael. The Foundations of Social Research: Meaning and Perspective in the Research Process. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1998.Eades, David. “Resilience and Refugees: From Individualised Trauma to Post Traumatic Growth.” M/C Journal 16.5 (2013). Aug. 2013 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/700>.Fozdar, Farida, and Silvia Torezani. “Discrimination and Well-Being: Perceptions of Refugees in Western Australia.” The International Migration Review 42.1 (2008): 1–34.Gill, Nicholas. “Longing for Stillness: The Forced Movement of Asylum Seekers.” M/C Journal 12.1 (2009). Mar. 2009 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/123>.Graybeal, Clay. “Strengths-Based Social Work Assessment: Transforming the Dominant Paradigm.” Families in Society 82.3 (2001): 233–42.Green, Lelia, and Anne Aly. “Bastard Immigrants: Asylum Seekers Who Arrive by Boat and the Illegitimate Fear of the Other.” M/C Journal 17.5 (2014). Oct. 2014 <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/896>.Guba, Egon G., and Yvonna S. Lincoln. "Competing Paradigms in Qualitative Research." Handbook of Qualitative Research 2 (1994): 163-194.Gupta, Akhil, and James Ferguson. “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference.” Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants. Ed. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo. New Jersey: Rutgers UP, 2006. 72-79.Jackson, Michael. The Wherewithal of Life: Ethics, Migration, and the Question of Well-Being. California: U of California P, 2013.Joseph, Miranda. Against the Romance of Community. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2002.Myers, Misha. “Situations for Living: Performing Emplacement." Research in Drama Education 13.2 (2008): 171-180. DOI: 10.1080/13569780802054828.Nyers, Peter. “Abject Cosmopolitanism: The Politics of Protection in the Anti-Deportation Movement.” Third World Quarterly 24.6 (2003): 1069–93.Saleeby, Dennis. “The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions.” Social Work 41.3 (1996): 296–305.Valibhoy, Madeleine C., Ida Kaplan, and Josef Szwarc. “‘It Comes Down to Just How Human Someone Can Be’: A Qualitative Study with Young People from Refugee Backgrounds about Their Experiences of Australian Mental Health Services.” Transcultural Psychiatry 54.1 (2017): 23-45.Wilson, Michael. Accumulating Resilience: An Investigation of the Migration and Resettlement Experiences of Young Sudanese People in the Western Sydney Area. Sydney: University of Western Sydney, 2012.Wilson, Michael John, and James Arvanitakis. “The Resilience Complex.” M/C Journal 16.5 (2013). <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/741>.Xavier, Johnathon, and Renato Rosaldo. “Thinking the Global.” The Anthropology of Globalisation. Eds. Johnathon Xavier and Renato Rosaldo. New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell Publishers, 2002.

It was no less than a minister in the Hawke Government who called me the worst thing I have ever been called. Of course he meant well, and he knew no better than what his advisors told him and what his speechwriters wrote. He was opening a new business incubator, where my business partner who was also deaf and I had set up our small business in editing and graphic design, and I was startled when in his speech he described us as two “hearing-impaired businessmen”. I visualised myself in some parallel universe where I was a “hearing-impaired businessman”. I could see an anxious, portly man, clad in a rumpled dark beige suit, a blue business shirt with some faded soup stains, a dark blue tie askew, and flat, sensible lace-up business shoes. This man would just tolerate the “hearing-impaired” moniker because it was endearingly different in a line of work that was often about being different, provided no-one made a song-and-dance about it. “Hearing impairment” would be his cross to bear. He would regard success as the measure of how many clients would not know he was deaf. And for those let in on the secret, exclamations of “I had no idea” would be sweet music to what was left of his ears. Having a Minister of the Crown refer to it at a public gathering would be like taking medicine – unpleasant but probably doing him good in ways he could not understand. This happened more than 20 years ago, and the fact I remember it well revealed the impression it made on me. I had thought to myself, was ‘hearing’ an adjective? Was the minister referring to businessmen whose hearing was impaired? Or was he referring to the act of hearing the noises made by businessmen who in some way were damaged or defective? Of course he meant the former, but it brought home to me how much the idea of being damaged was embedded in “hearing-impaired”. And with complete clarity, I knew this phrase did not describe me – I was not damaged in that way. My discomfort at that briefest of disclosures was a critical landmark on that most personal of journeys: to find out one’s place in the world. While I knew I was many things, for example a dad, a partner, a writer, I could never leave out the Deaf side of me. It was a journey of terminology, but the choices of many contentious words revealed much about my own exploration of what it meant to be deaf. It began soon after I acquired a hearing aid. I was six years old when a silver boxy thing, about the size of a packet of 25 cigarettes, was hitched onto my singlet under my shirt. There was a flesh-coloured cord that looped out from the collar into my ear. In spite of this device, I decided that I was not deaf. In medical terms of course I was: severe to profound bilateral sensori-neural deafness across the speech frequency ranges was the audiologists’ fancy way of saying I could not hear people when they spoke to me. And it was not myself, either; deafness affected two of my three sisters, and my brother. But I was not deaf – that was very clear to me. The word deaf was not uttered in the family home. The code words my mother used were the hearing. She would put it in a context like this: I was down the street and I met Mrs Schneider, and talking to her, she was very interested in the hearing with your family. Much later I asked my mother about this word deaf. She said it was associated with the word dumb. That was not at all surprising. In her time, deaf went with dumb the way bread went with butter. In her mind, deaf and dumb were complementary, and she never really shook off that association. A century ago Deaf people who signed and did not speak, freely acknowledged a mute side of deafness, and even referred to themselves as “doubly afflicted”. If I was not deaf, then what was I? Not being able to answer that question to my satisfaction eventually led to a fling with calling myself “hard of hearing”, But for me, “hard of hearing” became linked with decrepit, bumbling elderly citizens cupping an ear and barking “Whazat? Wha? Wha? Whazat?” This was an unfair stereotype. Such people, who were not at all bumbling types, were my first introduction to deaf people outside the family home. They gathered at the place my sisters and I attended to learn to lipread, at what was then the Australian Association for Better Hearing, and they all used the term “hard of hearing”. I was eight years old, and at that age, adults were impossibly ancient. From that perspective, “hard of hearing” people were very old, slightly stupid and faintly smelly. “Partially deaf” seemed better. This was an each-way bet. It covered those times when I was not deaf, such as when I was with my family, and the times when I was, such as at school. Not once did it occur to me that I might be “partially hearing”. In its own way, “partially deaf”, with its qualified mention of the d-word, captured a growing sense of deafness of the pre-adolescent teenager I was. The expression “oral deaf”, had a briefer vogue. This term recognised I was deaf but in a different kind of way from those whom I dimly perceived at the time were the real Deaf people. These people were defined as being unable to do things I could do, such as speak in a normal voice and carry on a phone conversation of sorts. But they could also do something I could not – communicate fluently in sign language. Whereas “hard-of-hearing” was a subspecies of hearing, oral deaf was a subspecies of deaf, not of hearing, so it had a point. It was at this time the group of young deaf people with whom I associated decided to produce a car-bumper sticker as part of a publicity drive. We rejected Deaf people do it orally, and soon, Deaf people do it with perception graced the rear window of my Torana. I was proud of this slogan, even if took considerable explaining to baffled enquirers. But it was a rare and early indication that there just might be something positive about being deaf. I soon realised that the word “oral” had considerable historical baggage. Dictionaries define oralism as the belief that deaf people should communicate by speech and lipreading, and without sign language. At the time I did not know why there was such a controversy around it, nor could I fathom why most of those in my growing circle of deaf friends did not understand it, or worse, did not want to talk about it. The penultimate term with which I flirted was the commonly used “hearing impaired”. At least from a disability perspective, there are people who are vision impaired and speech impaired. Like “hard-of-hearing”, hearing impaired” hitched such people firmly to the hearing wagon. For many people who acquired deafness gradually, it was palatable. I have settled quite happily on the term “Deaf”. Its capital D is important, but I do not insist on it for myself. After all these decades it is the only term that makes profound sense. In the company of good and aware people, I might suppress an impairment of hearing, but I do not suffer from Deafness; I merely am Deaf. I might overcome hearing impairment, but I can no more overcome being Deaf than I could overcome my elbow or my shoulder or the fact that I am compelled to write. For me, Deafness is a variation on the human condition, an example of the vast diversity of humans, like left-handedness or ethnicity or sexual orientation. No longer do I think in terms of a hearing loss; Deafness gain is what happened to me. There are several things I have learnt from this journey. First, no matter what terminology you feel happiest with, and which you feel suits you best, someone is going to tell you that you are wrong. He or she will insist, with a shrill note of finality, that you are not X, you are Y. That someone is unlikely to be another Deaf person. He or she is more likely to be hearing, or a hearing-impaired person, or a hearing parent. Second, dominating discussions of a Deaf identity are hearing people who never face the question in the same deeply personal way as Deaf and hearing-impaired people themselves. Third, discussion on a Deaf identity is plagued by stereotyping of what deaf people are not supposed to be able to do. For hearing people, what you cannot hear is what defines deafness. Chief among these is an inability to ever hear music. I can only say that music – listening to it, dancing to it, and yes, playing it – has been a normal part of my decades of being a part of the manifold shapes and colours of gatherings of Deaf and hearing-impaired people. It is easy to see this when reading popular accounts of deafness. Hearing-impaired people outnumber Deaf people by a factor of several hundreds. By sheer weight of numbers these accounts reflect themes of silence, conquering, overcoming, and triumph. Overcoming what, precisely? Silence. Such writers talk of deafness when they really mean the impairment of the hearing, because their aim is to be hearing again. And why not? Whether such accounts of hearing impairment have gotten away from this triumphalist approach, I am not sure, but I do know I could not bear to wade through more descriptions of the joy of sound. Thus we have the patter of rain on the roof, the silvery peals of children’s laughter, the waves lapping on the shore, and so on. Of course, each of the senses has a pleasurable aspect to it. One of the memorable scents that I know of is the smell of the earth after a burst of rain following a hot dry spell. But I also remember the revolting stench of a public toilet attached to a remote petrol station and bus stop in the desert of a third world country. All the senses have unpleasant aspects as well. So when I read a long list of pleasurable sounds, their imagined absence that are considered a reason for regarding deaf people as sad and pitiable, I’m reminded of the Monty Python parody of a well known hymn: All things dull and ugly, all creatures short and squat.All things rude and nasty, the Lord God made the lot And so it is with sound. No-one singing the praises of hearing ever refers to the hideous clogged-mucous growling of semi-trailers and their shrieking air brakes, or to the piercing skritter of fingernails scraped down plasterboard, or to any song by Barry Manilow. My sense of deafness as a part of who I am comes from a life-long exploration of deafness, exactly what that poor hearing-impaired businessman will never do. He could not because his narrow definition of deafness, a pallid imitation of what hearing people think it is, blind him to the rich possibilities of what Deafness can be. That gentleman’s life would have been dominated by tension as he negotiated transactions with hearing people. Such tension is universal with any Deaf or hearing-impaired person. Where Deaf people are concerned, the similarity ends because they draw a sustenance that comes from knowing the place of Deafness within oneself, and especially, from the ease of communication with other Deaf people. This businessman would know nothing about that. I think he would be a very lonely man, and devoid of any sense of humour. My exploration of Deafness, which will continue for as long as I live, was inextricably bound up with an exploration of who I was and what was my place in the world, because personal identity is fluid and changing, and has many facets. Deafness is one part of me, but it is not the only part.

Our thesis is that the city’s ambience is now an unstable dialectic in which we are watchers and watched, mirrored and refracted in a landscape of iPhone auteurs, eTags, CCTV and sousveillance. Embrace ambience! Invoking Benjamin’s spirit, this article does not seek to limit understanding through restriction to a particular theme or theoretical construct (Buck-Morss 253). Instead, it offers snapshots of interactions at the dawn of the postmodern city. That bricolage also engages how people appropriate, manipulate, disrupt and divert urban spaces and strategies of power in their everyday life. Ambient information can both liberate and disenfranchise the individual. This article asks whether our era’s dialectics result in a new personhood or merely restate the traditional spectacle of ‘bright lights, big city’. Does the virtualized city result in ambient anomie and satiation or in surprise, autonomy and serendipity? (Gumpert 36) Since the steam age, ambience has been characterised in terms of urban sound, particularly the alienation attributable to the individual’s experience as a passive receptor of a cacophony of sounds – now soft, now loud, random and recurrent–from the hubbub of crowds, the crash and grind of traffic, the noise of industrial processes and domestic activity, factory whistles, fire alarms, radio, television and gramophones (Merchant 111; Thompson 6). In the age of the internet, personal devices such as digital cameras and iPhones, and urban informatics such as CCTV networks and e-Tags, ambience is interactivity, monitoring and signalling across multiple media, rather than just sound. It is an interactivity in which watchers observe the watched observing them and the watched reshape the fabric of virtualized cities merely by traversing urban precincts (Hillier 295; De Certeau 163). It is also about pervasive although unevenly distributed monitoring of individuals, using sensors that are remote to the individual (for example cameras or tag-readers mounted above highways) or are borne by the individual (for example mobile phones or badges that systematically report the location to a parent, employer or sex offender register) (Holmes 176; Savitch 130). That monitoring reflects what Doel and Clark characterized as a pervasive sense of ambient fear in the postmodern city, albeit fear that like much contemporary anxiety is misplaced–you are more at risk from intimates than from strangers, from car accidents than terrorists or stalkers–and that is ahistorical (Doel 13; Scheingold 33). Finally, it is about cooption, with individuals signalling their identity through ambient advertising: wearing tshirts, sweatshirts, caps and other apparel that display iconic faces such as Obama and Monroe or that embody corporate imagery such as the Nike ‘Swoosh’, Coca-Cola ‘Ribbon’, Linux Penguin and Hello Kitty feline (Sayre 82; Maynard 97). In the postmodern global village much advertising is ambient, rather than merely delivered to a device or fixed on a billboard. Australian cities are now seas of information, phantasmagoric environments in which the ambient noise encountered by residents and visitors comprises corporate signage, intelligent traffic signs, displays at public transport nodes, shop-window video screens displaying us watching them, and a plethora of personal devices showing everything from the weather to snaps of people in the street or neighborhood satellite maps. They are environments through which people traverse both as persons and abstractions, virtual presences on volatile digital maps and in online social networks. Spectacle, Anomie or Personhood The spectacular city of modernity is a meme of communication, cultural and urban development theory. It is spectacular in the sense that of large, artificial, even sublime. It is also spectacular because it is built around the gaze, whether the vistas of Hausmann’s boulevards, the towers of Manhattan and Chicago, the shopfront ‘sea of light’ and advertising pillars noted by visitors to Weimar Berlin or the neon ‘neo-baroque’ of Las Vegas (Schivelbusch 114; Fritzsche 164; Ndalianis 535). In the year 2010 it aspires to 2020 vision, a panoptic and panspectric gaze on the part of governors and governed alike (Kullenberg 38). In contrast to the timelessness of Heidegger’s hut and the ‘fixity’ of rural backwaters, spectacular cities are volatile domains where all that is solid continues to melt into air with the aid of jackhammers and the latest ‘new media’ potentially result in a hypereality that make it difficult to determine what is real and what is not (Wark 22; Berman 19). The spectacular city embodies a dialectic. It is anomic because it induces an alienation in the spectator, a fatigue attributable to media satiation and to a sense of being a mere cog in a wheel, a disempowered and readily-replaceable entity that is denied personhood–recognition as an autonomous individual–through subjection to a Fordist and post-Fordist industrial discipline or the more insidious imprisonment of being ‘a housewife’, one ant in a very large ant hill (Dyer-Witheford 58). People, however, are not automatons: they experience media, modernity and urbanism in different ways. The same attributes that erode the selfhood of some people enhance the autonomy and personhood of others. The spectacular city, now a matrix of digits, information flows and opportunities, is a realm in which people can subvert expectations and find scope for self-fulfillment, whether by wearing a hoodie that defeats CCTV or by using digital technologies to find and associate with other members of stigmatized affinity groups. One person’s anomie is another’s opportunity. Ambience and Virtualisation Eighty years after Fritz Lang’s Metropolis forecast a cyber-sociality, digital technologies are resulting in a ‘virtualisation’ of social interactions and cities. In post-modern cityscapes, the space of flows comprises an increasing number of electronic exchanges through physically disjointed places (Castells 2002). Virtualisation involves supplementation or replacement of face-to-face contact with hypersocial communication via new media, including SMS, email, blogging and Facebook. In 2010 your friends (or your boss or a bully) may always be just a few keystrokes away, irrespective of whether it is raining outside, there is a public transport strike or the car is in for repairs (Hassan 69; Baron 215). Virtualisation also involves an abstraction of bodies and physical movements, with the information that represents individual identities or vehicles traversing the virtual spaces comprised of CCTV networks (where viewers never encounter the person or crowd face to face), rail ticketing systems and road management systems (x e-Tag passed by this tag reader, y camera logged a specific vehicle onto a database using automated number-plate recognition software) (Wood 93; Lyon 253). Surveillant Cities Pervasive anxiety is a permanent and recurrent feature of urban experience. Often navigated by an urgency to control perceived disorder, both physically and through cultivated dominant theory (early twentieth century gendered discourses to push women back into the private sphere; ethno-racial closure and control in the Black Metropolis of 1940s Chicago), history is punctuated by attempts to dissolve public debate and infringe minority freedoms (Wilson 1991). In the Post-modern city unprecedented technological capacity generates a totalizing media vector whose plausible by-product is the perception of an ambient menace (Wark 3). Concurrent faith in technology as a cost-effective mechanism for public management (policing, traffic, planning, revenue generation) has resulted in emergence of the surveillant city. It is both a social and architectural fabric whose infrastructure is dotted with sensors and whose people assume that they will be monitored by private/public sector entities and directed by interactive traffic management systems – from electronic speed signs and congestion indicators through to rail schedule displays –leveraging data collected through those sensors. The fabric embodies tensions between governance (at its crudest, enforcement of law by police and their surrogates in private security services) and the soft cage of digital governmentality, with people being disciplined through knowledge that they are being watched and that the observation may be shared with others in an official or non-official shaming (Parenti 51; Staples 41). Encounters with a railway station CCTV might thus result in exhibition of the individual in court or on broadcast television, whether in nightly news or in a ‘reality tv’ crime expose built around ‘most wanted’ footage (Jermyn 109). Misbehaviour by a partner might merely result in scrutiny of mobile phone bills or web browser histories (which illicit content has the partner consumed, which parts of cyberspace has been visited), followed by a visit to the family court. It might instead result in digital viligilantism, with private offences being named and shamed on electronic walls across the global village, such as Facebook. iPhone Auteurism Activists have responded to pervasive surveillance by turning the cameras on ‘the watchers’ in an exercise of ‘sousveillance’ (Bennett 13; Huey 158). That mirroring might involve the meticulous documentation, often using the same geospatial tools deployed by public/private security agents, of the location of closed circuit television cameras and other surveillance devices. One outcome is the production of maps identifying who is watching and where that watching is taking place. As a corollary, people with anxieties about being surveilled, with a taste for street theatre or a receptiveness to a new form of urban adventure have used those maps to traverse cities via routes along which they cannot be identified by cameras, tags and other tools of the panoptic sort, or to simply adopt masks at particular locations. In 2020 can anyone aspire to be a protagonist in V for Vendetta? (iSee) Mirroring might take more visceral forms, with protestors for example increasingly making a practice of capturing images of police and private security services dealing with marches, riots and pickets. The advent of 3G mobile phones with a still/video image capability and ongoing ‘dematerialisation’ of traditional video cameras (ie progressively cheaper, lighter, more robust, less visible) means that those engaged in political action can document interaction with authority. So can passers-by. That ambient imaging, turning the public gaze on power and thereby potentially redefining the ‘public’ (given that in Australia the community has been embodied by the state and discourse has been mediated by state-sanctioned media), poses challenges for media scholars and exponents of an invigorated civil society in which we are looking together – and looking at each other – rather than bowling alone. One challenge for consumers in construing ambient media is trust. Can we believe what we see, particularly when few audiences have forensic skills and intermediaries such as commercial broadcasters may privilege immediacy (the ‘breaking news’ snippet from participants) over context and verification. Social critics such as Baudelaire and Benjamin exalt the flaneur, the free spirit who gazed on the street, a street that was as much a spectacle as the theatre and as vibrant as the circus. In 2010 the same technologies that empower citizen journalism and foster a succession of velvet revolutions feed flaneurs whose streetwalking doesn’t extend beyond a keyboard and a modem. The US and UK have thus seen emergence of gawker services, with new media entrepreneurs attempting to build sustainable businesses by encouraging fans to report the location of celebrities (and ideally provide images of those encounters) for the delectation of people who are web surfing or receiving a tweet (Burns 24). In the age of ambient cameras, where the media are everywhere and nowhere (and micro-stock photoservices challenge agencies such as Magnum), everyone can join the paparazzi. Anyone can deploy that ambient surveillance to become a stalker. The enthusiasm with which fans publish sightings of celebrities will presumably facilitate attacks on bodies rather than images. Information may want to be free but so, inconveniently, do iconoclasts and practitioners of participatory panopticism (Dodge 431; Dennis 348). Rhetoric about ‘citizen journalism’ has been co-opted by ‘old media’, with national broadcasters and commercial enterprises soliciting still images and video from non-professionals, whether for free or on a commercial basis. It is a world where ‘journalists’ are everywhere and where responsibility resides uncertainly at the editorial desk, able to reject or accept offerings from people with cameras but without the industrial discipline formerly exercised through professional training and adherence to formal codes of practice. It is thus unsurprising that South Australia’s Government, echoed by some peers, has mooted anti-gawker legislation aimed at would-be auteurs who impede emergency services by stopping their cars to take photos of bushfires, road accidents or other disasters. The flipside of that iPhone auteurism is anxiety about the public gaze, expressed through moral panics regarding street photography and sexting. Apart from a handful of exceptions (notably photography in the Sydney Opera House precinct, in the immediate vicinity of defence facilities and in some national parks), Australian law does not prohibit ‘street photography’ which includes photographs or videos of streetscapes or public places. Despite periodic assertions that it is a criminal offence to take photographs of people–particularly minors–without permission from an official, parent/guardian or individual there is no general restriction on ambient photography in public spaces. Moral panics about photographs of children (or adults) on beaches or in the street reflect an ambient anxiety in which danger is associated with strangers and strangers are everywhere (Marr 7; Bauman 93). That conceptualisation is one that would delight people who are wholly innocent of Judith Butler or Andrea Dworkin, in which the gaze (ever pervasive, ever powerful) is tantamount to a violation. The reality is more prosaic: most child sex offences involve intimates, rather than the ‘monstrous other’ with the telephoto lens or collection of nastiness on his iPod (Cossins 435; Ingebretsen 190). Recognition of that reality is important in considering moves that would egregiously restrict legitimate photography in public spaces or happy snaps made by doting relatives. An ambient image–unposed, unpremeditated, uncoerced–of an intimate may empower both authors and subjects when little is solid and memory is fleeting. The same caution might usefully be applied in considering alarms about sexting, ie creation using mobile phones (and access by phone or computer monitor) of intimate images of teenagers by teenagers. Australian governments have moved to emulate their US peers, treating such photography as a criminal offence that can be conceptualized as child pornography and addressed through permanent inclusion in sex offender registers. Lifelong stigmatisation is inappropriate in dealing with naïve or brash 12 and 16 year olds who have been exchanging intimate images without an awareness of legal frameworks or an understanding of consequences (Shafron-Perez 432). Cameras may be everywhere among the e-generation but legal knowledge, like the future, is unevenly distributed. Digital Handcuffs Generations prior to 2008 lost themselves in the streets, gaining individuality or personhood by escaping the surveillance inherent in living at home, being observed by neighbours or simply surrounded by colleagues. Streets offered anonymity and autonomy (Simmel 1903), one reason why heterodox sexuality has traditionally been negotiated in parks and other beats and on kerbs where sex workers ply their trade (Dalton 375). Recent decades have seen a privatisation of those public spaces, with urban planning and digital technologies imposing a new governmentality on hitherto ambient ‘deviance’ and on voyeuristic-exhibitionist practice such as heterosexual ‘dogging’ (Bell 387). That governmentality has been enforced through mechanisms such as replacement of traditional public toilets with ‘pods’ that are conveniently maintained by global service providers such as Veolia (the unromantic but profitable rump of former media & sewers conglomerate Vivendi) and function as billboards for advertising groups such as JC Decaux. Faces encountered in the vicinity of the twenty-first century pissoir are thus likely to be those of supermodels selling yoghurt, low interest loans or sportsgear – the same faces sighted at other venues across the nation and across the globe. Visiting ‘the mens’ gives new meaning to the word ambience when you are more likely to encounter Louis Vuitton and a CCTV camera than George Michael. George’s face, or that of Madonna, Barack Obama, Kevin 07 or Homer Simpson, might instead be sighted on the tshirts or hoodies mentioned above. George’s music might also be borne on the bodies of people you see in the park, on the street, or in the bus. This is the age of ambient performance, taken out of concert halls and virtualised on iPods, Walkmen and other personal devices, music at the demand of the consumer rather than as rationed by concert managers (Bull 85). The cost of that ambience, liberation of performance from time and space constraints, may be a Weberian disenchantment (Steiner 434). Technology has also removed anonymity by offering digital handcuffs to employees, partners, friends and children. The same mobile phones used in the past to offer excuses or otherwise disguise the bearer’s movement may now be tied to an observer through location services that plot the person’s movement across Google Maps or the geospatial information of similar services. That tracking is an extension into the private realm of the identification we now take for granted when using taxis or logistics services, with corporate Australia for example investing in systems that allow accurate determination of where a shipment is located (on Sydney Harbour Bridge? the loading dock? accompanying the truck driver on unauthorized visits to the pub?) and a forecast of when it will arrive (Monmonier 76). Such technologies are being used on a smaller scale to enforce digital Fordism among the binary proletariat in corporate buildings and campuses, with ‘smart badges’ and biometric gateways logging an individual’s movement across institutional terrain (so many minutes in the conference room, so many minutes in the bathroom or lingering among the faux rainforest near the Vice Chancellery) (Bolt). Bright Lights, Blog City It is a truth universally acknowledged, at least by right-thinking Foucauldians, that modernity is a matter of coercion and anomie as all that is solid melts into air. If we are living in an age of hypersocialisation and hypercapitalism – movies and friends on tap, along with the panoptic sorting by marketers and pervasive scrutiny by both the ‘information state’ and public audiences (the million people or one person reading your blog) that is an inevitable accompaniment of the digital cornucopia–we might ask whether everyone is or should be unhappy. This article began by highlighting traditional responses to the bright lights, brashness and excitement of the big city. One conclusion might be that in 2010 not much has changed. Some people experience ambient information as liberating; others as threatening, productive of physical danger or of a more insidious anomie in which personal identity is blurred by an ineluctable electro-smog. There is disagreement about the professionalism (for which read ethics and inhibitions) of ‘citizen media’ and about a culture in which, as in the 1920s, audiences believe that they ‘own the image’ embodying the celebrity or public malefactor. Digital technologies allow you to navigate through the urban maze and allow officials, marketers or the hostile to track you. Those same technologies allow you to subvert both the governmentality and governance. You are free: Be ambient! References Baron, Naomi. Always On: Language in an Online and Mobile World. New York: Oxford UP, 2008. Bauman, Zygmunt. 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