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Journal articles on the topic 'Intra-ethnic relations'
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Warren, T. Camber, and Kevin K. Troy. "Explaining Violent Intra-Ethnic Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 3 (2014): 484–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002713515400.
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Nasution, Vivi Adryani, and Niza Ayuningtyas. "THE LANGUAGE CHOICE OF CHINESE COMMUNITY IN MEDAN: A SOCIOLINGUISTICS STUDY." JOALL (Journal of Applied Linguistics & Literature) 5, no. 1 (2020): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33369/joall.v5i1.9063.
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This study aims to describe the manifestation of language choice and the dominant factors of determining language choice among Chinese community inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic relations in Medan. This study used descriptive qualitative method emphasized on a multiethnic and multilingual Chinese community background. The sociolinguistic theory of language choice focused on the domain features involving family and occupation domains was used as the basis of this study. It applied Miles and Huberman technique for analyzing the data and the Bungin formula for calculating the data. Of the 80 respondents, the results of the questionnaire showed that the Hokkien sub-ethnic was the dominant sub-ethnic in Medan compared to other Chinese sub-ethnicities. The manifestation of language choice in the domain of family and occupation especially in inter-ethnic relation is dominated by vernacular language, especially Hokkien language although respondents come from non-Hokkien ethnic. However, Indonesia language becomes the main language used related to intra-ethnic relation. In addition, the dominant language choice factor is influenced by Chinese participant’s cultural backgrounds similarity.
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Bucx, Freek, and Inge Seiffge-Krenke. "Romantic relationships in intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic adolescent couples in Germany: The role of attachment to parents, self-esteem, and conflict resolution skills." International Journal of Behavioral Development 34, no. 2 (2010): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025409360294.
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We investigated romantic relationships in a sample of 380 adolescents who formed 190 heterosexual couples (mean age: females 17 years; males 18 years): 173 intra-ethnic (German) couples and 17 inter-ethnic couples. Factor analyses revealed two types of love experiences: (a) experiences of attraction and a passionate focus on the partner (passionate love) and (b) experiences of affiliation (companionate love). No differences were found between intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic couples in romantic experiences, self-esteem, and conflict resolution skills. Adolescents in intra-ethnic couples had more close relations with parents than adolescents in inter-ethnic couples. Actor—Partner Interdependence Models (APIMs) showed that companionate love was indirectly predicted by the quality of attachment towards parents; this relationship was mediated by self-esteem and conflict resolution skills. Whereas the quality of girlfriends’ attachment to the father (not to the mother) predicted conflict resolution skills in romantic relationships, boyfriends’ conflict resolution skills were predicted by the quality of attachment to the mother (not to the father). Furthermore, cross-partner effects were observed: girlfriends’ experiences of companionate love were not only predicted by attachment to their own mother, but also by the relation between their boyfriend and his mother.
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Mansour, Renad, and Faleh Jabar. "Inter- and Intra-Ethnic Relations and Power Sharing in Post-Conflict Iraq." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 11, no. 1 (2014): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90110044.
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Oberschall, Anthony, and Hyojoung Kim. "Identity and Action." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, no. 1 (1996): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.1.02845r073686838u.
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With the pursuit of ethnic idenitity as an example, we deduce some testable propositions on ethnic mobilization and polarization from a graphic analysis of a purposive action model. The method allows incorporation of identity in collective action models. In a village of two ethnic groups, people pursue two idenitities, their own ethnicity and a shared villager identity. Pursuit of their identities is constrained by the inter- and intra-ethnic organization of the village. We show that under fragile" inter-ethnic village organization, small changes in ethnocentrism can precipitate much change in the ethnic relations, whereas when inter-ethnic organization is "robust, " inter-ethnic relations change little, even when ethnocentrism changes a great deal. The effects of ethnic mobilization are studied, as when ethnic moderates close ranks with extremists to create polarization. The pursuit of political identity (dissidents, pragmatists) in repressive regimes can be similarly modeled and studied for predicting opposition to the regime.
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Moore, Gavin, Neophytos Loizides, Nukhet A. Sandal, and Alexandros Lordos. "Winning Peace Frames: Intra-Ethnic Outbidding in Northern Ireland and Cyprus." West European Politics 37, no. 1 (2013): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2013.801576.
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Thiranagama, Sharika. "The civility of strangers? Caste, ethnicity, and living together in postwar Jaffna, Sri Lanka." Anthropological Theory 18, no. 2-3 (2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499617744476.
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The question asked by this article is as follows: How do different kinds of people live together in a hierarchical world that has been challenged and transformed through the leveling effects of deep ethnicization and war? I examine two different kinds of relationships in contemporary postwar Jaffna: first, an inter-ethnic, external Tamil/Muslim division that has led to people relating to each other as categorical strangers; and second, an intra-ethnic, internal caste relationship through which different castes relate to each other as intimate strangers. These inter-ethnic and intra-caste distinctions have been forged through recent histories of violence and struggle, and indicate key tensions and transformations around postwar life on the Jaffna peninsula, part of the former warzone during the Sri Lankan civil war and long considered the ideological heart of Tamil nationalism. When ethnic mobilization—the possibility of egalitarian mutuality and solidarity as well as the pain, trauma and sacrifice of war, and ethnic cleansing—emerges within deeply hierarchical worlds that continually produce modes of distinction, what kinds of struggles arise within inter-ethnic and intra-caste relations? Given that public life is historically built on unequal participation, and that living together has been a historical struggle, we need to ask how we understand the particular embedded civilities that have made living together such a problem over time. Rather than see civility as an abstract code of prescriptions in relation to the maintenance of non-violent order, I suggest that it is possible to see different modalities of civility produced with regard to specific others/strangers. These modalities can conflict with each other, given that civility can be either hierarchically produced or governed by an egalitarian drive toward public forms of dignity and equality. I propose that civility has a social location, discourses, and understandings in hierarchical worlds that are necessarily different depending on who is speaking.
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McDuie-Ra, Duncan. "The dilemmas of pro-development actors: viewing state–ethnic minority relations and intra-ethnic dynamics through contentious development projects." Asian Ethnicity 12, no. 1 (2011): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631369.2011.538220.
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Schilling-Estes, Natalie. "Investigating intra-ethnic differentiation: /ay/ in Lumbee Native American English." Language Variation and Change 12, no. 2 (2000): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500122021.
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This article demonstrates the importance of investigating language variation and change both within and across ethnic groups, especially those that have been relatively insular historically. The focus is on the variable patterning of /ay/ in the variety of English spoken by the Lumbee Indians in tri-ethnic Robeson County, North Carolina. (The Lumbee refer to themselves as “Indians” rather than “Native Americans”; I use their term when referring to their tribe.) The analysis reveals that the Lumbee have been surprisingly innovative and heterogeneous. Explanations are both linguistic and extralinguistic. Insular groups do not face linguistic pressure to level intra- and inter-community differences or to curb internal innovations. In addition, insular groups are often more concerned with intra- than inter-group relations and hence with intra-group social and linguistic distinctions. The study also shows a lessening of inter- and intra-group dialect differences with increased inter-group contact. However, the Lumbee still preserve a degree of dialectal distinctiveness, indicating that the need to preserve cultural uniqueness may outweigh linguistic pressure to level out differences.
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Bochsler, Daniel, and Edina Szöcsik. "Building inter-ethnic bridges or promoting ethno-territorial demarcation lines? Hungarian minority parties in competition." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (2013): 761–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801411.
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Parties of ethnic minorities are flourishing in a large number of ethnically divided democracies. While academic research has studied their emergence and success, we know little about intra-group party competition. This paper discusses the reasons for intra-group political plurality, with a focus on intra-party conflict and intra-group party competition: it explains the political orientation of ethnic minority parties and their intra-group challengers as a consequence of the inclusion of minority parties into government. The inclusion of minority parties into national governments produces an inherent conflict between pragmatic office-seekers and radical partisans. In minority parties that have governmental responsibilities, the pragmatist view overwhelms, while in those parties in opposition, radical voices dominate. The formation of two intra-Hungarian challenger parties in Romania and in Slovakia in 2007 and 2009 represents two very similar cases, which appear to be in line with our hypotheses.
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Omotola, J. Shola. "Democratisation, Sub-Ethnic Identities and Intra-Group Relations Among The Okun of Kogi State, Nigeria." International Journal of Regional and Local Studies 3, no. 1 (2007): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jrl.2007.3.1.81.
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Ingelaere, Bert, and Marijke Verpoorten. "Trust in the aftermath of genocide: Insights from Rwandan life histories." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 4 (2020): 521–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319899136.
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We study changes in inter- and intra-ethnic trust in Rwanda. We focus on the impact of the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, which is a case of group-selective violence marked by a clear perpetrator-group and victim-group as well as within-group variation with respect to exposure to violence. In our empirical analysis, we rely on more than 400 individual life histories in which intra- and inter-ethnic trust were systematically ranked for all life history years. Overall, we find that, while intra-ethnic trust remains largely unchanged, inter-ethnic trust decreases with the onset of violence and sharply so for those targeted in the genocide. Inter-ethnic trust gradually recovers over time. Only members of a subset of the victim-group, namely those with the highest probability of individual physical exposure to violence, portray signs of continued out-group mistrust, 17 years after the genocide. Our results suggest that taking into account the element of time, establishing a fine-grained differentiation of the relevant in- and out-groups in the conflict, and identifying the level of exposure to violence, are necessary steps to better understand the impact of political violence on trust. Regarding theory, our findings further qualify what is known about the twofold theoretical foundation of trust relationships, namely that changes in interpersonal trust reside in altered personal predispositions due to traumatic experiences and/or evolving experiences of trustworthiness in social interaction.
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Goswami, Namrata. "The Naga intra-community dialogue: preventing and managing violent ethnic conflict." Global Change, Peace & Security 22, no. 1 (2010): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781150903488020.
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Jørgensen, Anne Rosenlund. "Reframing Interfaith Boundary Crossing and Maintenance: Middle Eastern Christians’ Narratives on Intimacy with Muslims." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 9, no. 2 (2017): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v9i2.25351.
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By exploring narratives of Middle Eastern Christians (MECs) in Denmark I want to open an important, yet overlooked, window on invisible intra-ethnic relations in an immigrant context in Denmark. The subject of research is negotiations of boundary maintenance and strategies for recovering from boundary crossings in cases of interfaith intimacies between MEC women and Muslim men in Denmark. The research focuses on different contextual aspects of intimate boundary crossing and argues that already at the stage of dating, the relationship challenges boundaries and erodes families and communities. In order to explore some very diverse narratives, I ask: How do MECs in Denmark, who carry experiences of intra-ethnic interfaith intimacies with Muslims, negotiate boundary maintenance at the levels of the individual, the family and the MEC community?
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Jacobsen, Michael. "Doing Business the Chinese Way? On Manadonese Chinese, Entrepreneurship in North Sulawesi." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 24, no. 2 (2006): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v24i2.822.
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This article argues and documents that diasporic networking and guanxi relationships in North Sulawesi Province in East Indonesia are not essential for doing business within the Chinese business community. The main argument forwarded is that guanxi governed business networks are but one strategy among several other business strategies employed, when engaging in inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic business transactions. Furthermore, a discussion of the relationship between local Chinese and non-Chinese business environment as well as of the inter-ethnic environment in general constitutes a framework for how to position the Chinese in an overall societal context. Of special interest in this connection are questions of inter-ethnic integration versus assimilation together with questions of descent and ethnic classification in the relation to the surrounding non-Chinese community.
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Wainwright, Leon. "Bodily relations and reciprocity in the art of Sonia Khurana." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 4 (2017): 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017730163.
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This article explores the significance of the ‘somatic’ and ‘ontological turn’ in locating the radical politics articulated in the contemporary performance, installation, video and digital art practices of New Delhi-based artist, Sonia Khurana (b. 1968). Since the late 1990s, Khurana has fashioned a range of artworks that require new sorts of reciprocal and embodied relations with their viewers. While this line of art practice suggests the need for a primarily philosophical mode of inquiry into an art of the body, such affective relations need to be historicised also in relation to a discursive field of ‘difference’ and public expectations about the artist’s ethnic, gendered and national identity. Thus, this intimate, visceral and emotional field of inter- and intra-action is a novel contribution to recent transdisciplinary perspectives on the gendered, social and sentient body that in turn prompts a wider debate on the ethics of cultural commentary and art historiography.
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Ngenge, Ransom Tanyu. "PARTY POLITICS AND INTRA-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN THE NKAMBE CENTRAL SUBDIVISION OF CAMEROON IN THE 2013 LEGISLATIVE ELECTION." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (2021): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2293.
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Political deception is inherently ‘conflictual’ not only in the Western Democracies but also and even more so in Africa. Conflicts of political nature have often resulted from national and local elections in Africa and Cameroon. Prominently, such conflicts sometimes take an ethnic twist with far-reaching consequences. From this background, this article investigates into the forms and nature of intra-ethnic conflicts in the Nkambe Central Subdivision of Cameroon during the 2013 legislative election. With a combination of interviews and personal observations, including a good number of secondary/tertiary source-material, the article which is analyzed in thematic synthesis reveals that during the 2013 legislative election in the Nkambe Central Subdivision of the North West region of Cameroon, conflicts of clan-based, family and age-set nature emanated with far-reaching consequences on ethnic relations and development.
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Hopper, Ben, and Michael Webber. "Migration, Modernisation and Ethnic Estrangement: Uyghur migration to Urumqi, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, PRC." Inner Asia 11, no. 2 (2009): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000009793066460.
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AbstractIn the People's Republic of China, minority nationality peoples have the same formal rights as Han Chinese. However, in Xinjiang, the modernisation project is taking precedence over ethnic harmony as recruitment practices are increasingly disadvantaging the Uyghurs, despite earlier affirmative action policies. Ethnographic and survey research among Urumqi's floating population indicates that Uyghurs are excluded from certain sectors, earn lower incomes and reside in poorer accommodation than Han Chinese, from whom they remain spatially and socially segregated. As the state increasingly relies on the invisible hand of the market, so the commodification of labour relations and property is amplifying social rifts between nationalities. Uneven regional development prompts Han people to migrate into Xinjiang and Uyghurs to migrate to the cities within Xinjiang, bringing these two ethnic groups into competition within a labour market. This has resulted in an ethnic division of labour that exacerbates inter- and intra-ethnic tensions.
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Hasić, Jasmin. "Post-Conflict Cooperation in Multi-Ethnic Local communities of Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Qualitative Comparative analysis of Diaspora's Role." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 2 (2018): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1470024.
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How are diaspora involvement in peacebuilding and elite cooperation in multi-ethnic municipalities complementary? This article examines how local elites perceive and respond to conflict-generated diaspora's role in peacebuilding in nine post-conflict multi-ethnic municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and whether these perceptions can determine types of inter-ethnic cooperation within local institutions. Using a systematic comparative case study analysis utilising ideal-type fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), I derive four types of relationships. The results indicate that local elites, experiencing various levels of direct and indirect interaction with diaspora communities, perceive diaspora's role in the process as constraining their own cooperation prospects. The analysis also demonstrates that local elites perceive diaspora as insufficiently competent and imperfectly coordinated to tackle major challenges in local peacebuilding frameworks and that diaspora actions do not significantly affect the reform of current dynamics and practices of intra-ethnic cooperation among elites.
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Ramji, Hasmita. "Exploring Intersections of Employment and Ethnicity Amongst British Pakistani Young Men." Sociological Research Online 10, no. 4 (2005): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1144.
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This article draws upon research conducted amongst young British Pakistani men in Lancashire to explore how different boundaries of British Pakistani identity are being constructed. It focuses on the significance of employment within Pakistani men's inter and intra-ethnic peer group relations and the ways in which the social dynamics that underlie those relations provide the context for understanding the particular nature and form that ethnicity takes. It does this through the narratives of professional and non-professional men. The article has two aims, firstly it seeks to contribute to the literature on understanding ethnic identity by looking at boundaries as they manifest themselves and suggesting one way in which ethnicity can be understood within a specific social context. Secondly, in so doing it hopes to extend research focus on British Pakistanis away from conventional agendas.
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Torode, Nicky. "National Cultural Autonomy in the Russian Federation: Implementation and Impact." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 2-3 (2008): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181108x332596.
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AbstractThis article explores the meaning of national cultural autonomy both in the Soviet period and in the Russian Federation at the time of, and following, the adoption of the 1996 Federal Law on National Cultural Autonomy. The author examines the cartography of national cultural autonomies, that is the ethnic minority associations, set up since 1996 to understand the motivations by ethnic minority communities for establishing an autonomy, often in addition to pre-existing ethnic minority organizations and cultural institutions. For ethnic minority community leaders the autonomy model appeared attractive – the access to state powers and perceived provision of financial resources. The state saw an obvious benefit in autonomy as a means in regulating its relations with a plethora of ethnic organisations which had formed in the final days of the Soviet regime. Although the law marked a historic departure in the history of ethnic minorities by being the first law to name ‘certain ethnic groups’ as the beneficiaries of the promotion of their rights it has not been without its problems. This author suggests the inherent hierarchical structure prescribed within the law whereby only one federal autonomy could exist increased intra-ethnic rivalry rather than unifying ethnic organisations. It also inadvertently brought the Russian question to the fore, that is the place of ethnic Russians in a post-communist Russia who attempted to avail themselves of cultural autonomy. Despite the shortcomings of cultural autonomy both in theory and practice it has performed an essential role in opening up the debate on the national question in the Russian Federation.
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Zuber, Christina Isabel, and Jan Jakub Muś. "Representative claims and expected gains. Minority council elections and intra-ethnic competition in Serbia." East European Politics 29, no. 1 (2013): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2012.757737.
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Vogt, Manuel, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and Lars-Erik Cederman. "From Claims to Violence: Signaling, Outbidding, and Escalation in Ethnic Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 7-8 (2021): 1278–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721996436.
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Do radical political demands increase the risk of ethnic civil conflict? And why do ethnic movements make radical demands in the first place? We contend that when movements are fragmented, individual organizations use far-reaching claims relative to the status quo to attract attention from the government, boost intra-organizational discipline, and outbid rivals. Yet, such radical claims also increase the risk of conflict escalation. We test our arguments at both the ethnic group and organizational levels, using a new dataset on ethno-political organizations and their political demands. Our results show that the scope of demands increases the more organizations exist within an ethnic movement and that radical demands increase the risk of civil conflict onset. This effect is specific to the dyadic government-movement interaction, irrespective of other ethnic groups in the country. Moreover, at the organizational level, radicalization in demands increases the likelihood that an organization becomes engaged in civil conflict.
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Mazur, Kevin. "Networks, Informal Governance, and Ethnic Violence in a Syrian City." World Politics 72, no. 3 (2020): 481–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000052.
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ABSTRACTIn cross-national studies, ethnic exclusion is robustly associated with the onset of violent challenge to incumbent regimes. But significant variation remains at the subnational level—not all members of an excluded ethnic group join in challenge. This article accounts for intra-ethnic group variation in terms of the network properties of local communities, nested within ethnic groups, and the informal ties that regimes forge to some segments of the ethnically excluded population. Mobilization within an excluded ethnic group is most likely among local communities where members are densely linked to one another and lack network access to state-controlled resources. Drawing on a case study of the Syrian city of Homs in the 2011 uprising, this article demonstrates how the Syrian regime’s strategies of managing the Sunni population of Homs shaped patterns of challenge. On the one hand, the state’s toleration of spontaneous settlements on the city’s periphery helped to reproduce dense network ties. On the other hand, the regime’s informal bargains with customary leaders instrumentalized those ties to manage local populations. These bargains could not withstand the regime’s use of violence against challengers, which meant that these same local networks became crucial factors in impelling and sustaining costly antiregime mobilization.
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Beha, Adem. "Consociational Democracy and Political Engineering in Postwar Kosovo." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 4 (2019): 674–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.17.
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This article examines the consociational democracy installed in Kosovo after the war. Starting from the premise that the electoral system is considered one of the key instruments for the engineering of post-conflict societies with deep ethnic divisions, the article analyzes the preferences of local and international actors for the type of electoral system. In particular, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission’s reluctance to organize elections without a prior creation of an institutional base, as well as grand governing coalitions. The mechanisms of consociational democracy aim at addressing elite cooperation between different ethnic communities for building peace and stability in post-conflict societies. But focusing on the intra- and inter-community dynamics of cooperation and confrontation between elites, I conclude that the main obstacle to building a democratic multi-ethnic society in Kosovo and implementing the power-sharing arrangements was the uncertainty over the status of Kosovo.
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Caspersen, Nina. "Contingent Nationalist Dominance: Intra-Serb Challenges to the Serb Democratic Party." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 1 (2006): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500504855.
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‘Only unity saves the Serbs’ is the famous call for unity in the Serb nationalist doctrine, but even though this doctrine enjoyed widespread ideological adherence, disunity has been a dominant characteristic of Bosnian Serb politics since the first multiparty elections in 1990. In this context of intra-Serb rivalry, the dominance of the Serb Democratic Party (Sprska demokratska stranka, SDS) has nevertheless been an almost constant feature. The SDS was founded in July 1990, under the leadership of Radovan Karadžić, and in a nationalist landslide in the elections four months later, the party secured around 85% of the Serb vote. Following the marginalisation of the competing non-ethnic parties the SDS enjoyed a largely monolithic status in the Serb community, but after the outbreak of war, and an initial closing of ranks, Serb opposition parties soon emerged. Such competition intensified after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, when the SDS's ability to use repressive powers against competitors was significantly reduced. Despite this persistent competition, the SDS has remained the dominant political force among the Serbs in Bosnia and until 1997 its control was close to being absolute. This dominance was decisive for the development of conflict and war in Bosnia, but analysis of the conditions that allowed the SDS to achieve and maintain its dominance is nevertheless lacking. In this article, the dynamics of intra-Serb party competition in Bosnia will be analysed and the following questions will be sought answered: What was the basis of the SDS's continued dominance? What resources were decisive in the party competition? How did the ethnification of politics affect these dynamics? How did the existence of intra-ethnic challengers affect the SDS's position?
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Iagafova, E. A., and E. V. Bazhina. "Samara Tatars: features of ethnic identification and interethnic interaction practices in a multinational metropolis." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 1(48) (March 2, 2020): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2020-48-1-14.
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The article considers the current features of ethnocultural identification and interethnic relations of Samara Tatars by examining their urban community, which formed in the 18th–20th centuries. The study is aimed at de-termining the features associated with the formation and preservation of the ethnocultural identity of Samara Tatars, as well as the practice of their interethnic interaction in a metropolis. The research is based on the materi-als of a field survey of Samara Tatars conducted by the authors in 2017–2019, as well as on the analysis of statis-tical and published data on the history and current situation in the Tatar community of Samara. The research methodology is based on the concept of ‘ethnic boundaries’ formed in the course of intra-ethnic and interethnic interaction, within which individual and group forms of ethnic identity are manifested. The study focuses on the cultural and linguistic characteristics of the community under study (language, material culture, religious and ritual traditions, etc.), which determine the nature of interethnic contacts and the features of ethnocultural identification in the group. The study revealed that the origin, nationality of parents and ancestors constitute the basis of ethnic identity of Samara Tatars, which, despite the loss of the language, ensures ethnic reproduction of the group. The Tatar language plays a significant role in the formation of ethnic identity and intra-ethnic communication for a sig-nificant part of Samara Tatars; however, it is functionally inferior to the Russian language in the private and public spheres. The role of the kinship group is significant; thanks to it, ethnic traditions in diet, as well as in the spheres of religion and festivities are mastered and observed. Despite the fact that a number of elements have lost their original, utilitarian significance in culture, they continue to influence the process of ethnic identification of commu-nity members as symbolic markers of ethnicity. Folk heritage, as well as professional culture, make a certain con-tribution to the foundation for the ethnicity of Samara Tatar. The activities of Tatar public organisations also con-tribute to transmitting ethnocultural experience to the younger generation. The long history of the urban Tatar community in Samara constitutes a powerful resource for the local ethnocultural identification of its members as ‘Samara Tatars’, as well as an incentive for integration into the modern multicultural space of the region.
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Kanukova, Zalina V., and Berta V. Tuaeva. "The Persian community in Vladikavkaz: preserving ethnic identity in an alien cultural environment." RUDN Journal of Russian History 18, no. 3 (2019): 560–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2019-18-3-560-588.
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On the basis of archival sources and materials taken from periodical press, the authors investigate the history of the Persian diaspora in Ossetia. The article discusses the causes of Persian migration to Ossetia, which began in the second half of the 19th century; their settlement and adaptation processes; and mechanisms of intra-ethnic consolidation. The authors identify the means Persians used to adapt to the economy of the host society, in particular by fi nding economic niches in industry, craft, trade, and domestic services, and analyze their integration into new economic forms of urban lifestyle. Ethnic entrepreneurship emerges as the foundation of Persian community life. The article investigates the diaspora’s infrastructure, including the Persian Consulate, a Shiite mosque, the Persian school Navruz , the charitable society Himmat , and several other institutions. In general, for most minority communities the place of worship becomes the focus point of intraethnic consolidation and preservation of national identity, especially when the community is not simply ethnic but rather ethno-confessional. In the Persian community, however, the main regulatory and communicative functions were performed by the Consulate. The authors argue that the prominence of the Consulate resulted from the uncertain status of the mosque, from the fact that Shiite worshippers came from various nationalities, and from the confl icts among them. The authors examine the degree of preservation of traditional Persian culture in festive and ceremonial life, community behavior, and relations with the motherland. They identify how the Persian community integrated into the socio-cultural environment of poly-ethnic Vladikavkaz through trade relations, everyday contacts, and other means.
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Breusers, Mark, Suzanne Nederlof, and Teunis van Rheenen. "Reply to Peter Oksen's ‘Disentanglements’." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 1 (2000): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003286.
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Peter Oksen's comments on our paper about farmer–herdsman relations in Burkina Faso raise some interesting issues, notably regarding problems of interpretation of oral and archival sources and regarding the broader relevance of insights gained from an in-depth case study. Before answering straightforwardly to his objections, it is useful to clarify the misunderstanding which appears to exist about the meaning we attribute to ‘symbiosis’ and ‘symbiotic relations’. In our article we restricted the use of these terms to the way in which past relations between farmers and herdsmen, depicted as undifferentiated groups, are often represented. In discussions about the change of these relations, the emphasis is on progressive deterioration, again without attention paid to the possible existence of intra-group differentiation or of heterogeneity of relations across group boundaries. In this regard, it is remarkable that from colonial documents the interests of farmers and herdsmen emerge as equally irreconcilable as they are often considered today, and that, just as at present, competition over scarce natural resources constituted a major factor in inter-group relations. If we therefore reject ‘symbiosis’ as a correct description of formerly existing inter-group relations, we do not intend to imply that complementary links – such as those we describe for present-day relations between Mossi and Fulbe – did not exist in the past. A major aspect of our argument is that inter-group relations, whether past or present, cannot be subsumed under simplifying labels such as ‘symbiosis’. Neither can changes in these relations be understood in terms of uni-directionally processes of deterioration. Hence, present-day ‘complementary’ links across the ethnic boundary – established by certain, but not all, Mossi and Fulbe actors – are but a manifestation of the continued presence of diversity of relations, not of ‘symbiosis’. They point to mutual interests between certain actors belonging to different ethnic groups, not between the groups as such.
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Goncharova, Natalia V., and Olga A. Elkina. "ACTUALIZATION OF THE ETHNIC: YOUTH BETWEEN FAMILY EXPECTATIONS AND PEAR GROUPS." Issues of Ethnopolitics, no. 4 (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-7041-2020-4-81-95.
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The article deals with various aspects of on the reproduction of young people’s ethno-cultural identities in the contexts of everyday family practices, ethno-religious education and peer group interactions within a wider multiethnic environment. The focus is on the problems of harmonizing the regulatory require- ments of the family and the wider socio-cultural environment of the multi-ethnic region, within which ethnic constructions are redefined. Actualization of behavior model occurs in the process of realizing all the barriers and resources that are signif- icant at a given time. One of the factors that determine the family practices of main- taining traditional culture and personal adaptation in foreign cultural conditions is the involvement in social networks, migration plans, and intra-family careers. At the same time, the problem of reconciling different regulatory requirements of the family and the social environment is most clearly manifested in the space of gender roles and regimes. In addition, in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional communi- ties, the confessional aspect of the “friend-foe” opposition is clearly manifested in everyday interaction with pear groups, and ethnic identity, based on the ideas of one’s own people, traditions, lifestyle, character and behavior of others, is the basis for the formation of interethnic relations among young people.
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Tsu, Cecilia M. "Sex, Lies, and Agriculture: Reconstructing Japanese Immigrant Gender Relations in Rural California, 1900––1913." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 2 (2009): 171–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.2.171.
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This article argues that the conditions of Japanese immigrants' lives in rural California produced unstable gender relations and patterns of intra-ethnic conflict. Early twentieth-century inquest records of the Santa Clara County coroner reveal tensions stemming from gender imbalance, exacerbated by the difficulties of farm life, racial marginalization, and circumscribed economic opportunity. Immigrant men equated success in America and status among their compatriots with being economically viable farmers and supporting a family in America; some who could not achieve these goals resorted to violent behavior. Meanwhile, Japanese women encountered new options and freedoms in a predominantly male immigrant society but also found themselves battling new forms of aggression from their countrymen. The volatility of gender relations in this Japanese community highlights the disruptive effects of migration, as well as the process through which immigrant men and women negotiated new lives and identities in America.
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Zdeb, Aleksandra. "Prud and Butmir Processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Intra-ethnic Competition from the Perspective of Game Theory." Ethnopolitics 16, no. 4 (2016): 369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2016.1143661.
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Ahmad, Ayaz, Sana Hussan, and Safiullah. "Geographic, Ethnic and Linguistic Composition of Afghanistan: Methodological rich points of Language Policy and Planning." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. I (2018): 215–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).14.
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This paper evaluates the Language Policy and Planning's (LPP) Methodological Rich Points (MRP) in the geographic, ethnic and linguistic composition of Afghanistan. The theoretical construct is taken from the work of Nancy H. Hornberger on MRP in LPP. The paper explores a range of primary and secondary sources, and finds that the presence of inequality, marginalization and oppression in intra-ethnic and intralanguage group relations, sharing of resources and power account for neglect of the MRP in Afghan LPP. The geographic details in conjunction with explanation of historical process of migrations and conquests explains that most of the minority language speakers are concentrated in the difficult to reach areas of Afghanistan for their safety. Further, the limiting factors of Afghan geography explains the preservation of minority languages from the effects of majority languages. The study concludes with the proposal that it would be helpful to avoid the pitfalls of the current LPP in future by giving due attention to MRP.
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Roman, Raluca B. "Trans-national migration and the issue of ‘ethnic’ solidarity: Finnish Roma elite and Eastern European Roma migrants in Finland." Ethnicities 14, no. 6 (2014): 793–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796814542179.
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From 2007 to 2008, the presence of migrant-beggars from Eastern European countries in Finland has brought about much discussion regarding the status of this group in what is perceived as a model welfare state. The beggars, identified mainly Roma from Romanian and Bulgaria, were not easily fitting within the ideals of work culture within a Nordic welfare society. Moreover, no clear demarcation was made between the groups of migrant Roma and the national, Finnish Roma community. This paper focuses on the views of some of the Finnish Roma ‘elite’ regarding the presence of Roma beggars in the Helsinki area, dealing with the interactions between national and migrant Roma in the city of Helsinki as a consequence of Eastern European Roma migration to this area and bringing into question the limitations of an ethnic approach to Roma migration. The focus is on analysing the contradictions and ambiguities in what could easily (yet problematically) be understood as ‘intra-ethnic’ relations.
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Wong, Bernard P. "Surviving the City: The Chinese Immigrant Experience in New York City, 1890–1970. By Xinyang Wang. [Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2001. 157 pp. $17.95. ISBN 0-7425-0891-9.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000944390338012x.
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The author, Xinyang Wang, is a social historian who reassesses the history of early Chinese immigrants in New York City, departing from the ethnic-heritage and racism analyses of immigrants' adaptation to America. Instead, he pursues an actor-oriented approach, showing how economic forces played an important part in the decision-making activities of the immigrants, such as the selection of neighbourhoods for settlement, participation in the labour movement, return to China, and intensification of intra-group solidarity.
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Rocha, Cinthia Creatini da. "From socio-politics to kinship dynamics among the Kaingang." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 8, no. 2 (2011): 359–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412011000200016.
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This article is based on ethnographic data on the social and political organization of a Kaingang collective that is currently requesting the demarcation of the Terra Indígena Sêgu [Sêgu Indigenous Land] (in Rio Grande do Sul State in southern Brazil). Ethnographic data observed in various indigenous Kaingang lands in southern Brazil point to an intricate and rhizomatic network of social relations within and between groups and families, which, beyond their locations of origin or residence, articulate socio-cosmic-political principles that mark distinct processes of reciprocities and divisions. Here, the movement for land claims and internal tensions within the collectives either result in distancings or approximations that are translated into principles of inclusion or exclusion of individuals and groups in relation to territories that are already occupied and or being claimed. Thus, if for non-Kaingang the Kaingang- as for other Amerindian populations - project an ethnic identity based on the idea of a generalized kinship, at the level of their intra- and inter-group relations, the fluidity with which the ties among those who are considered relatives (kanhkó) or not, can be easily made or unmade, strengthened or broken.
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Evers, Hans-Dieter. "Trade and State Formation: Siam in the Early Bangkok Period." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (1987): 751–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009306.
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Though local and international trade is a main point on the agenda of any government and though economists build elaborate models around trade statistics, the social consequences of trade have hardly ever been explored in full by social scientists. This is particularly the case in Thailand where only a few studies of limited scope exist on traders, businessmen and markets. There is a reason for this lack of attention to trade. The series of post-war village studies, carried out mainly by anthropologists in isolated villages, stressed intra-village relations and neglected as a consequence larger networks of trade. The most important study on trade during that time was probably the work of Skinner (1962, 1967) on the Bangkok Chinese in which, however, ethnic relations rather than trade and business constituted the main theme of the study.
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Iagafova, Ekaterina Andreevna, and Alexander Nikolayevich Demidov. "«We live in peace and friendship, we have learned to cook beshbarmak»: typological models of interethnic interactions in Samara Trans-Volga Region." Samara Journal of Science 7, no. 4 (2018): 270–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201874220.
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The paper presents the experience of study of interethnic interactions in Samara Trans-Volga region on the example of Belozerki village of Krasnoyarskiy District of the Samara Region. Theoretical and methodological approaches were determined by the concept of ethnic boundaries, taking into account differential features in the cultural codes of the contacting groups, as well as some other factors (historical, social, demographic, ecological, etc.) that influence the formation of interethnic relations. The purpose of the study was to identify the mechanism of ethnic groups interaction historically living in the village in situations of interethnic contacts (including contacts with migrant communities), factors determining the formation and maintenance of ethno cultural identity of groups and ethnic boundaries between them, to determine the nature of mutual socio-cultural adaptation of groups. During the study the situation of interethnic interaction in the language, socio-economic and ethno-cultural spheres was analyzed taking into account a historical factor; characteristics of ethnic dichotomies (ethnic markers) were given, mainly on the example of predominant groups of the Russians, the Chuvash and the Mordovians. The results of the study showed the presence of ethnic boundaries, determined by the history of Belozerki settlement, as well as cultural specifics, features of language behavior and ethnic identification, the nature of socio-economic contacts of groups, and determined the change of various models of interethnic interaction during half a century history and their diversity at present. The factors that support the group identity of the Mordovians and the Chuvash are the language, functional in the family and domestic sphere, intra-ethnic contacts in everyday, but more often in festive and ritual spheres. The study is based on archival, published sources and field materials of the authors (2018).
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Dumbe, Yunus. "Islamic Polarisation and the Politics of Exclusion in Ghana: Tijaniyya and Salafist Struggles over Muslim Orthodoxy." Islamic Africa 10, no. 1-2 (2019): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01001006.
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This article explores how the revival of the Tijaniyya and the Salafi movement shaped public discourse about Islam in Ghana. Examining the debates which characterised the religious sphere in the 1990s re-democratisation, the article highlights the power struggle which shaped the relations between the contending Muslim groups. It argues that the recognition of the Tijaniyya movement as a representative for all Muslims during Ghana’s re-democratisation in the 1990s emboldened its sympathisers to adopt repressive measures against the Salafi minority. While the local success of Salafism was often linked to locally specific forms of ethnic, political or generational self-assertion, the shared experience of political disadvantage during this period led to a consolidation of Salafi activities at the national level. Thus, as the Tijaniyya influence was politicised by Government, the ensuing conflicts between Sufi and Salafi groups also led to a politicisation of Salafism from below. Illustrating that intra-Muslim debates and disagreements cannot be divorced from their political context, this study demonstrates that learning to be Muslim in Ghana is deeply embedded in political, ethnic, and intergenerational dynamics.
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Jacob, Daniel. "Safe Areas and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 10, no. 3 (2018): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-01003004.
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The ‘responsibility to protect’ (RtoP) expresses the moral imperative to respond to genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. So far, the debate on RtoP has focused almost exclusively on conflict resolution through institutional change. Various forms of diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions, and military intervention have been discussed as means to address the institutional roots of violent conflict. What has too often been neglected, however, is the need for more immediate forms of civilian protection. This need emerges from the complexity and uncertainty of conflict resolution: successful conflict resolution takes time, and it is unfortunately rare. Therefore, it is necessary to complement efforts at conflict resolution with more immediate forms of protecting civilians. Traditionally, the right to asylum and humanitarian aid have been the two primary means to provide such protection. In the case of most intra-state conflicts, however, these means are insufficient. When a state engages in genocide, pursues campaigns of ethnic cleansing, or commits war crimes against its own population, it likely has no intention to let people seek the safety of asylum in other countries, or to allow for humanitarian aid. In response to such situations, the community of states has a moral obligation to establish safe areas and provide them with the legal mandate and military resources necessary to offer reliable protection.
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Reno, William. "A Review of: “Dietrich Jung (ed.), Shadow Globalization, Ethnic Conflicts and New Wars: A Political Economy of Intra-state Wars.”." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 11, no. 4 (2005): 538–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110500379377.
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BAKKE, KRISTIN M., XUN CAO, JOHN O'LOUGHLIN, and MICHAEL D. WARD. "Social distance in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the North Caucasus region of Russia: Inter and intra-ethnic attitudes and identities." Nations and Nationalism 15, no. 2 (2009): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2009.00363.x.
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Patnaik, Ajay. "Regionalism and Regional Cooperation in Central Asia." International Studies 56, no. 2-3 (2019): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719852567.
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In the post-Soviet period, Central Asia has lost the cohesiveness it had in the Soviet period. The states of the region have since been seeking outward linkages to pursue their economic and security interests. In the process, the relation between the Central Asian countries weakened and, in some cases, became adversarial. The nation-building process undertaken by the national leaders alienated ethnic minorities and neighbouring states. As a result, the regional mechanisms or organizations that have come up in the region are led or initiated by powers such as Russia, China and the USA. The competing interests of these powers have not helped in promoting cooperation among the Central Asia countries though some of these organizations are useful for member states. However, a new trend is visible since 2016 when a new leader became president in Uzbekistan. Improved bilateral relations and summits of leaders of the region create hope for a new regionalism in Central Asia that is based on the internal cooperative dynamics within the region. This may not replace the already existing mechanisms or organizations. However, the process itself is conducive for intra-regional cooperation and would be helpful in keeping the region free from the geopolitical competition of external powers.
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Baldassar, Loretta. "Migration Monuments in Italy and Australia: Contesting Histories and Transforming Identities." Modern Italy 11, no. 1 (2006): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500492241.
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Rather than focusing on how Italians share the neighbourhood with other groups, this paper examines some of the intra-group processes (i.e. relations between Italians themselves) that produced various monuments to Italian migration in Australia, Brazil and Italy. Through their distinct styles and formulations, the monuments reflect diverse and often competing elaborations of the migrant experience by different generations at local, national and transnational levels. The recent increase in the construction of such monuments in Australia is linked to the gradual disappearance of ‘visibly’ Italian neighbourhoods. These commemorations effectively transform Italian migrants into Australian pioneers and, thus, resolve moral and cultural ambiguities about belonging and identity by de-emphasizing difference (ethnic diversity) and concealing intergenerational tensions about appropriate ways of expressing Italianness. Similarly, the appearance of monuments in Italy is linked to an emergent ‘diasporic’ consciousness fuelled by Italian emigrants’ growing ability to travel to Italy, but also to the attempt to obscure potentially destabilizing dual identities by emphasizing (one, Italian) ‘homeland’.
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Tao, Yu, and Ed Griffith. "The State and ‘Religious Diversity’ in Chinese Dissertations." Religions 9, no. 12 (2018): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9120402.
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Religious diversity in China has attracted considerable scholarly attention in both Anglophone and Sino-phone academia. Based on the quantitative and qualitative evidence in a representative sample of doctoral and master’s dissertations successfully defended in reputable Chinese academic institutions, this article identifies two characteristics associated with the usage of ‘religious diversity’ in contemporary Chinese scholarship. Firstly, ‘religious diversity’ is prominently applied to depict inter-religious rather than intra-religious relations. Secondly, ‘religious diversity’ is often discussed along with ethnic diversity. These patterns confirm, and further illustrate, a notable theme in the China-focused English scholarly works on religious diversity, namely, that the Chinese state plays a predominant role in the making and shaping of the country’s religious diversity. Moreover, the meaning, implication, and usage of the very concept of ‘religious diversity’ in contemporary Chinese scholarly discourse are also likely to have been directly influenced by the policies and rhetoric of the Chinese state.
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Nazare, Julie-Anne, Jessica D. Smith, Anne-Laure Borel, et al. "Ethnic influences on the relations between abdominal subcutaneous and visceral adiposity, liver fat, and cardiometabolic risk profile: the International Study of Prediction of Intra-Abdominal Adiposity and Its Relationship With Cardiometabolic Risk/Intra-Abdominal Adiposity." American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 96, no. 4 (2012): 714–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3945/ajcn.112.035758.
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Brkic, Snjezana, Radovan Kastratovic, and Mirela Abidovic-Salkica. "Patterns and determinants of intra-industry trade in agri-food products between Bosnia and Herzegovina and CEFTA 2006." Ekonomski anali 66, no. 229 (2021): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka2129007b.
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The paper aims to identify patterns and country-specific determinants of intra-industry trade (IIT) in agri-food products between Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and other CEFTA 2006 parties in the period 2008-2018. The purpose of the paper is to contribute to filling the gap in the empirical literature on IIT of the South East European countries, especially in regard to non-manufacturing sectors. To investigate IIT intensity and structure the analysis employed Grubel- Lloyd indices and GHM methodology based on relative unit values. In order to examine the impact of various determinants on IIT in agri-food products, a random-effects Heckman selection model was estimated, following a sector-level approach in the analysis. The analysis indicates a lower level of IIT than expected and a strong dominance of its vertical type in all BiH bilateral relations within CEFTA 2006. The empirical results also suggest that the major determinants positively affecting IIT in agri-food products include the size of the trading economies, the similarity in their ethnic structure, membership in the common regional trade agreement, and common borders. By contrast, the results indicate that IIT is negatively affected by differences between the trading economies in terms of productivity and gross domestic product per capita.
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Vendina, O. I., A. N. Panin, and V. S. Tikunov. "Social space of Moscow: peculiarities and patterns." Izvestiya Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. Seriya geograficheskaya, no. 6 (December 17, 2019): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2587-5566201963-17.
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The article presents results of the research project aimed to explore intra-urban differences in Moscow. The concept of social space a dual reality, which is derived from both social relations and territorial characteristics, was employed as a theoretical background of the research. Various quantitative parameters for each of 125 Moscow municipal districts were used. They include data of Census-2010, current socio-economic and demographic statistics, migration data, results of recent electoral campaigns, real estate indicators and local survey data. The indexes of ethnic diversity, demographic shifts, urban environment diversification, people feelings, and place reputation were calculated. A few classifications of Moscow districts are proposed. Maps showing different dimensions of the social space of Moscow are presented. The comparative analysis of the constructed images reveals an increasing fragmentation and polarization of Moscow social space: the cleavages became more apparent, the socio-spatial gradients have risen. The inequality strengthening led to a tangible division in the level of amenities by municipal districts, to the improvement of urban environment and increase in benefits in some areas, and stagnation in another. The authors conclude that politics targeted at improving the connectivity of the urban spaces and the social milieus, as well at adjusting diversity of urban environment with diversity of urban population, is required to reduce a risk of segregation. This kind of politics and activities is most in demand in the areas where the growth of ethnic and cultural diversity of local residents takes place in the context of development deficiency, relative isolation, and social exclusion.
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Magoti, Iddy Ramadhani. "Compromising for Peace through Ritual Practices among the Kuria of Tanzania and Kenya." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (2018): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302005.
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Kuria people, who straddle both sides of the Kenya–Tanzania border, have experienced interminable intra- and inter-ethnic warfare emanating from cattle rustling. The Kuria people are stereotypically described as cantankerous and indisposed to compromise or forgiveness when they have been wronged. But on the contrary, archival and secondary information as well as oral interviews conducted in the region demonstrate that through participation in different ritual forms, the Kuria people themselves have been responsible for maintaining harmony and serenity with their neighbours. Kuria who abide by their cultural beliefs, social norms, and respect for traditional leadership, do forgive, regularly initiate reconciliations, and actively maintain peaceful relations through participation in various ritual forms. It is evident that rituals constitute an integral part of the customary process of conflict resolution and peace building among the Kuria. Especially those rituals related to the prevention of cattle rustling have gained recognition and formal support of the central states on both sides of the border, to the extent that the powers embodied in these traditional Kuria rituals have sometimes overridden the jurisdiction of modern courts established in the Kuria areas.
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Siddiqi, Farhan. "Nation-formation and national movement(s) in Pakistan: a critical estimation of Hroch's stage theory." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 6 (2010): 777–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.515974.
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The present article critically evaluates Hroch's theory in light of the Sindhi and Baloch national movements in Pakistan. At the heart of the issue are the social preconditions and the stage theory which Hroch posits to comprehend both the formation of nations and origins of the national movement. As far as social preconditions are concerned, the article contests the overarching notion in Hroch's theory that only when a complete class structure develops that the nation comes into being and the national movement itself is successful. With respect to the stage theory, the article brings into contention the variable of “intra-ethnic conflict” or the conflicts which inheres within nations. This makes the linear progression from Stage A to B to C, as Hroch identifies, difficult to achieve because within a single nation multiple national movements exist. In such a scenario, one can depict a stage theory for each national movement within a single nation. Finally, I argue, that in order to understand nation formation and national movements, it is imperative that the ideological orientation of national movements, or in other words, nationalism should also be put in proper perspective.