Academic literature on the topic 'Intra-communal'
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Journal articles on the topic "Intra-communal"
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Barak, Oren. "INTRA-COMMUNAL AND INTER-COMMUNAL DIMENSIONS OF CONFLICT AND PEACE IN LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 4 (2002): 619–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802004026.
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Recent contributions to the study of ethnic conflict, which attempt to explain why and under what circumstances members of ethnic groups, or communities,1 mobilize and engage in violence, include several works that are inspired by the “security dilemma”—a basic concept of the realist tradition of international theory.2 Barry Posen, for instance, argues that ethnic groups behave like sovereign states in the international system and are influenced by their proximity to other, similar groups in the same way that states are affected by their neighbors. Because security is the primary concern of these communities, each tries to enhance its security by strengthening its position. The actions the community takes, however, trigger the response of other groups, whose members intrinsically view it as offensive, regardless of its motives. A paradox thus emerges, as “what one does to enhance one's own security causes reactions that, in the end, can make one less secure.”3
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Marcus, Ossaiugbo Ifeanyi, Okposo Newton Ighomaro, and Apanapudor Joshua Sarduana. "Mathematical Modeling of Intra-Communal Violence and Risk-Level Analysis. Case Study: Obiaruku Community in Delta State, Nigeria." Asian Journal of Probability and Statistics 26, no. 3 (2024): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/ajpas/2024/v26i3599.
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This paper aims to capture the dynamics of intra-communal violence in a deterministic model of ordinary differential equations, accordingly, the Authors found some interesting results. Lack of quality education, insecurity, bad roads, drugs and alcoholism, unequal representation in government and religious decay have been identified as key factors supporting intra-communal violence over the years. In this research work we built all these factors into a deterministic model describing intra-communal violence and performed some basic mathematical analysis such as positivity of solutions, existence of invariant region, violence-free equilibrium, violence-persistent equilibrium, basic reproduction number, sensitivity analysis, stability analysis and bifurcation analysis. It was revealed that the violence-free equilibrium is globally asymptotically stable. The model exhibits a forward bifurcation. The sensitivity analysis revealed that injustice and insecurity are highly sensitive parameters of the basic reproduction number. We also designed a questionnaire to ascertain the violence risk level of Obiaruku community in Delta State, Nigeria and the analysis revealed that the community is at the medium high risk level and thus violence may occur in most cases in the community. The results of the stability analysis and the sensitivity analysis showed that under certain conditions, a community can be brought to the maximum low risk level and the maximum high peace level.
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van der Kooi, C. J., I. Pen, M. Staal, D. G. Stavenga, and J. T. M. Elzenga. "Competition for pollinators and intra-communal spectral dissimilarity of flowers." Plant Biology 18, no. 1 (2015): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/plb.12328.
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Kpae, Gbenemene. "Oil Compensation and Intra-Communal Conflict in the Niger Delta." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND MANAGEMENT RESEARCH 9, no. 7 (2023): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.56201/ijssmr.v9.no7.2023.pg24.29.
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Conflict is a recurrent phenomenon in the Niger Delta area. Many of the conflicts are due to poverty, unemployment, chieftaincy tussle and mistrust of the traditional institution. The aftermath of many of these conflicts are always immeasurable in financial terms, but usually include loss of lives and properties. The current crisis in Ogoni particularly in Kpor and Bomu communities of Gokana is one of such conflicts, arising from dispute over sharing of oil compensation money. This study, however, was conducted in Kpor community relied on key informant interview of community leaders and focus group discussion, and found that the crisis in Kpor was as a result of distrust of community leaders, especially the chiefs over oil compensation money supposedly paid through the chiefs. We, therefore, recommended the provision of employment for youths and channeling of oil compensation money towards community development projects rather than sharing among community members.
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Gbenemene, Kpae. "Oil Compensation and Intra-Communal Conflict in the Niger Delta." GPH-International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 06, no. 06 (2023): 65–70. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8059519.
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Conflict is a recurrent phenomenon in the Niger Delta area. Many of the conflicts are due to poverty, unemployment, chieftaincy tussle and mistrust of the traditional institution. The aftermath of many of these conflicts are always immeasurable in financial terms, but usually include loss of lives and properties. The current crisis in Ogoni particularly in Kpor and Bomu communities of Gokana is one of such conflicts, arising from dispute over sharing of oil compensation money. This study, however, was conducted in Kpor community relied on key informant interview of community leaders and focus group discussion, and found that the crisis in Kpor was as a result of distrust of community leaders, especially the chiefs over oil compensation money supposedly paid through the chiefs. We, therefore, recommended the provision of employment for youths and channeling of oil compensation money towards community development projects rather than sharing among communitymembers.
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Pely, Doron, and Golan Luzon. "Hybrid dispute resolution model for migrant-host communities." International Journal of Conflict Management 30, no. 5 (2019): 615–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-01-2019-0009.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to locate, describe and analyze the differences between the way migrants from communal cultures and local communities in Western Europe resolve intra-communal and inter-communal conflicts, and to use the findings to propose a hybrid alternative model that may be able to bridge across identified differences. Such a hybrid model will facilitate enhanced integration and adaptation between host and migrant communities, contributing to improved conflict resolution outcomes. Design/methodology/approach This paper starts with an exploration, review and analysis of existing relevant literature describing refugee/migrant–host community interactions and their consequences. The second stage includes review and analysis of relevant alternative dispute resolution (ADR) literature. The third stage undertakes an examination and analysis of the practices identified in stage two, and the fourth stage proposes a method that uses potentially “bridging” practices by incorporating useful and relevant elements from host and refugee communities’ ADR mechanisms, in a way that may help resolve inter-communal disputes. Findings The paper demonstrates significant differences between host and migrant communities’ dispute resolution practices and the integrability of relevant ADR approaches toward creating a usable, hybrid, bridging approach to handle inter-communal conflicts. Research limitations/implications The paper proposes a hybrid “bridging” host–refugee inter-communal conflict management model. The proposed model should be tested to prove feasibility and viability. Practical implications Should the proposed model prove useful, the practical implications may lead to the construction and use of different (hybrid) conflict management mechanisms in appropriate communities. Such mechanisms may lead to a reduction in the number and severity of inter-communal conflicts. Social implications A reduction in inter-communal conflicts within the framework of a host–migrant interface may have strong positive outcome to inter (and intra) communal relations and may reduce friction, crime, marginalization, hostility and radicalization. Originality/value The paper highlights the challenges to both migrant and host communities when it comes to finding a common ground for resolving inter-communal disputes and offers a pragmatic hybrid model to bridge cultural and functional gaps and help promote mutually satisfactory outcomes.
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Ben Shitrit, Lihi. "Gender and the (In)divisibility of Contested Sacred Places: The Case of Women for the Temple." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (2017): 812–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000281.
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Abstract Contested sacred sites, over which different religious groups assert claims to exclusivity, have drawn scholarly attention to the spatial interaction between religion and politics. However, the gendered dimensions of inter-communal religious-political disputes over sacred space, and women's roles in these site-specific conflicts, have been largely neglected. Using a case study of Orthodox Jewish women's activism for access to Temple Mount al-Haram al-Sharif, this article demonstrates how attention to gender and to women's engagement in inter-communal conflict over sacred places can illuminate unique intra-communal processes that aim to make a contested sacred site increasingly indivisible for parties to the conflict.
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Sedra, Paul. "COPTS AND THE MILLET PARTNERSHIP: THE INTRA-COMMUNAL DYNAMICS BEHIND EGYPTIAN SECTARIANISM." Journal of Law and Religion 29, no. 3 (2014): 491–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2014.26.
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AbstractThe sparse scholarship on the political role of Coptic Christians in modern Egypt almost always takes the Coptic Orthodox Church as a point of departure, assuming that the head of the church, the Coptic patriarch, is not only the spiritual leader of the community but its political leader as well. This article argues that the disproportionate attention afforded to the Coptic Orthodox Church in this scholarship has obscured intra-communal dynamics of the Copts that are essential to an understanding of their political role. Through an analysis of historical struggles between the Coptic clergy and the Coptic laity for influence in Egyptian politics, as well as a particular focus on how these struggles have played out in the arena of personal status law, the article demonstrates that Egyptian politics and Coptic communal dynamics are deeply intertwined, to a degree often disregarded both by Copts and by Egypt analysts.
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Theobald, Simon. "Doubtful Food, Doubtful Faith." International Journal for the Study of New Religions 3, no. 2 (2012): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ijsnr.v3i2.245.
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The encroachment of maximalist thinking in Jewish and Muslim communities globally has been widely noted by scholars across disciplines. Todate, the influence of such thinking on the cultural construction of foodways, particularly food taboos, within these communities has been largely ignored. This article seeks to address shortcomings in this area of research. Using both fieldwork data from communities in Sydney, Australia, and digital ethnography, this article problematizes anthropological material that suggests that kosher and halal necessarily unite diverse co-religionists. Today, fundamentalists within these faith groups use the concept of “stringency” or “exactingness” in association with food preparation and products to reinterpret the concept of taboo. This process undermines normative communal ideation pertaining to food, providing fundamentalists opportunity to reject intra-communal commensality. Taboos then cease to function as a symbolic marker of communal unity, instead serving the anti-pluralist agenda of fundamentalists. In this way, food becomes the symbolic medium through which the discourse of communal legitimacy, authenticity, and purity, is paradoxically both achieved and rejected.
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Oyinloye, Bukola. "Children�s everyday work in rural Muslim Yor�b� communities in North Central Nigeria." Journal of the British Academy 10s2 (2022): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/010s2.153.
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Proponents of children�s freedom to work agree that work is socially, culturally, and relationally constructed. However, more remains to be known about these constructions, particularly in rural sub-Saharan Africa. This article explores the cultural childrearing beliefs or ethnotheories of Yor�b� parents in rural Northern Nigeria, and parents� role in organising children�s everyday intra-familial and intra-communal work. Data were generated within a broader ethnographic study which explored parents� perspectives and practices around formal schooling. Participant observation, including after school observations of children, and partly structured interviews were employed. Findings reveal children�s activities aligned with parents� ethnotheories about what and how children should learn towards becoming functional, communal adults or ?m?l��b�s. Parent�s ethnotheories also broadened to accommodate new realities, resulting in additional expectations of children. The article highlights the need to further examine the wider structures which underpin parents� ethnotheories and thereby determine children�s capabilities to realise their everyday lives.
Books on the topic "Intra-communal"
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Gwebu, Thando D. Intra-rural patterns, determinants, and policy implications of fertility differentials: An empirical investigation of communal and resettlement lands of south western Zimbabwe. Union for African Population Studies, 2000.
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Before qadi and Grand Vizier: Intra-communal dispute resolution and legal transactions among Christians and Jews in the plural society of seventeenth century Istanbul. 2008.
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Blacksher, Erika. Public Health and Social Justice: An Argument Against Stigma as a Tool of Health Promotion and Disease Prevention. Edited by Brenda Major, John F. Dovidio, and Bruce G. Link. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190243470.013.24.
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This chapter argues against the use of stigma-inducing measures as tools of public health on grounds of social justice. The value of social justice in public health includes both a distributive demand for a fair share of health and the social determinants thereof and a recognitional demand to be treated as a peer in public life. The use of stigma-inducing measures violates the first demand by thwarting people’s access to important intra- and interpersonal, communal, and institutional resources that confer a health advantage; it violates the second by denying people’s shared humanity and ignoring complex non-dominant identities. The position taken in this chapter does not preclude public health measures that regulate and ban health-harming substances or try to move people toward healthier behaviors. It does require that public health partner with people to identify their communities’ health challenges and opportunities and to treat people as resourceful agents of change.
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Dillon, Michele. Postsecular American Catholics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190693008.003.0002.
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This chapter demonstrates how American Catholics embody the mutual relevance of religious and secular expectations that is the hallmark of postsecularity. It argues that individual interpretive autonomy—the secularization of religious authority—is critical to their construal of Catholicism, and it discusses the ironies this entails. The chapter shows that interpretive autonomy is legitimated in official Church teaching, which in part allows Catholics to disagree with Church teachings on sexual morality and other issues while maintaining loyalty to Catholicism. It is also used by them to advocate for doctrinal changes that would more closely align their secular expectations with their attachment to the sacraments. Interpretive autonomy is thus a crucial mechanism in the preservation of Catholicism as a living tradition open to secular realities. The chapter also discusses how intra-Catholic political differences and a large socioeconomic divide between white and a growing Hispanic Catholic population fracture the notion of Catholic communal solidarity.
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Eibl, Ferdinand. Social Dictatorships. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834274.001.0001.
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Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? And how can we explain the persistence of social spending after divergence? This books sets out to answer both questions. Itdevelops a theory about the emergence of authoritarian welfare states, arguing that autocratic leaders need both the incentives and the abilities to distribute welfare for authoritarian welfare states to emerge. The former are shaped by coalition-building dynamics at the onset of regime formation while the latter are conditioned by the external environment. At the level of incentives, broad coalitions emerge in the presence of intra-elite conflict and the absence of salient communal cleavages and, if present jointly, provide a strong incentive for welfare provision. Conversely, a cohesive elite or salient communal divisions entail small coalitions with few incentives to distribute welfare broadly. At the level of abilities, a strong external threat to regime survival is expected to undermine the ability to provide social welfare in broad coalitions. Facing a ‘butter or guns’ trade-off, elites shiflpriority to security expenditures; only fiscal surpluses from an abundant resource endowment can provide the necessary resources to avert this trade-off. To explain the persistence of social policy trajectories, the author relies on two important mechanisms in the welfare state literature: ‘constituency politics’ where beneficiaries of social policies avert deviations from the spending path in the form of systemic reforms or large-scale spending cuts; and spill-over effects to unintended beneficiaries who can become important gatekeepers against path divergence.
Book chapters on the topic "Intra-communal"
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Schneider, Ruben. "5. Environmentalities of Namibian conservancies." In Etosha Pan to the Skeleton Coast. Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0402.05.
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This chapter explores how communal area residents in north-west Namibia experience, understand, and respond to their conservancies. Drawing on philosopher Michel Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’ and specifically its ‘environmentality’ variant, conservancies are understood as localised global environmental governance institutions which aim to modify local people’s behaviours in both conservation- and market-friendly ways. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork across four conservancies in Kunene Region, the chapter reveals how local communities culturally demystify, socially re-construct, and ultimately govern a global, neoliberal(ising) institutional experiment in return. Confirming stark experiential discrepancies and distributional injustices, the analysis cautions against a simplistic affirmation of the conservation dictum that ‘those who benefit also care’. Instead, it demonstrates that experiences of neoliberal incentives such as ownership and benefits are a limited predictor of local conservation practices. In the context of Namibian conservancies, ‘friction’ between global and local ways of seeing and being in the world produces novel, hybrid environmentalities characterised in part by what political scientist Jean-François Bayart calls ‘the politics of the belly’. The chapter explores how communal area residents seek to opportunistically work the conservancy system to their advantage. It highlights an accountability gap within conservancies which not only entrenches local inequalities but effectively transfers frictions between global and local environmentalities to the community level where they have the potential to develop into intra-community conflicts.
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Schier, Michaela. "Everyday Practices of Living in Multiple Places and Mobilities: Transnational, Transregional, and Intra-Communal Multi-Local Families." In Family Life in an Age of Migration and Mobility. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52099-9_3.
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Kaymak, Erol, and Yücel Vural. "Intra-communal dynamics." In Cyprus. Manchester University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526185709.00012.
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"Intellectual Priorities, Individuals, and Intra-Communal Veneration." In Bishop Æthelwold, his Followers, and Saints' Cults in Early Medieval England. Boydell & Brewer Ltd, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv24tr997.8.
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Hearty, Kevin. "Conclusion." In Critical Engagement. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940476.003.0009.
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The conclusion outlines how memory politics features in different ways and at different levels within the extended Irish republican debate on policing. It suggests that any understanding of the role memory politics plays within modern Irish republicanism must acknowledge that it operates on three different levels; the conventional level, an inter-communal level and an intra-communal level. In operating on the conventional level, memory politics is seen to feature in the Irish republican policing debate in ways that it has featured in other transitioning societies. In operating on an inter-communal level Irish republican policing memory can be seen to feed into the ‘metaconflict’ in a post-conflict society that has not yet systematically addressed its violent past. In operating on an intra-communal level memory is a useful political resource between competing groups who are seeking to either drive or spoil transitional processes in Northern Ireland.
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"1. Intellectual Priorities, Individuals, and Intra-Communal Veneration." In Bishop Æthelwold, his Followers, and Saints' Cults in Early Medieval England. Boydell and Brewer, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781800104938-005.
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Rosman, Moshe. "Everyday Violence in Jewish Communities of the Commonwealth." In Categorically Jewish, Distinctly Polish. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764852.003.0015.
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This chapter takes a look at intra-Jewish violence, a much less studied vexation of Jewish communal life. It constructs a typology of Jewish violence with accompanying qualitative analysis. The chapter reviews the familiar Jewish sources as well as newly available ones. Next, it looks at how Jewish communal charters (privilegia) mandated that criminal matters involving Jews be adjudicated outside Jewish communal and rabbinical courts in the court of the non-Jewish ‘judge of the Jews’ (judex judaeorum), or the court of the local nobleman, royal town official, or municipality. Moreover, despite Jewish exhortations and edicts against the practice, Jews did turn voluntarily to non-Jewish courts at times to adjudicate even civil matters. A main conclusion is that intra-Jewish violence was neither random nor the result of social anomie. Rather, the violence was typically an outgrowth of existing issues or conflicts between the antagonists.
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Eibl, Ferdinand. "Divergent Paths." In Social Dictatorships. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834274.003.0003.
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The chapter is macro-comparative in nature and examines to what extent the theoretical framework is in line with the historical patterns of authoritarian regime formation. Drawing on historical case accounts, Arabic language secondary liter ature, and autobiographical material written by actors involved in the early elite struggles, the chapter spotlights how intra-elite conflict and communal cleavages shaped elites’ incentives for welfare provision. In addition, the chapter maps out the geostrategic environment in which regime formation took place, highlighting differences in the exposure to external threat and the endowment with resources as key constraining factors on welfare distribution. It does so in the form of comparative narratives of coalition formation and the geostrategic context, and demonstrates how the combination of elite competition, communal cleavages, and the geostrategic context widened or narrowed the authoritarian support coalitions.
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Solanki, Gopika. "Transgressive Spaces." In Religions, Mumbai Style. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192889379.003.0008.
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Abstract Focusing on feminist organizations’ interventions as third-party mediators in interreligious marriages in Mumbai, this chapter discusses how multiple patriarchies, enmeshed with Hindu right agendas, collide and rub against counter-movements on the ground in Mumbai. Using qualitative research method, and focusing on a feminist group’s long-term and purposeful action in preventing intra- and inter-ethnic group tensions related to an interreligious marriage in Mumbai, the chapter demonstrates that such micro-actions in everyday adjudication limit the exclusionary ideologies and legitimacy of majoritarian ethno-religious organizations and political parties which oppose such marriages. In addition, the chapter showcases how feminist groups offer care to vulnerable women and their families, help repair and build inter- and intra-ethnic family and kinship ties, enable local discourses that assist families to reappraise existing norms and practices militating against interreligious marriage, and consciously disrupt commonsensical narratives that cause ethnic polarization and consolidate communal patriarchy.
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Caspersen Nina. "Third Party Conflict Resolution in the Caucasus." In NATO Science for Peace and Security Series - E: Human and Societal Dynamics. IOS Press, 2011. https://doi.org/10.3233/978-1-60750-684-3-79.
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It is often argued that third party conflict resolution in the Caucasus has failed since the conflicts are not yet ripe for resolution, and due to the obstacles posed by the existence of unrecognised states. This chapter asks if such ‘ripeness’ can be created and it examines the solutions available in these extreme cases of separatist conflict. It finds that the timing of conflict resolution interacts with the process and substance of the approach. There is therefore room for creative diplomacy, but a viable strategy requires a multi-level approach which encompasses the international and the intra-communal level, including in the unrecognised states. Moreover, a solution needs to fudge the issue of sovereignty, and significant third party involvement is needed to make such a settlement both acceptable and sustainable.
Conference papers on the topic "Intra-communal"
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Selimian, Haroutioun. "Սուրիոյ Հայ Աւետարանական Համայնքի Գործունէութիւնը (2005-2017ի Ամփոփ Պատկեր)". У Սուրիոյ Հայերը. HU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.62811/adrc.aos.hs.001.
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The Armenian evangelical community of Syria has a significant presence in the Armenian spiritual, cultural, and national space of Syria. From the early 1990’s, the community was further and more actively incorporated into the Syrian Armenian space. The community is present in Aleppo, Kesab, Homs and Damascus and is administered by the Central Committee of the Near East Armenian Evangelical Church Union, the Administrative Body of the Armenian Evangelical Community and the Educational Council of the Armenian Evangelical Community. The report highlights the milestones of the community in Syria and describes the socio-cultural, national and spiritual activities of the community prior to and during the war years in Syria. Prior to the war years considerable emphasis was put on Christian education; school buildings as well as the content and quality of the education and learning provided was revised in line with changes in school structure policies by the ministry of education. Tuition fees and financial aid were revised and a secondary section started in 2009. On the cultural side a music school, library and reading hall were launched in 2006. War realities, however, imposed a different agenda. The community became geared more towards social and economic relief by providing food, financial help, medical care, everyday life utilities (gas, water, etc.), and it organized gatherings for children and the elderly. An infirmary was inaugurated in 2013. Due to danger in war zones, certain schools were relocated or had to send their students to other schools. Nonetheless, school jubilees were celebrated, yearbooks were published, and both inter- and intra-communal relations and relations with the Republic of Armenia, the Diaspora and the global Christian community were maintained. In a nutshell, the report emphasizes the fact that against the odds of war the community survived and did its utmost to bear the impact and consequences of the war with strength.