Academic literature on the topic 'Intonation (Phonology)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Intonation (Phonology)"

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Frota, Sónia, Marisa Cruz, Rita Cardoso, Isabel Guimarães, Joaquim Ferreira, Serge Pinto, and Marina Vigário. "(Dys)Prosody in Parkinson’s Disease: Effects of Medication and Disease Duration on Intonation and Prosodic Phrasing." Brain Sciences 11, no. 8 (August 20, 2021): 1100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci11081100.

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The phonology of prosody has received little attention in studies of motor speech disorders. The present study investigates the phonology of intonation (nuclear contours) and speech chunking (prosodic phrasing) in Parkinson’s disease (PD) as a function of medication intake and duration of the disease. Following methods of the prosodic and intonational phonology frameworks, we examined the ability of 30 PD patients to use intonation categories and prosodic phrasing structures in ways similar to 20 healthy controls to convey similar meanings. Speech data from PD patients were collected before and after a dopaminomimetic drug intake and were phonologically analyzed in relation to nuclear contours and intonational phrasing. Besides medication, disease duration and the presence of motor fluctuations were also factors included in the analyses. Overall, PD patients showed a decreased ability to use nuclear contours and prosodic phrasing. Medication improved intonation regardless of disease duration but did not help with dysprosodic phrasing. In turn, disease duration and motor fluctuations affected phrasing patterns but had no impact on intonation. Our study demonstrated that the phonology of prosody is impaired in PD, and prosodic categories and structures may be differently affected, with implications for the understanding of PD neurophysiology and therapy.
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O'Rourke, Erin. "Phonetics and phonology of Cuzco Quechua declarative intonation: An instrumental analysis." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 39, no. 3 (November 12, 2009): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100309990144.

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This paper offers an analysis of Cuzco Quechua intonation using experimental techniques to examine one of the acoustic cues of pitch, the fundamental frequency or F0. While previous descriptions in the literature are based on auditory impression, in the present study recordings were made of read declaratives produced by native Quechua speakers in Cuzco, Peru. This paper provides an initial characterization of high and low tones with respect to the stressed syllable, as well as information regarding the height and alignment of these tones. In addition, the intonational marking of intermediate phrases within an utterance is discussed. Research on Quechua intonation can be used to begin to address several issues regarding the intonation of languages in contact, as well as to provide data for a future cross-linguistic analysis of indigenous language intonation features.
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Ipek, Canan, and Sun-Ah Jun. "Towards a model of intonational phonology of Turkish: Neutral intonation." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 133, no. 5 (May 2013): 3573. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4806553.

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Germani, Miriam P., and Lucia Rivas. "Discourse Intonation and Systemic Functional Phonology." Colombian Applied Linguistics Journal 13, no. 2 (November 14, 2011): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14483/22487085.3772.

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This paper is a reflection on praxis which addresses the phonological stratum as an integral part of the language system. As EFL teachertrainers, we often find that students isolate the different meaning-creating components of language as a natural result of the way courses areorganized at university level. It is in the spirit of helping students integrate the various aspects of language and context that we have set outto compare David Brazil, Malcolm Coulthard and Catherine Johns’s Discourse Intonation model –which we have been working with for morethan ten years– with the intonation approach in Systemic Functional Linguistics, by M.A.K. Halliday and William Greaves. We observe thetheoretical similarities between the two approaches in order to see how they may supplement one another. Then, we analyse a conversationtaken from a film following both theoretical approaches, and draw conclusions in the light of the comparison. Our preliminary results show thatthe two approaches explain the meanings conveyed with reference to different meaning-making resources. Brazil et al. explain the meaningsat risk in the interaction according to the phonological systems they describe (prominence, tone, key and termination). Halliday and Greavesdo so by referring to the phonological and lexico-grammatical strata in combination.
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Local, J. K., J. Kelly, and W. H. G. Wells. "Towards a phonology of conversation: turn-taking in Tyneside English." Journal of Linguistics 22, no. 2 (September 1986): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700010859.

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Remarkably little is known in detail about the phonetics and phonology of naturally occurring conversational talk. Virtually nothing of interest is known of theinteractionalimplications of particular kinds of phonetic events in everyday talk: in particular about the ways in which participants in talk deploy general phonetic resources to accomplish specific interactional tasks. This is in part a consequence of the tendency of recent research on the phonological aspect of discourse to limit itself to ‘intonation’ as an area of primary interest. This work has moved away from the type of phonological analysis, such as that of Halliday (1967), that states intonational systems in terms of grammatically defined units or sentence types. Workers such as Brazil (1975, 1978, 1981), Brown, Currie and Kenworthy (1981), and Coulthard and Brazil (1981) have pursued Bolinger's suggestion that the relationship between intonation and grammar is ‘casual not causal’ and have sought to relate ‘intonation’ to discourse categories rather than to grammatical ones. These, and similar attempts to deal with aspects of discourse phonology, have suggested some organizational features which traditional linguistic accounts have not dealt with. On the whole, however, these recent attempts have been less than satisfactory for one or more of the following reasons.
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Downing, Laura J. "Introduction." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 55 (January 1, 2011): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.55.2011.405.

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In spite of this long history, most work to date on the phonology-syntax interface in Bantu languages suffers from limitations, due to the range of expertise required: intonation, phonology, syntax. Quite generally, intonational studies on African languages are extremely rare. Most of the existing data has not been the subject of careful phonetic analysis, whether of the prosody of neutral sentences or of questions or other focus structures. There are important gaps in our knowledge of Bantu syntax which in turn limit our understanding of the phonology-syntax interface. Recent developments in syntactic theory have provided a new way of thinking about the type of syntactic information that phonology can refer to and have raised new questions: Do only syntactic constituent edges condition prosodic phrasing? Do larger domains such as syntactic phases, or even other factors, like argument and adjunct distinctions, play a role? Further, earlier studies looked at a limited range of syntactic constructions. Little research exists on the phonology of focus or of sentences with non-canonical word order in Bantu languages. Both the prosody and the syntax of complex sentences, questions and dislocations are understudied for Bantu languages. Our project aims to remedy these gaps in our knowledge by bringing together a research team with all the necessary expertise. Further, by undertaking the intonational, phonological and syntactic analysis of several languages we can investigate whether there is any correlation among differences in morphosyntactic and prosodic properties that might also explain differences in phrasing and intonation. It will also allow us to investigate whether there are cross-linguistically common prosodic patterns for particular morpho-syntactic structure.
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Leben, William R. "D. Robert Ladd (1996). Intonational phonology. (Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 79.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. xv+334." Phonology 15, no. 1 (August 1998): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675798003546.

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Ladd's Intonational phonology is a substantial addition to an area that has only recently ‘arrived’. Fortunately for the field of intonational phonology, the past two decades have seen a number of seminal contributions from phonologists, including Mark Liberman, Gösta Bruce, Janet Pierrehumbert and Ladd himself. Work on intonation, which has advanced in sync with modern linguistic theory, can also look back on quite a number of rather specific studies by phoneticians and rather general descriptive accounts by linguists and English teachers on this continent and in Europe.The book's basic goal is to present the subject matter of intonational phonology to the non-specialist linguist. The material is not only summarised but also accompanied by critical comments. Ladd's goal of keeping the book accessible to the non-specialist may limit the depth of the presentation of the basic material and the definitiveness of the critical comments, but for many this will be a reasonable price to pay for breadth of coverage.
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Arvaniti, Amalia, and D. Robert Ladd. "Greek wh-questions and the phonology of intonation." Phonology 26, no. 1 (May 2009): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675709001717.

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AbstractThe intonation of Greek wh-questions consists of a rise-fall followed by a low plateau and a final rise. Using acoustic data, we show (i) that the exact contour shape depends on the length of the question, and (ii) that the position of the first peak and the low plateau depends on the position of the stressed syllables, and shows predictable adjustments in alignment, depending on the proximity of adjacent tonal targets. Models that specify the F0 of all syllables, or models that specify F0 by superposing contour shapes for shorter and longer domains, cannot account for such fine-grained lawful variation except by using ad hoc tonal specifications, which, in turn, do not allow for phonological generalisations about contours applying to utterances of greatly different lengths. In contrast, our findings follow easily from an autosegmental-metrical approach to intonational phonology, according to which melodies may contain long F0 stretches derived by interpolation between specified targets associated with metrically strong syllables and prosodic boundaries.
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GUSSENHOVEN, CARLOS, and PETER VAN DER VLIET. "The phonology of tone and intonation in the Dutch dialect of Venlo." Journal of Linguistics 35, no. 1 (March 1999): 99–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226798007324.

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The Dutch dialect of Venlo has a lexical tone opposition comparable to the distinction between Accent I and Accent II in Scandinavian. The two word tone patterns are realised in a variety of different ways, depending on the intonation contour, on whether the word has a focus tone, and on whether it occurs finally or nonfinally in the intonational phrase (IP). Twelve such contexts are identified, and an autosegmental-metrical analysis is presented of the contours for the word tones in each of these. The analysis is instructive because of its clear illustration of the distinction between the phonological underlying representation and the phonological surface representation, as well as of the distinction between the latter representation and the phonetic realisation. In addition, because of the complexity of its tonal phonology, the dialect is of considerable typological interest for the study of word prosody and intonation.
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Hualde, José Ignacio, and Armin Schwegler. "Intonation in Palenquero." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23, no. 1 (April 18, 2008): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.23.1.02hua.

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The least understood aspect of Palenquero phonology is its intonational system. This is a serious gap, as it is precisely in the realm of prosody that the most striking phonological differences between Palenquero and (Caribbean) Spanish are apparent. Although several authors have speculated that African influence may be at the source of Palenquero’s peculiar intonation, to date published research offers no detailed information about the intonation of the creole. The goal of this study is to remedy this situation. Here we identify several specific intonational features where conservative (or older-generation) Palenquero differs from (Caribbean) Spanish. One of these features is a strong tendency to use invariant word-level contours, with a H tone on the stressed syllable and L tones on unstressed syllables, in all sentential contexts, including prenuclear positions. A second feature that we have identified is the use of a sustained phrase-final high or mid level contour in declaratives accented on the final syllable, and a long fall in declaratives accented on the penult. The final section addresses the issue of the possible origin of these intonational features. We point out similarities with Equatorial Guinea Spanish and conclude that, at some point in the history of Palenquero, the Spanish prosodic system was interpreted as involving lexical tone, in conformity with claims in the literature regarding several Atlantic creoles.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Intonation (Phonology)"

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Féry, Caroline, Sam Hellmuth, Frank Kügler, and Jörg Mayer. "Phonology and intonation." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2221/.

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The encoding standards for phonology and intonation are designed to facilitate consistent annotation of the phonological and intonational aspects of information structure, in languages across a range of prosodic types. The guidelines are designed with the aim that a nonspecialist in phonology can both implement and interpret the resulting annotation.
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Lowry, Orla Mary. "Belfast intonation : testing the ToBI framework of intonational analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370089.

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Asu, Eva Liina. "The phonetics and phonology of Estonian intonation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284035.

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Besana, Sveva 1971. "Towards an analysis of Turinese Italian intonation and theoretical implications for intonational phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/9350.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1999.
Includes bibliographical references (leaf 90).
Digitized data of a northern variety of Standard Italian declarative statements', yes/no questions' and wh-questions' was collected to describe a partial grammar of intonational morphemes in the language and provide an analysis for the utterances. Two major theories of intonational phonology are outlined and tested against the data. It is shown how Pierrehumbert's autosegmental theory best captures the data presented here with respect to intonation patterns at the boundaries. Evidence for the existence of a L, and a LH tone is put forward. In particular, it is proposed that, on the one hand, when LH tones map onto prominent syllables of/Dei they are followed by a L- phrase tone in declaratives and a Hphrase tone in yes/no interrogatives; on the other hand when the LH tones map onto prominent syllables of topics they are always followed by a H- phrase tone. Finally, the unstable mapping of the LH tone onto the FO contour found here is considered against current notions of alignment.
by Sveva Besana.
S.M.
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Taff, Alice. "Phonetics and phonology of Unangan (Eastern Aleut) intonation /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8367.

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Kügler, Frank. "The intonational phonology of Swabian and Upper Saxon." Tübingen Niemeyer, 2005. http://d-nb.info/985834692/04.

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Johnson, Michael Edward. "The form and auditory control of downward trends in intonation." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317544/.

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Of all the areas of intonational research, study of the tendency of the frequency of vocal fold vibration to decline during the course of an utterance - F0 declination - is likely initially to be the most fruitful in determining the interaction between perceptual and productive processes. A general introduction to the phenomenon is augmented by analysis of different methods of determining declination lines; theoretical treatments are then introduced. One particular local factor contributing to the downward trend, downstep, is discussed, and its pivotal role in the intonational phonology developed by Janet Pierrehumbert critically examined. In the light of the theoretical discussion, two competing hypotheses are presented as to the mediation of the declination effect, which is the effect that of two accented syllables in an utterance, the second has to have a lower peak F0 value than the first for them to be judged to have equal prominence. The Global Declination Hypothesis attributes this to the use by speakers and hearers of one or two abstract reference lines declining through the course of a tone-unit. The Local Declination Hypothesis attributes it to the disposition of F0 excursions surrounding the two accents as well as to the respective peak values. The Global Declination Hypothesis is tested by presenting listeners with pairs of dual-peak accented utterances with the two peaks identical in F0, without any physically present local declination, and asking them to rate the prominence of the second peak of each such utterance. No significant differences are found in the prominence ratings, so the Local Declination Hypothesis appears to be favoured. That hypothesis is itself tested through the development of a model of individual accent prominence, which incorporates terms for surrounding unaccented context. This is then used as the basis of a model of the perceptual constraints on the production of intonation in the scaling of target peaks. The model predicts that local slope between accents and slope of the context after the target accent, as well as other local variables, jointly determine the F0 value of a peak with a particular targetted prominence relationship with its predecessor. If the interaccentual stretch is declining, the declination effect is predicted to occur, ceteris paribus. The model is found to be initially acceptable. In addition, a global interpretation of downstep is made within the model. The mechanisms the model is suggested to represent are auditory feedback control loops of a variety of possible degrees of complexity. An experiment is devised to test for the basic existence of a feedback loop which is used to prevent local slope exceeding an arbitrary threshold value. Auditory feedback In subjects was disrupted by headphone-administration of low-pass filtered masking noise during their utterance of a sustained vowel, and a short and a long dual peak-accented sentence. The disruption was sufficient to alter the apparent mechanism controlling the production of the sustained vowel, but the Lombard effect, whereby subjects automatically raise the level of their voice in ambient noise, was found to be a vitiating factor. General conclusions are drawn on the nature of the declination phenomenon In intonation, and proposals made for future research.
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Tang, Katrina Elizabeth. "The phonology and phonetics of consonant-tone interaction." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1666396531&sid=13&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Myrberg, Sara. "The Intonational Phonology of Stockholm Swedish." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för nordiska språk, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-38697.

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This thesis develops the phonological model for the Stockholm Swedish intonation system. Though previous research provides a general model of this system, many phonological aspects of it have remained understudied. The intonational options that are available to speakers of Stockholm Swedish are discussed, and it is argued that Stockholm Swedish provides evidence for complex branching of phonological domains. Specifically, it is argued that so called focal accents, which are referred to as (H)LH-accents in the present work, have essentially two different functions. First, they signal information structural categories such as focus. Second, they signal left edges of Intonation Phrases (IP). It is also argued that a wide range of options exist in the post-nuclear area. Six types of contours for such areas are distinguished, plus one additional rising contour when there are no post-nuclear accents. Based on these findings, I present an account of the branching options for the phonological categories in the Stockholm Swedish prosodic hierarchy. I argue that there is evidence for recursive phonological structures in Stockholm Swedish, i.e. that a mother node and a daughter node can belong to the same phonological category. Also, Stockholm Swedish provides evidence for a distinction between prosodic coordination (equal sister nodes) and prosodic adjunction (unequal sister nodes). Prosodic structure is mapped onto syntactic structure via a set of variably ranked Optimality Theoretic constraints. The relation between phonological and syntactic structure shows that the phonology prefers prosodic coordination (equal sisters) over adjunction (unequal sisters). The material for the study comprises a corpus of approximately 420 read sentences, which were specifically designed to test various phonological hypotheses, and approximately 17 minutes of uncontrolled speech.
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Martins, Marcus Vinicíus Moreira. "Aspectos da percepção e do controle entoacional do Português Brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8142/tde-12062013-115124/.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é determinar os limiares de diferenciação tonal (LDTs) do Português Brasileiro, no que se refere à entoação. LDTs são definidos como valores a partir dos quais a percepção de uma determinada grandeza passa a ser perceptualmente relevante. Consoni (2011) determinou que tais valores seriam de +3 e -4 semitons para palavras manipuladas em uma frase. Nosso objetivo é rever tais valores para o nível frasal. Nossa hipótese é a de que a extensão temporal afeta a percepção, graças ao efeito tau (SHIGENO, 1986). Para este fim foram aplicados dois experimento com 13 pares de uma mesma oração falada por uma voz masculina não-marcada. Os pares consistiam de uma sentença neutra (com tom zero) pareada à outras doze com F0 manipulados (6 semitons ascendentes e 6 semitons descendentes, a partir do zero), mais o par zero-zero. O primeiro teste possuía apenas duas alternativas sim e nãoe foi chamado de teste 2AFC, ao passo que no segundo havia três opções: sim, não e talvez, chamado de 3MFC. Aos participantes foi requisitado que respondessem se notavam ou não qualquer diferença entre os pares apresentados. Os testes foram aplicado em 16 pessoas. O teste3 MFC teve seus resultados desconsiderados, seus dados foram utilizados como um padrão qualitativo para o teste de nossa hipótese. A seguir foi aplicada uma ANOVA entre as variáveis do teste 2AFC a fim de se determinar se havia algum efeito, obtivemos um p < 0, 001, para n = 16, Fo > Fe. Para determinar os limiares de diferenciação tonal foi aplicada uma análise de componentes principais, a qual retornou como limiares os valores de -3 e +3 semitons.
The aim of this study is to determine the differential treshold of pitch (DTPs) for Brazilian Portuguese, with regard to intonation. DTPs are defined as values ??from which the perception of a certain greatness becomes perceptually relevant. Consoni et (2011) determined that such values ??would be of +3 and -4 semitones for manipulated words in a sentence. Our goal is to review these values ??from the phrasal level. Our hypothesis is that the temporal extension affects perception, due to the effect tau (SHIGENO, 1986). For this purpose two experiments were applied using 13 pairs of the same sentence, spoken by a male voice unmarked. The pairs consisted of a neutral setence (with zero tone) paired with the others twelve sentences with manipulated F0 (6 semitones ascending semitones and 6 descendants, from zero), plus the zero-zero pair. The first test had only two alternatives yes and no and was named 2AFC test, while the second one had three options: yes, no and maybe and was named 3MFC. Participants were asked to answer whether or not noticed any difference between the presented pairs. The tests were applied to 16 people. The results from 3MFC test were disregarded, the 3MFC data were used as a qualitative standard for testing our hypothesis. Following, ANOVA was applied in the 2AFC test in order to determine whether there was any effect, we obtained a p < 0.001 to n = 16, Fo > Fe. To determine the differential treshold of pitch was applied principal component analysis, which returned as threshold values ??of -3 and +3 semitones.
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Books on the topic "Intonation (Phonology)"

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Gussenhoven, Carlos. The phonology of tone and intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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Intonational phonology. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Intonational phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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Pierrehumbert, Janet B. The phonology and phonetics of English intonation. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1987.

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Pierrehumbert, Janet Breckenridge. The phonology and phonetics of English intonation. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1987.

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Downing, Laura J. The tonal phonology of Jita. München: Lincom Europa, 1996.

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Jun, Sun-Ah. Prosodic typology: The phonology of intonation and phrasing. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

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Intonation française: Enseignement et apprentissage. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1992.

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Lepetit, Daniel. Intonation française: Enseignement et apprentissage. Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1992.

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Jun, Sun-Ah. The phonetics and phonology of Korean prosody: Intonational phonology and prosodic structure. New York: Garland Pub., 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Intonation (Phonology)"

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Bruce, Gösta. "Components of a prosodic typology of Swedish intonation." In Phonology and Phonetics, 113–46. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207569.113.

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Chen, Aoju. "Language-specificity in the perception of continuation intonation." In Phonology and Phonetics, 107–42. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207576.1.107.

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Makasso, Emmanuel-Moselly, Fatima Hamlaoui, and Seunghun J. Lee. "Aspects of the intonational phonology of Bàsàá." In Intonation in African Tone Languages, edited by Laura J. Downing and Annie Rialland, 167–94. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110503524-006.

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Liang, Jie, and Vincent J. Heuven. "Chinese tone and intonation perceived by L1 and L2 listeners." In Phonology and Phonetics, 27–62. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207576.1.27.

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Butera, Brianna, Rajiv Rao, and Sandro Sessarego. "Chapter 8. Afro-Peruvian Spanish intonation." In Spanish Phonetics and Phonology in Contact, 207–26. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ihll.28.08but.

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Astruc, Lluïsa, and Francis Nolan. "Variation in the intonation of sentential adverbs in English and Catalan." In Phonology and Phonetics, 233–62. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207569.233.

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Hualde, José Ignacio. "Intonation in Spanish and the other Ibero-Romance languages." In Romance Phonology and Variation, 101–15. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.217.10hua.

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Baltazani, Mary. "Intonation of polar questions and the location of nuclear stress in Greek." In Phonology and Phonetics, 387–406. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207576.2.387.

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Gutièrrez-Bravo, Rodrigo. "Focus, word order variation and intonation in Spanish and English." In Romance Phonology and Variation, 39–53. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.217.06gut.

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Astruc-Aguilera, Lluïsa, and Francis Nolan. "Variation in the intonation of extra-sentential elements." In Segmental and prosodic issues in Romance phonology, 85–107. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.282.08ast.

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Conference papers on the topic "Intonation (Phonology)"

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Ipek, Canan, and Sun-Ah Jun. "Towards a model of intonational phonology of Turkish: Neutral intonation." In ICA 2013 Montreal. ASA, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4799755.

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Royer, Adam, and Sun-Ah Jun. "A Preliminary Model of Tatar Intonational Phonology." In 9th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2018. ISCA: ISCA, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2018-156.

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3

Hamzah, Diyana, and James Sneed German. "Intonational phonology and prosodic hierarchy in malay." In Interspeech 2014. ISCA: ISCA, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2014-22.

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4

Chong, Adam J. "Towards a model of Singaporean English intonational phonology." In ICA 2013 Montreal. ASA, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4800916.

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Aziz, Jake. "Intonational Phonology of Malagasy: Pitch Accents Demarcate Syntactic Constituents." In 10th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2020. ISCA: ISCA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2020-41.

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6

Yu, Kristine M., Sameer Ud Dowla Khan, and Megha Sundara. "Intonational phonology in Bengali and English infant-directed speech." In 7th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2014. ISCA: ISCA, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2014-215.

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7

Bailey, Ann. "Intonational Phonology of Cuban Spanish: A Preliminary AM Model." In 7th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2014. ISCA: ISCA, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2014-150.

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8

Martin, Philippe. "ToBI Representations in Intonational Phonology: Time for a (melodic) change?" In 10th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2020. ISCA: ISCA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2020-37.

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9

Kapia, Enkeleida, and Alejna Brugos. "Information structure-prosody interface: Towards a model of Albanian intonational phonology." In Speech Prosody 2016. ISCA, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2016-194.

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