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1
Wang, Erik B. "The Iran-Iraq War Revisited: Some Reflections on the Role of International Law." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 32 (1995): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800005749.
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SommaireLe conflit Iran-Irak a été une guerre d'une extrême violence qui n'a respecté aucune des règles du droit international. L'auteur analyse en particulier trois aspects de ce conflit: l'usage illégal de la force, l'usage des armes chimiques ainsi que les attaques contre les'navires neutres. A la lumière de toutes ces violations du droit international, la communauté internationale, dont le Canada, n'a pas su réagir avec succès. Quelle leçon peut-on en retenir pour les autres conflits régionaux? L'intervention active de tierces parties à un conflit est donc plutôt l'exception que la règle. Afin de bénéficier d'une telle intervention de la communauté internationale, il faudrait une initiative américaine ou celle d'un autre membre permanent du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies.
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Rioux, Jean-Sébastien, and Sandra Pabón Murcia. "L’implication des tierces parties durant les crises internationales en Amérique latine de 1947 à 1994." Études internationales 33, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704380ar.
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De longue date, la soi-disant zone d'influence créée par les États-Unisd'Amérique en Occident est prise pour acquis ; on croit que l'hégémonie des États-Unis n'y rencontre aucune barrière. Conséquemment, des organisations internationales telles les Nations Unies (ONU) et des organisations régionales telle l'Organisation des États américains (OÉA) ne devraient posséder aucun véritable pouvoir dans la médiation de conflits dans cette sphère d'influence états-unienne. Cependant, dans cette étude, nous avons observé que, durant la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle, les crises internationales d'Amérique latine avaient pour caractéristique une plus grande incidence d'activités d'organisations globales qu'on aurait pu croire quoique les interventions onusiennes ne furent pas aussi efficaces à apaiser les conflits que les interventions de I'OÉA et des États-Unis. Comment pouvons-nous expliquer cette activité importante d'organisations globales à la lumière de cette supposée hégémonie des États-Unis sur le territoire et quels facteurs peuvent affecter l'efficacité de sa médiation en Amérique latine ? Quelles leçons pouvons-nous tirer de ces découvertes qui pourraient être appliquées à d'autres aires de conflit à moyen ou long terme ? Les résultats de cette étude pourraient servir de leçon pour d'autres organisations régionales et appuient l'idée d'une « division des tâches » entre l'ONU et les organisations de sécurité régionales pour la gestion des conflits.
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Grima, François, Olivier Brunel, Irène Georgescu, and Ludovic Taphanel. "Antécédents et efficacité des stratégies de médiation de conflits : le cas des présidents de Commissions mixtes paritaires en France." Articles 73, no. 3 (November 7, 2018): 461–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1053837ar.
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Résumé Le but de cet article est d’identifier les stratégies développées par le médiateur, ainsi que leurs antécédents. S’appuyant sur une enquête quantitative réalisée auprès de 51 présidents de Commission mixte paritaire (PCMP) ayant un rôle de médiateur au niveau des branches professionnelles, cette recherche établit deux résultats. Premièrement, elle distingue deux stratégies développées par le médiateur : la stratégie d’accompagnement et la stratégie interventionniste. La première permet au médiateur d’amener les parties au conflit à l’accord. La seconde stratégie n’a pas d’effets directs sur la résolution de l’accord. Cependant, nos résultats démontrent l’existence d’un effet indirect de cette stratégie interventionniste. Celle-ci est efficace lorsqu’elle est associée à la stratégie d’accompagnement. Deuxièmement, l’intervention d’un tiers expert ou d’autorité, soit un suivi de l’activité des parties en dehors de la salle de médiation, facilite la stratégie interventionniste alors que la compétence des parties, notamment un contact régulier avec ces dernières, est lié à la stratégie d’accompagnement. Dépassant les approches descriptives, ce travail propose une meilleure compréhension du comportement du médiateur, une intervention dynamique et complexe lors du processus de médiation. Cette recherche apparait comme un nouveau point de départ pour comprendre les dynamiques de médiations dans un contexte où le rôle des partenaires sociaux dans la définition de la réglementation sociale s’affirme. Les auteurs suggèrent d’intégrer dans l’analyse des dynamiques de médiation, les facteurs contextuels et personnels liés aux différents acteurs que sont le médiateur, les parties prenantes, ainsi que les tiers extérieurs. Les limites de ce travail demeurent la taille de son échantillon, ainsi que l’absence de triangulation des sources qui auraient permis d’obtenir une vision plus éclairée de l’action du médiateur. De plus, l’étude ayant été conduite en France, elle n’exclut pas l’existence de biais culturels. C’est pourquoi ce travail ouvre des perspectives multiples de recherches sur le sujet du rôle du médiateur dans les dynamiques de médiations.
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Giaretto, Mariana, and Victoria Naffa. "Conflictos por tomas de tierras y modos de intervención estatal: análisis de una experiencia del Alto Valle de Río Negro (Argentina)." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 19 (September 14, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.19.261.
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ResumenEn este trabajo analizamos las relaciones entre tomas de tierras y Estado, en elAlto Valle de Río Negro en Argentina. En un contexto general de especulacióninmobiliaria, por la que se encarecen los precios de alquileres y terrenos, y depolíticas de vivienda selectivas y acotadas, los sectores populares acceden aun espacio en la ciudad mediante tomas de tierras. Frente a estos conflictos,el Estado, en sus diferentes niveles y poderes, despliega una forma deintervención basada en la criminalización de las luchas por tierra y vivienda.Al mismo tiempo, el poder ejecutivo nacional crea la Secretaría de Acceso alHábitat, para posibilitar la intervención política orientada a la regularizaciónde los asentamientos. Sin embargo, esta intervención tiende a reinscribir laproblemática habitacional en el campo político, para reducirla a un conflicto“entre partes”, eludiendo la responsabilidad estatal.Desde un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, seleccionamos como referenteempírico el caso del asentamiento de Villa Obrera en Fiske, Menuco (Gral.Roca), y las técnicas de recolección de datos se basan en fuentes secundarias,como expedientes judiciales y normativa, y en fuentes primarias como son losrelatos de los protagonistas mediante entrevistas individuales y colectivas.Palabras clave: tomas de tierras, Estado, criminalización de los conflictos.Conflicts caused by land occupation and modesof State intervention: analysis of an experience ofAlto Valle in Río Negro (Argentina)AbstractThis paper analyzes the relationship between State and land occupation,at Alto Valle in Río Negro, Argentina. In a general context of real estatespeculation, where rents and land prices are expensive, and a policy ofselective and limited housing, popular sectors can have access to a spacein the city through land occupation. In front of these conflicts, the Statein its different levels and powers, displays a form of intervention basedon the criminalization of struggles for land and housing. At the sametime, the national executive creates the Secretariat of Access to Habitat,oriented to allow political intervention for the regularization of settlements.However, this intervention tends to re-register the housing problems in thepolitical arena, reducing it to a conflict “between parties” and eluding theresponsibility of the State.From a qualitative methodological approach, we selected as empirical referencethe case of the settlement of Villa Obrera in Fiske, Menuco (GeneralRoca). The techniques of data collection are based on secondary sources, suchas policy and legal records, and primary sources as the stories of protagoniststhrough individual and collective interviews.Keywords: land occupation, State, criminalization of conflicts.Conflitos sobre ocupações de terras e modos deintervenção do estado: análise de uma experiênciado Alto Valle do Rio Preto (Argentina)ResumoEste trabalho analisa as relações entre a posse de terra e o Estado, no AltoValle do Rio Preto, na Argentina. Num contexto geral da especulaçãoimobiliária, por qual se encarecem os preços do aluguel e das terras, e depolíticas de habitação seletivas e limitadas, os setores populares acedem aum espaço na cidade através de ocupações de terras. Frente a estes conflitos,o Estado, em seus diferentes níveis e poderes, desenvolve uma forma deintervenção com base na criminalização das lutas pela terra e vivenda. Aomesmo tempo, o poder executivo nacional cria a Secretaria de Acesso àHabitat para possibilitar à intervenção política orientada a regularização dosassentamentos. No entanto, esta intervenção tende a registrar os problemasde habitação no campo político, para reduzi-la a um conflito “entre aspartes”, iludindo a responsabilidade do Estado.A partir de uma abordagem metodológica qualitativa, foi selecionado comoreferência empírica o caso do Assentamento de Villa Obrera em Fiske,Menuco (Gral. Roca), e as técnicas de recolecção de dados são baseados emfontes secundárias, como expedientes judiciais e normativos, e em fontes primárias como são as histórias dos protagonistas através de entrevistasindividuais e coletivas.Palavras-chave: tomada de terras, Estado, criminalização dos conflitos.
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Giaretto, Mariana, and Victoria Naffa. "Conflictos por tomas de tierras y modos de intervención estatal: análisis de una experiencia del Alto Valle de Río Negro (Argentina)." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 19 (September 14, 2016): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.19.261.
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ResumenEn este trabajo analizamos las relaciones entre tomas de tierras y Estado, en elAlto Valle de Río Negro en Argentina. En un contexto general de especulacióninmobiliaria, por la que se encarecen los precios de alquileres y terrenos, y depolíticas de vivienda selectivas y acotadas, los sectores populares acceden aun espacio en la ciudad mediante tomas de tierras. Frente a estos conflictos,el Estado, en sus diferentes niveles y poderes, despliega una forma deintervención basada en la criminalización de las luchas por tierra y vivienda.Al mismo tiempo, el poder ejecutivo nacional crea la Secretaría de Acceso alHábitat, para posibilitar la intervención política orientada a la regularizaciónde los asentamientos. Sin embargo, esta intervención tiende a reinscribir laproblemática habitacional en el campo político, para reducirla a un conflicto“entre partes”, eludiendo la responsabilidad estatal.Desde un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, seleccionamos como referenteempírico el caso del asentamiento de Villa Obrera en Fiske, Menuco (Gral.Roca), y las técnicas de recolección de datos se basan en fuentes secundarias,como expedientes judiciales y normativa, y en fuentes primarias como son losrelatos de los protagonistas mediante entrevistas individuales y colectivas.Palabras clave: tomas de tierras, Estado, criminalización de los conflictos.Conflicts caused by land occupation and modesof State intervention: analysis of an experience ofAlto Valle in Río Negro (Argentina)AbstractThis paper analyzes the relationship between State and land occupation,at Alto Valle in Río Negro, Argentina. In a general context of real estatespeculation, where rents and land prices are expensive, and a policy ofselective and limited housing, popular sectors can have access to a spacein the city through land occupation. In front of these conflicts, the Statein its different levels and powers, displays a form of intervention basedon the criminalization of struggles for land and housing. At the sametime, the national executive creates the Secretariat of Access to Habitat,oriented to allow political intervention for the regularization of settlements.However, this intervention tends to re-register the housing problems in thepolitical arena, reducing it to a conflict “between parties” and eluding theresponsibility of the State.From a qualitative methodological approach, we selected as empirical referencethe case of the settlement of Villa Obrera in Fiske, Menuco (GeneralRoca). The techniques of data collection are based on secondary sources, suchas policy and legal records, and primary sources as the stories of protagoniststhrough individual and collective interviews.Keywords: land occupation, State, criminalization of conflicts.Conflitos sobre ocupações de terras e modos deintervenção do estado: análise de uma experiênciado Alto Valle do Rio Preto (Argentina)ResumoEste trabalho analisa as relações entre a posse de terra e o Estado, no AltoValle do Rio Preto, na Argentina. Num contexto geral da especulaçãoimobiliária, por qual se encarecem os preços do aluguel e das terras, e depolíticas de habitação seletivas e limitadas, os setores populares acedem aum espaço na cidade através de ocupações de terras. Frente a estes conflitos,o Estado, em seus diferentes níveis e poderes, desenvolve uma forma deintervenção com base na criminalização das lutas pela terra e vivenda. Aomesmo tempo, o poder executivo nacional cria a Secretaria de Acesso àHabitat para possibilitar à intervenção política orientada a regularização dosassentamentos. No entanto, esta intervenção tende a registrar os problemasde habitação no campo político, para reduzi-la a um conflito “entre aspartes”, iludindo a responsabilidade do Estado.A partir de uma abordagem metodológica qualitativa, foi selecionado comoreferência empírica o caso do Assentamento de Villa Obrera em Fiske,Menuco (Gral. Roca), e as técnicas de recolecção de dados são baseados emfontes secundárias, como expedientes judiciais e normativos, e em fontes primárias como são as histórias dos protagonistas através de entrevistasindividuais e coletivas.Palavras-chave: tomada de terras, Estado, criminalização dos conflitos.
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De Girolamo, Debbie. "(2012) 30 Windsor Y B Access Just 103 A VIEW FROM WITHIN: RECONCEPTUALIZING MEDIATOR INTERACTIONS." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 30, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v30i2.4371.
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This paper explores mediator interactions from within the mediation process. It is difficult to obtain access to mediations due to issues of confidentiality and litigation privilege, thus restricting direct empirical research. During a yearlong ethnographic study during which the author was a participant-observer of a number of commercial mediations, the nature of mediations was explored from an independent observational perspective – separate from the process yet within the process. In this study, real life patterns of interactions are examined through case study analysis. It offers a reconceptualization of the nature of mediator interventions, one that moves beyond the accepted understanding of third party intervention. It suggests that the mediator has a fugitive identity in mediation, reflecting a traditional neutral third party intervener role, a party role and an adviser role.Dans le présent document, l‟auteure explore les interactions des médiateurs dans le cadre du processus de médiation. Il est difficile d‟obtenir l‟accès aux séances de médiation en raison du secret professionnel et du privilège relatif au litige, et cette difficulté limite la recherche empirique directe. Au cours d‟une étude ethnographique qui s‟est déroulée sur une année et à laquelle l‟auteure a participé comme observatrice d‟un certain nombre de médiations commerciales, la nature des médiations a été explorée d‟un point de vue observationnel indépendant – distinct du processus bien qu‟au sein du processus. Dans la présente étude, des situations réelles d‟interaction sont examinées au moyen de l‟analyse d‟études de cas. L‟auteure offre une reconceptualisation de la nature des interventions du médiateur, qui va au-delà de ce qui est reconnu comme l‟intervention d‟une tierce partie. Le médiateur aurait une identité fugace dans le processus de médiation, cette identité s‟expliquant par un rôle traditionnel de tiers intervenant neutre, un rôle de partie et un rôle de conseiller.
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Quemin, Alain. "L'art plus fort que la science? L'affrontement entre expertise stylistique et expertise scientifique dans une querelle sur l'authenticité d'une œuvre d'art: l'affaire Sésostris III." Sociedade e Estado 20, no. 2 (August 2005): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-69922005000200007.
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L'une des dimensions de l'expertise artistique consiste à se prononcer sur l'authenticité des œuvres et, pour cela, les experts disposent de différentes méthodes et ressources. Si, traditionnellement, l'essentiel des arguments relevait du registre stylistique, de la manière de procéder qui permettait d'attribuer telle ou telle œuvre à un artiste, de nouvelles méthodes scientifiques (tests chimiques, de thermoluminescence…) fondées sur l'étude des propriétés physiques des œuvres, ont, depuis, connu un développement considérable. Le présent texte se propose d'analyser un cas exemplaire de controverse liée à l'authenticité d'une œuvre, une statue du pharaon égyptien Sésostris III, qui a vu s'affronter arguments stylistiques et arguments scientifiques (entendus ici au sens de sciences "dures") et d'étudier comment des arguments opposés ont été reçus par des tierces parties comme la Justice, parfois amenée in fine à trancher les cas les plus épineux.
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Chartier, Roger. "Grievances and Third-Party Intervention." Relations industrielles 15, no. 2 (February 4, 2014): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022030ar.
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Summary Grievance is but one form of industrial conflict. It must be seen in the light or the global industrial relations situation of the parties. Its functions are many, whether it be a conflict over rights or over interest. The main thing is that the parties keep the closest possible control over the produce by resort to private arbitration.
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Halevy, Nir, and Eliran Halali. "Selfish third parties act as peacemakers by transforming conflicts and promoting cooperation." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 22 (May 18, 2015): 6937–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1505067112.
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The tremendous costs of conflict have made humans resourceful not only at warfare but also at peacemaking. Although third parties have acted as peacemakers since the dawn of history, little is known about voluntary, informal third-party intervention in conflict. Here we introduce the Peacemaker Game, a novel experimental paradigm, to model and study the interdependence between disputants and third parties in conflict. In the game, two disputants choose whether to cooperate or compete and a third party chooses whether or not to intervene in the conflict. Intervention introduces side payments that transform the game disputants are playing; it also introduces risk for the third party by making it vulnerable to disputants’ choices. Six experiments revealed three robust effects: (i) The mere possibility of third-party intervention significantly increases cooperation in interpersonal and intergroup conflicts; (ii) reducing the risk to third parties dramatically increases intervention rates, to everyone’s benefit; and (iii) disputants’ cooperation rates are consistently higher than third parties’ intervention rates. These findings explain why, how, and when self-interested third parties facilitate peaceful conflict resolution.
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Kathman, Jacob D. "Civil War Diffusion and Regional Motivations for Intervention." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 6 (July 7, 2011): 847–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711408009.
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Third-party states consider the regional destabilization consequences of civil wars when deciding to intervene. However, previous work implicitly assumes that potential interveners base their intervention decisions solely on their links to the civil war country. This approach is unlikely to reflect the regional concerns of interested parties. When a civil war is increasingly likely to infect its surrounding region, potential interveners with strong interests in those states neighboring the conflict will be more likely to intervene to contain the violence. Thus, relationships outside the civil war state—intervener dyad are causally associated with intervention. To test these arguments, the author accounts for the contagious properties of civil wars and the regional interests of third parties, constructing dynamic measures to represent the contagion threat posed to third party regional interests. Analyses of these measures support the argument that third parties are increasingly likely to intervene as the risk of diffusion increasingly threatens their regional interests.
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Corbetta, Renato, and Keith A. Grant. "Intervention in Conflicts from a Network Perspective." Conflict Management and Peace Science 29, no. 3 (July 2012): 314–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894212443343.
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Whether neutral or on the side of a combatant, third-party states’ intervention in ongoing interstate conflicts is a triadic phenomenon which involves ties between a joining state and the two originators of the dispute. Existing studies on this topic have failed to fully capture the triadic nature of intervention, preferring instead to focus either on the joiner’s motivations or on the distinct dyadic relationships between joiners and the two separate combatants. Building on classic structural theories of triadic balance and on prior work by Maoz et al. (2007), in this article we address the triadic aspect of both mediation and “joining behavior”. The nature of the triadic relations among disputants and third parties influences not just the likelihood of intervention, but also the type of intervention. When triadic relations are unbalanced, third parties are more likely to intervene as intermediaries. On the contrary, when triadic relations are balanced, third parties are more likely to intervene in a partisan manner. We explore our main hypotheses by constructing a triadic data set that combines Corbetta and Dixon’s (2005) data on partisan third-party interventions and Frazier and Dixon’s (2006) data on neutral (intermediary) interventions in militarized interstate disputes with a friendship–hostility scale extracted from international events data (IDEA and COPDAB).
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Lim Soyeon. "Intervention of Interested Parties in a Subrogation Action by Creditor." Ajou Law Review 10, no. 1 (May 2016): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21589/ajlaw.2016.10.1.123.
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Carment, David, and Dane Rowlands. "Vengeance and Intervention: Can Third Parties Bring Peace without Separation?" Security Studies 13, no. 4 (July 2004): 366–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636410490945947.
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Fuchs and Riebenfeld. "Acamprosat und psychosoziale Intervention." Praxis 91, no. 17 (April 1, 2002): 735–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/0369-8394.91.17.735.
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105 patients présentant une forte dépendance à l'alcool et traités dans 13 centres de Suisse ont pris part à cette étude ouverte. Pendant une période de 24 semaines, le taux d'abstinence a été déterminé sous acamprosate utilisé dans le cadre de programmes psychothérapeutiques d'intervention établis, les médecins ayant le choix entre cinq procédés différents. En outre, un profil socio-démographique a été établi. Il a été procédé à un examen physique et des données touchant à la tolérance de l'acamprosate ont été récoltées. Il était de plus intéressant de vérifier si la qualité de vie se modifiait sous traitement et, le cas échéant, de quelle manière, et de déterminer quelle forme de soutien psychosocial les patients obtenaient. Près des deux tiers des patients (63%) ont eu recours à une psychothérapie individuelle comme traitement de soutien, chez 28% des patients le médecin a opté pour une thérapie comportementale cognitive, chez 4% des patients il s'est agi d'une brève intervention ou d'une thérapie de groupe et, chez 2% d'entre eux, d'une thérapie de famille. Le médecin s'en est tenu à la forme initiale de la psychothérapie chez 85% des patients et l'a modifiée une fois chez les 15% restants. En raison de cette distribution très inégale, une comparaison des résultats obtenus sous l'aspect de la thérapie associée s'est avérée plutôt problématique. Les problèmes psychiatriques (21%), la polynévrite (12%) et les lésions hépatiques (10,6%) ont été les diagnostics associés les plus fréquents – des complications bien connues de l'abus d'alcool. Sur les 91 patients qui sont restés abstinents pendant les deux premières semaines qui ont suivi le début de l'étude, 12,9% avaient fait une rechute à la fin de l'étude, 56% n'avaient pas fait de rechute (ils étaient abstinents, avaient un Binge ou Lapse) et 31,8% n'étaient plus réapparus aux dates convenues pour les contrôles. Toutefois, lorsqu'une rechute s'est produite, une quantité d'alcool nettement moins importante qu'avant le début de l'étude a été consommée. Cette intervention combinée a entraîné l'amélioration de tous les paramètres de qualité de vie qui ont été documentés à l'aide du SF 36. Cette étude effectuée en Suisse, qui constitue une partie d'un programme d'étude européen, a permis de démontrer à nouveau l'effet bénéfique de l'acamprosate chez des patients présentant une dépendance à l'alcool sévère. L'acamprosate a été bien toléré par tous les patients.
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Garnett, Richard. "NATIONAL COURT INTERVENTION IN ARBITRATION AS AN INVESTMENT TREATY CLAIM." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 2 (April 2011): 485–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589311000030.
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International commercial arbitration has long been a popular method for resolving cross-border business disputes. The opportunity for parties to choose their adjudicators and the dispute resolution procedure, the scope for privacy and the greater capacity for enforcement of awards compared to court judgments are all important reasons that parties prefer international arbitration over litigation. Reinforcing this trend in favour of international commercial arbitration has been a general consensus among national courts and legislatures that support, rather than interference, should be provided to the arbitral process. Such a philosophy is apparent, for example, in the requirements in the widely adopted New York Convention for States to recognize and enforce both foreign arbitration agreements and awards, and in international instruments such as the 1985 UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration, which authorize national courts to assist, rather than intervene, in the conduct of arbitrations within their borders. Moreover, international commercial arbitration has proven to be sufficiently flexible as a dispute resolution method to be used both in disputes between private parties, and between private and State entities.
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Stratton, Harry. "Judicial intervention into political parties: Setka v Carroll [2019] VSC 571." Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal 20, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14729342.2020.1739386.
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y Bravo-Ferrer, Miguel Rodriíguez-Piñero, Salvador del Rey Guanter, and Lourdes Munduate Jaca. "The Intervention of Third Parties in the Solution of Labour Conflicts." European Work and Organizational Psychologist 3, no. 4 (October 1993): 271–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09602009308408597.
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Van Biezen, Ingrid. "State Intervention in Party Politics: The Public Funding and Regulation of Political Parties." European Review 16, no. 3 (July 2008): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870800029x.
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This article is concerned with a closer investigation of the growing tendency for the state to intervene in contemporary party politics. It examines two trends. First, it looks more closely at the increased levels of regulation of party activity and behaviour in European democracies, discussing the empirical practice as well as the underlying normative paradigms of party regulation. Second, it examines the increased availability of public funding to political parties from a comparative perspective, while also exploring the motivations for its introduction in light of particular understandings of party democracy. It is argued that both dimensions constitute part of the way in which parties have strengthened their linkages with the state in recent years, and that parties, as a result of the increased involvement of the state in their internal affairs and external behaviour, have become increasingly defined as public utilities or semi-state agencies.
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Lewis, Verlan. "Party Control of Government and American Party Ideology Development." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 2 (September 18, 2018): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x1800010x.
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Throughout U.S. history, the two major political parties have switched positions many times on a variety of issues, including how powerful the national government should be and how much it should regulate and guide the American economy. Are these changes simply the product of historical contingency, or are there structural factors at work that can help explain these developments? This article finds that change in party control of government can help explain change in party ideologies with respect to economic policy. Parties in long-term control of unified government tend to develop their ideology in ways that call for a stronger national government and more economic intervention, while parties in opposition tend to change their ideology in ways that call for less national government power and less economic intervention.
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Silver, Blake R., and Rick C. Jakeman. "College Students’ Willingness to Engage in Bystander Intervention at Off-Campus Parties." Journal of College Student Development 57, no. 4 (2016): 472–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/csd.2016.0049.
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Ignazi, Piero. "The four knights of intra-party democracy: A rescue for party delegitimation." Party Politics 26, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754599.
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This article discusses the state of agony parties are experiencing today. In a nutshell, I argue that parties are now at pains to retain their linkages with society, and that the compensation they envisaged has further damaged them. To respond to sociocultural and economic changes which had weakened parties both in their organizational standing and in their public reputation, parties took a dual route: They went to the state to acquire financial resources and profit in other ways; and they introduced direct democracy practices inside the parties themselves. After discussing how parties have reacted to the changing environment, the article concentrates on intra-party organizational modifications and deals with three basic questions: (a) Why did parties attempt to democratize? (b) What outcome did the democratization, in terms of members’ direct intervention, produce? (c) Is democracy at stake because of the negative impact of the parties’ change and their consequent, persisting, crisis of legitimacy?
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Bhattarai, Prakash. "The Impact of Relationship Dynamics on Third-Party Coordination: Perceptions of Third-Party Practitioners in Nepal and the Philippines." International Negotiation 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2016): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341324.
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A growing field within mediation research explores issues of third-party coordination. The existing literature highlights third-party coordination as a problematic but extremely important conflict intervention strategy, but lacks an in-depth explanation of fundamental aspects of third-party coordination. Considering this research gap, this study explores a fundamental theme related to third-party coordination: the influence of third-party relationship dynamics. This theme is elaborated by means of an analysis of two case studies: the Maoist armed conflict of Nepal and the Moro conflict of the Philippines. My research finds that power differences among third parties, their attitudes towards each other, differences in intervention strategies and priorities, the nature of conflicts, and the actions taken by the conflicting parties are key contextual factors that influence the dynamics of third-party relationships. Successful coordination is more likely when there is interdependence and a sense of respect between third parties.
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Prudņikova, Ilga, and Jekaterīna Jankovska. "EARLY INTERVENTION POSSIBILITIES IN ASPECT OF INCLUSIVE EDUCATION." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 3 (May 26, 2016): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2016vol3.1443.
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Inclusive education is an essential component, which provides people with special needs state of society in the future. Nowadays education, bringing together scientists, psychologists, educators theories and knowledge, gives off the focus early intervention idea. Early help is different sectoral expert professional advice and support. Fundamental of early intervention is inter-institutional cooperation that promote child development and socialization. Child's preparation to school is directly related to the timely, early assistance and support measures. Quality of inclusive education depends on all the parties of professional competence.
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Lin, Yi-Kuei, Jong-Jang Lin, and Ruey-Huei Yeh. "Coordinating a Service Supply Chain under Arms Offset Program’s Intervention by Performance-Based Contracting." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2016 (2016): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2016/8590371.
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This paper investigates a support service supply chain for coordinating with a local third-party logistics provider by arms offset program’s intervention and develops a performance-based contracting framework for the coordinating problem, which remains scarce in the literatures. The performance-based contracting framework evaluates payments and profits for the support service by a game-theoretical approach with principal-agent model. We prove that the proposed framework is an effective tool in acquiring the balance between maximum profit and minimum payment for both parties in the coordinating problem without moral hazard issue. A numerical study consolidates the formulated schemes as contracting preference for both parties’ decision with a higher profit margin at a lower customer’s payment.
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Pedersen, Eric J., William H. B. McAuliffe, Yashna Shah, Hiroki Tanaka, Yohsuke Ohtsubo, and Michael E. McCullough. "When and Why Do Third Parties Punish Outside of the Lab? A Cross-Cultural Recall Study." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 6 (December 16, 2019): 846–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619884565.
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Punishment can reform uncooperative behavior and hence could have contributed to humans’ ability to live in large-scale societies. Punishment by unaffected third parties has received extensive scientific scrutiny because third parties punish transgressors in laboratory experiments on behalf of strangers that they will never interact with again. Often overlooked in this research are interactions involving people who are not strangers, which constitute many interactions beyond the laboratory. Across three samples in two countries (United States and Japan; N = 1,294), we found that third parties’ anger at transgressors, and their intervention and punishment on behalf of victims, varied in real-life conflicts as a function of how much third parties valued the welfare of the disputants. Punishment was rare (1–2%) when third parties did not value the welfare of the victim, suggesting that previous economic game results have overestimated third parties’ willingness to punish transgressors on behalf of strangers.
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Hadley, John. "MORAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR HARMING ANIMALS." Think 8, no. 22 (2009): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1477175609000074.
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Third-party intervention has been the focus of recent debate in self-defense theory. When is it permissible for third-parties to intervene on behalf of an innocent victim facing an unjustified attack or threat? In line with recent self-defense theory, if an attacker is morally responsible for their actions and does not have an acceptable excuse then it is permissible for third-parties to use proportionate violence against them.
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Kuijpers, Dieuwertje, and Gijs Schumacher. "Don't Mention the War versus Escalating Commitment: Political Party Responses to Military Casualties." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 4 (September 26, 2020): 587–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa003.
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Abstract Do political parties change their position when military casualties increase? Several studies demonstrate that once military casualties increase, public support for sometimes even the government itself declines. With this potential backlash, once governing parties are faced with military casualties, do they (1) maintain that intervention was the “right thing” to do and even escalate their commitment by becoming even more pro-military or (2) try to avoid the blame and downplay the issue, i.e., “not mentioning the war”? And do the opposition parties become more negative or more positive about the military? To evaluate this, we measure the position on military issues in parties’ election manifestoes. Our dataset comprises 326 party policy changes in eleven Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries and focuses on post-Cold War military interventions. By using pooled time-series cross-sectional analysis, we find that opposition parties and governing parties respond differently. Generally, governing parties become more negative in their manifesto and opposition parties more positive. We also demonstrate important differences between party families and pre/post-9/11. Our analyses show that whether political parties change policy course once confronted with negative outcomes depends on their position in office, and also the direction in which they change policy depends on political ideology.
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Clark, Edward. "The Needs of the Many and the Needs of the Few: A New System of Public Interest Intervention for New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 36, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v36i1.5588.
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The traditional adversarial system sees the courts as simply a means of resolving disputes between private parties. The dispute is thus no one else’s concern but the parties’. This view of the courts’ role, however, fails to take into account judicial lawmaking. If a person is affected by an act of lawmaking, it is only just that they should have a chance to be heard. Further, before they make a decision the courts should understand the perspectives of those who will be affected by the rule laiddown.This article argues that allowing affected nonparties to make submissions as public interest intervenors will assist both the affected persons and the courts. In order to balance the interests of the parties, the intervenors, and the public at large effectively, a comprehensive system of rules that both welcome and regulate public interest intervention is needed. This article recommends the adoption of such a system of rules, substantially based on the effective and well established rules on intervention contained in the Rules of the Supreme Court of Canada.
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Doležalová, Jitka. "Economic Crisis and Growth in Vote Share for Extreme Left and Extreme Right Parties." Review of Economic Perspectives 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/revecp-2015-0020.
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Abstract Economic hardship fuels worries about a possible higher share of extremist parties in European legislature and executive. The article examines whether the recent economic recession resulted in growth in electoral support for the extreme right and the extreme left in parliamentary elections. The empirical analysis includes a set of 23 EU member states and observes the period from 1995 to 2012. A supplementary aim is to determine to what degree this phenomenon has a greater impact on countries that were forced to resort to IMF financial intervention. The analysis reveals that decline in GDP and growth in unemployment helped increase electoral support for extremist parties in the EU countries. Simultaneously, their share in the lower house representation grew. In these cases, the increase in support was primarily for extreme left parties. The inflation rate did not have any significant impact on growth in vote share for extremist parties. An increased vote share for extremist parties was more apparent in countries in receipt of an IMF loan.
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Rosas, Guillermo. "The Ideological Organization of Latin American Legislative Parties." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 7 (September 2005): 824–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004274386.
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Are legislative party systems in Latin America organized along ideological lines? This article presents a cross-country analysis of legislators’ positions on a variety of issues, such as government intervention in the economy, the value of democratic competition, attitudes toward cultural minorities, and views on international openness. The study is based on discriminant analysis of data from a 1997 survey of legislators in 12 countries. The purpose is to explore whether legislative parties in the region are ideologically organized and if so, to understand the substance and structure of the ideological dimensions that underlie legislative party systems. The analysis reveals variation in the programmatic organization of Latin American legislatures, emphasizing that political, cultural, and economic dimensions coalesce in different ways across countries to account for ideological disagreement among legislative parties.
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Fouchard, Philippe. "L’injonction judiciaire et l’exécution en nature : éléments de droit français." Revue générale de droit 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058510ar.
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Malgré l’existence, dans le Code civil français, d’une règle selon laquelle les obligations de faire ou de ne pas faire, en cas d’inexécution, ne donnent lieu qu’à des dommages-intérêts (art. 1142), le juge français ordonne de plus en plus souvent au débiteur d’exécuter en nature ses obligations, ou, plus généralement, prononce souvent, à l’égard des parties à un procès ou des tiers, des injonctions leur imposant un comportement déterminé. Grâce au mécanisme de l’astreinte, qui joue le rôle d’un moyen de contrainte indirecte, mais aussi en prescrivant des mesures que des tiers peuvent exécuter si leur débiteur normal n’y consent pas, le juge renforce à la fois l’efficacité de ses décisions et l’autorité de ses interventions. Cette évolution intéresse les matières aussi diverses que le droit des obligations (art. 1143 et 1144 du Code civil), le droit du travail, la protection de la vie privée (art. 9 du Code civil), l’obtention judiciaire de preuves (nouveau Code de procédure civile). Ces injonctions de faire sont très souvent prononcées par un juge statuant rapidement, le « juge de la mise en état », le juge des référés, le tribunal d’instance. Cependant, les tribunaux ne prononcent de telles injonctions que s’ils ont la conviction qu’elles peuvent être exécutées, et si elles ne portent pas gravement atteinte à la liberté individuelle ou à la séparation des pouvoirs (judiciaire et administratif). Un équilibre délicat est donc recherché entre ces intérêts contradictoires. De même, le juge n’exercera pas son imperium sur le territoire d’États étrangers, tandis qu’à l’inverse certains commandements d’autorités étrangères ne pourront être exécutés en France.
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Chalkey, Katherine, and Martin Green. "In the context of mediation, is safeguarding mediator neutrality and party autonomy more important than ensuring a fair settlement?" International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 8, no. 2 (July 11, 2016): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlbe-10-2015-0016.
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Purpose This paper aims to explore the appropriate role and approach of mediators and investigate whether mediator neutrality and party autonomy should prevail over mediators’ obligations to remain neutral where non-intervention would result in unfair settlements. Design/methodology/approach The paper arises from polarising and paradoxical opinions of the legitimacy of mediator intervention. This paper relies upon theories proposed in peer-reviewed journals, together with secondary data. Findings Mediator neutrality has no consistent or comprehensible meaning and is not capable of coherent application. Requirements for mediator neutrality encourage covert influencing tactics by mediators which itself threatens party autonomy. Mediator intervention ensures ethical and moral implementation of justice, removal of epistemological implications of subjective fairness and compensation for lack of pure procedural justice in the mediation process. Party autonomy requires mediators to intervene ensuring parties adequately informed of the law and equal balance of power. Research limitations/implications Peer-reviewed journals and secondary data give meaningful insight into perceptions, opinions and beliefs concerning mediator neutrality, party autonomy and fair outcomes. These data comprised unstructured-interviews and questionnaires containing “open-ended” questions. Practical implications Mediator neutrality and party autonomy are less important than fair settlements. Social implications Mediator neutrality should be given a contextual meaning; mediation should be more transparent affording the parties opportunity to select a particular type of mediator; transformative and narrative approaches to mediation should be further developed. Originality/value This paper exposes the myth of mediator neutrality – a popular concept demanded by and anticipated by the parties but which is practically impossible to deliver. It also shows the need for mediator intervention to ensure a fair outcome.
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Weinberg, Bradley R. "Third-Party Intervention and the Preservation of Bargaining Relationships." ILR Review 73, no. 2 (August 2, 2019): 498–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793919864263.
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This article uses longitudinal bargaining contract data to examine whether third-party dispute resolution procedures improve the health of bargaining relationships and contribute to their preservation. The author uses survival analysis to assess whether the procedures correlate with the likelihood of relationship dissolution. This analysis shows that earlier procedures in the dispute resolution process, such as conciliation and mediation, are related to a lower likelihood of dissolution than are later ones. The author then uses dynamic panel models to consider whether third-party intervention pushes the parties to settle subsequent collective agreements voluntarily or earlier in the process, but he finds no evidence to this effect.
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Glindemann, Kent E., Ian J. Ehrhart, Elise A. Drake, and E. Scott Geller. "Reducing excessive alcohol consumption at university fraternity parties: A cost-effective incentive/reward intervention." Addictive Behaviors 32, no. 1 (January 2007): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2006.03.019.
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Spitka, Timea. "Mediating among Mediators: Building a Consensus in Multilateral Interventions." International Negotiation 23, no. 1 (January 24, 2018): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23011132.
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AbstractThe conditions under which multilateral international intervention are effective in ending a violent conflict is a critical question for scholars and practitioners. Scholarly studies have demonstrated the importance of a united intervention but have been in disagreement over the effectiveness of neutral versus partisan intervention. This article examines the conditions under which mediators construct a consensus on the type of intervention process. What are the factors that enable a consensus on a neutral versus a partisan intervention? Distinguishing between four types of international intervention processes – united-neutral, united-partisan, divided-partisan, and divided neutral and partisan intervention – this article argues that it is a united intervention, whether united partisan or united-neutral, that contributes to creating leverage on conflicting parties to end a conflict. The article examines consensus building among mediators within two divergent case studies: Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Campus, Donatella. "Party system change and electoral platforms: A study of the 1996 Italian election." Modern Italy 6, no. 1 (May 2001): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940120045533.
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SummaryComparative research suggests that parties regularly campaign by emphasizing issues on which they are advantaged and by ignoring topics that are traditionally associated with other parties. Focusing on the 1996 Italian elections, this article discusses whether such a generalization holds when the party system is affected by radical changes such as those that occurred in Italy in the mid-1990s. Moreover, the analysis of the party electoral platforms highlights some basic features of the new parties, and identifies either innovations or continuities with the past. I present evidence that in 1996 the Italian parties mostly competed on a similar range of issues. Especially regarding economic policy, there was not a polarized ideological debate: also the centre-left parties converged on a moderate position by playing down typical socialist themes such as state intervention and the expansion of social services. I also analyse the degree of internal programmatic cohesion of the two main coalitions, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) and the Polo delle Libertà (Freedom Pole) and relate it to the stability of the Italian political system.
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Kampf, Ronit, and Nathan Stolero. "Learning About the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Through Computerized Simulations." Social Science Computer Review 36, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439316683641.
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This study investigates the learning outcomes of a computer game, called Global Conflicts, simulating the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The research compares learning outcomes of Israeli–Jewish, Palestinian, Turkish, and American undergraduate students, differentiating between direct and third parties to the conflict. Learning is measured by (1) knowledge acquisition about the conflict and (2) attitude change regarding the conflict. Findings show that participants acquired knowledge about the conflict after playing the game. The game minimized the knowledge gap between third parties to the conflict (Americans and Turks) but not between direct parties to the conflict. In addition, direct parties to the conflict did not change their attitudes toward the conflict and the Gaza operation of 2012, while the attitudes of third parties became more balanced. This study has implications for the scholarship on pedagogy and teaching assessment in the context of peacebuilding. It is part of a series of studies analyzing the effects of computerized simulations on peacebuilding, and further research is necessary to understand under what conditions technology can be used as an effective peacebuilding intervention.
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Carp, Radu. "The Rules on Political Parties in Romania Under Comparative Scrutiny." Polish Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0029.
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Abstract This article is based on two premises. First, the requirements for establishing political parties in Romania are the most restrictive in Europe. When a party has succeeded to register and took a non-ideological position, the electoral participation slightly increased. If the requirements for registering political parties were relaxed, new parties could emerge while greater participation to the elections is under question. The current legal procedure for registering political parties is contrary to Article 40 of the Constitution (the right to association) and the requirement according to which a political party wishing to participate in parliamentary elections must make a deposit is contrary to Article 37 of the Constitution (the right to be elected). Proving the validity of these premises leads to the necessity of changing the current normative framework in the sense of relaxing the requirements for the registration of political parties. This change may be accomplished by a draft law (which is already registered in the parliament) or by the intervention of the Constitutional Court.
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Cortés, Pablo. "A new regulatory framework for extra-judicial consumer redress: where we are and how to move forward." Legal Studies 35, no. 1 (March 2015): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12048.
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This paper examines the new legal framework on consumer Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) in the EU. Its primary contribution lies in identifying that harmonising the complaint submission in a pan-European Online Dispute Resolution (ODR) platform, and directing parties to nationally approved ADR entities that comply with minimum standards, will not fulfil the potential of an extra-judicial consumer redress system. This paper proposes key functions that the ODR platform should incorporate if it is to provide effective redress. This paper also argues that a successful ODR platform should include built-in incentives that encourage parties to: (i) participate in approved ADR processes; (ii) settle complaints with little or no intervention from neutral third parties; and (iii) ensure voluntary compliance with final outcomes.
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Arslantaş, Düzgün, and Şenol Arslantaş. "Keeping power through opposition: party system change in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 62 (April 9, 2020): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2020.1.
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AbstractThis paper re-evaluates the party system change in Turkey based on Sartori’s framework. It also explores the role of opposition parties in this. The paper suggests that, while a fragmented opposition may lead to the emergence of a one-party government and/or military intervention because of the high levels of polarization it induces, bilateral opposition prolongs one-party governments. The paper relies on an analysis of party programs and public opinion surveys in order to position the parties in terms of spatial distance and to understand the level of polarization.
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Tiemessen, Alana. "The International Criminal Court and the lawfare of judicial intervention." International Relations 30, no. 4 (July 27, 2016): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117815601201.
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The contentious concept of ‘lawfare’ has proliferated to various foreign policy areas and permeated a discourse on the function and legitimacy of law in conflict. The concept seems particularly apt to the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) judicial interventions. In this context, I define lawfare as the coercive and strategic element of international criminal justice in which the ICC’s judicial interventions are used as a tool of lawfare for States Parties and the United Nations Security Council to pursue political ends. I argue that there are two types of political ends being pursued with this lawfare: conflict resolution and politicized prosecutions. First, the ICC’s spokespersons, advocates, and supporting states have cultivated a discourse that justice is a means to peace. As a result, the ICC has been used as a means of intervention in ongoing conflicts with the expectation that the indictments, arrests, and trials of elite perpetrators have deterrence and preventive effects for atrocity crimes. Despite these legitimate intentions and great expectations, there is little evidence of the efficacy of justice as a means to peace. Second, the other manifestation of lawfare represents an abuse or manipulation of the ICC for political gain. Specifically, States Parties have strategically referred their conflict situations to the ICC with the expectation that the referral will result in the removal of their rivals and sanction the impunity of ruling elites. This politicization of international justice has been successful in that most of the ICC’s prosecutions are unjustly one sided. Evidence of politicized prosecutions has damaged the ICC’s credibility as an impartial institution and raises questions about the desirability of state referrals. Consequently, the ICC’s efficacy and credibility are suffering from lawfare.
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Wuli, Rofinus Neto, Muchlis R. Luddin, and Thomas Suyatno. "Conflict Resolution Towards a Sustainable Peace: A Lesson from The Indonesian Military Ordinariate." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 9, no. 3 (August 15, 2019): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v9i3.15274.
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The diversity of tribes, religions, races, groups, and cultural expressions in various dimensions make Indonesia one of the most vibrant cultures in the world. However, it cannot be denied, that diversity has the potential to trigger social conflicts that can threaten the unity and unity of the nation and state and disrupt a safe and peaceful shared life. The long history of the Indonesian journey proves that social conflicts often occur due to the differences in ethnic groups, religious, racial background, and inter-group (SARA). Therefore, conflict resolution efforts are a necessity for Indonesia to realize a safe and peaceful shared life. This study was aimed to study the conflict resolution based on the history of the Indonesian Military Ordinariate in mitigating and resolving conflict. In general, there are two approaches to conflict resolution, namely intervention in security or stability and humanitarian intervention. Security interventions (stability) usually use military power to resolve conflicts, whereas humanitarian intervention integrates the strength of culture and local wisdom as a basis for resolving conflicts. Humanitarian intervention in resolving conflicts usually results in sustainable, peaceful reconciliation. A peace that occurs between the parties to the conflict is not due to compulsion under military pressure or State power but is born from the awareness of the parties to create mutually reconciling society.
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Yeşilada, Birol. "New Political Parties and the Problems of Development in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 1 (1987): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000054.
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Since the beginning of liberal pluralist politics in 1950, Turkey has experienced three military coups in 1960, 1971, and 1980. Of these military incursions the ones in 1960 and 1980 were the most serious in scope. Each time the armed forces remained in power for a short time, 1960–1961 and 1980–1983, and completely revised the existing constitutional framework. These were unlike the 1971 intervention which did not result in a complete revision of the political system, but only in an amendment of the constitution to provide the state with more powers in dealing with domestic violence. In this respect, the 1960 coup marks the end of the First Republic. The subsequent period, 1961–1980 is the Second Republic.
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Ghaziani, Amin, and Thomas D. Cook. "Reducing HIV Infections at Circuit Parties: From Description to Explanation and Principles of Intervention Design." Journal of the International Association of Physicians in AIDS Care 4, no. 2 (April 2005): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1545109705277978.
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Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J. "The impact of EU intervention on political parties’ politicisation of Europe following the financial crisis." West European Politics 43, no. 4 (August 7, 2019): 894–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2019.1641779.
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Ramstedt, Mats, Håkan Leifman, Daniel Müller, Erica Sundin, and Thor Norström. "Reducing youth violence related to student parties: Findings from a community intervention project in Stockholm." Drug and Alcohol Review 32, no. 6 (August 29, 2013): 561–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dar.12069.
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Sánchez Pos, María Victoria. "La entrada e intervención de terceros en el arbitraje comercial internacional = Joinder and intervention of additional parties in international commercial arbitration." CUADERNOS DE DERECHO TRANSNACIONAL 12, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/cdt.2020.5193.
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Resumen: En el marco del arbitraje multiparte, la entrada e intervención de terceros es definida como la incorporación de partes adicionales a un arbitraje ya iniciado. Este mecanismo procesal presenta, sin embargo, multitud de dificultades que derivan de la naturaleza eminentemente consensual de la institución arbitral. Así, entre otras, la constancia de la voluntad -expresa o tácita- de todas las partes involucradas en el arbitraje a la entrada del tercero o la salvaguarda de su derecho esencial de participar de manera directa y equitativa en la constitución del tribunal arbitral y de las garantías de privacidad y confidencialidad del arbitraje. Partiendo de estas someras premisas, este trabajo tiene como objetivo el análisis crítico de las disposiciones específicas sobre la admisibilidad y presupuestos de la entrada e intervención de nuevas partes en el arbitraje que las instituciones arbitrales internacionales de mayor relevancia han regulado en los últimos años.Palabras clave: Entrada, intervención, terceros, partes adicionales, arbitraje multiparte, tribunal arbitral.Abstract: One of the major challenges that international arbitration has faced in the last decades is the regulation of multiparty arbitrations, which involve a confrontation between more than two parties with opposing interests. In this context, joinder and intervention deals with the need, in terms of justice and efficiency, to bring an additional party into the proceedings when the arbitration may already be in progress. However, the main characteristic of arbitration is its consensual nature. For this reason, mechanisms for joinder or intervention present considerable difficulties related to the principle of party autonomy, the right to equally participate in the nomination of the arbitrators and the protection of privacy and confidentiality in arbitration proceedings. Apart from dealing with these difficulties, the author discusses in this article the latest joinder provisions contained in leading arbitral rules.Keywords: Joinder, Intervention, Third parties, Additional parties, Multiparty Arbitration, Arbitral Tribunal
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Hannigan, Colin. "Toward a holistic networks approach to strategic third-party intervention: A literature review." International Area Studies Review 22, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919833972.
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How do third parties decide to intervene in civil conflicts? The study of intervention has focused primarily on the conflict characteristics and dyadic linkages that make intervention more likely, or the conflict outcomes that interventions generate, while holding all else equal. To paint a more complete picture of what goes into the intervention decision, I advocate a shift in the way we conceive of interventions toward network analysis, which grants due agency to the multiple external actors and internal combatants that influence the decision to intervene. This review critically examines and synthesizes the recent literature on third-party interventions in civil conflict and, in so doing, identifies some areas for future research.
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Wolfson, Mark, Kimberly G. Wagoner, Scott D. Rhodes, Kathleen L. Egan, Michael Sparks, Dylan Ellerbee, Eunyoung Y. Song, et al. "Coproduction of Research Questions and Research Evidence in Public Health: The Study to Prevent Teen Drinking Parties." BioMed Research International 2017 (2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/3639596.
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Community-based participatory research (CBPR) provides a set of principles and practices intended to foster coproduction of knowledge. However, CBPR often has shortcomings when applied to population-level policy and practice interventions, including a focus on single communities and a lack of focus on policy change. At the same time, community trials focused on policy have shortcomings, including lack of stakeholder involvement in framing research questions and modest engagement in study implementation and interpretation and dissemination of results. We describe an attempt to hybridize CBPR and community trials by creating a partnership that included a national membership organization, a coalition advisory board, intervention and delayed intervention communities, and an academic study team, which collaborated on a study of community strategies to prevent underage drinking parties. We use qualitative and quantitative data to critically assess the partnership. Areas where the partnership was effective included (1) identifying a research question with high public health significance, (2) enhancing the intervention, and (3) improving research methods. Challenges included community coalition representatives’ greater focus on their own communities rather than the production of broader scientific knowledge. This model can be applied in future attempts to narrow the gap between research, policy, and practice.
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Mourre, Alexis. "Are Amici Curiae the Proper Response to the Public's Concerns on Transparency in Investment Arbitration?" Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 5, no. 2 (2006): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180306778150614.
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AbstractIn the context of investment arbitration, amici curiae have for a long time been quite unheard of. This can easily be explained by the privacy of international arbitration, which implies that only directly involved parties can participate in the proceedings. Several recent decisions have, however, brought renewed attention to the issue of amici curiae intervention in investment arbitration.