Relevant bibliographies by topics / Intra-state conflicts

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Intra-state conflicts'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Yemane, Merhawi, and Iris Borowy. "Inter-state and Intra-state Wars and Conflicts in the Horn of Africa." EAS Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies 5, no. 04 (2023): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjhcs.2023.v05i04.009.

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For the last five decades, there have been extensive, continuous, and challenging intra- and inter-state wars and conflicts in the Horn of Africa. As a result, the peace and stability of the region as well as the socioeconomic development and livelihood of the population have suffered greatly. This study explores the reasons for the frequent conflicts in the region, analyzing the different types of conflict that frequently take place in the region. On the basis of a systematic probe of individual studies the conflicts in the region are categorized as state-society conflicts, state-state conflicts, and society-society conflicts. In addition, regardless of how the stake-holders of the region perceive the situation, intra-state and inter-state conflicts in the region have their roots in the long and complex history of state formation processes and struggles, identity conflicts, political economy, competition for scarce resources, and external intervention.
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Amegashie, J. Atsu, and Edward Kutsoati. "(Non)intervention in intra-state conflicts." European Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 3 (2007): 754–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.05.001.

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Hochwald, Thorsten. "How Do Social Media Affect Intra-State Conflicts other than War?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 12, no. 3 (2013): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.12.3.02.

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Menge Etamba Gilbert. "Critical Assessment of Geostrategic Infiltration in UN Peacekeeping Operations Deployed in Intra-State Armed Conflicts in Africa: The Case of ONUC in DRC in 1960." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 4, no. 2 (2023): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v4i2.4848.

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This study focuses on the deployments of UN peacekeeping operations within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The statement of the problem and objective of the study is to demonstrate amidst the significant roles that UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa have played and are still playing, nonetheless growing geostrategic infiltration from hegemonic states as well as other member states from where troops are drawn from to constitute different operations to mitigate the armed conflicts. This is very important for the successful consolidation of the mandates of different UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The study incorporated both primary and secondary sources of data. The qualitative descriptive analysis and its instruments are the research method that fits the study. The results of the findings were parallel to the problem statement and objective, which proved that geostrategic infiltration aimed at guaranteeing the interests of hegemonic and other member states of the UN that are proved apparent. The study's conclusion and recommendations were proffered to mitigating geostrategic infiltration in UN peacekeeping deployments faced with intra-state armed conflicts in Africa after an in-depth analysis of the case study under review in this study. That is, the United Nations Operations in the Congo deployed in view of the intra-state armed conflict that hit Congo in 1960, where the end of that mission was a debacle. A debacle explained largely by geostrategic infiltration. The Security Council is making every effort to mitigate the numerous challenges that have been and are still impeding the UN peacekeeping operations from successfully consolidating their mandates in different intra-state armed conflicts in Africa where they have been deployed. This study seeks to draw the attention of the international community to a veritable challenge that has become a pertinent stake (geostrategic infiltration), impeding the successful consolidation of the different UN peacekeeping mandates deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa.
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Matveev, Igor. "Economy of an Intra-state Armed Conflict: The Case of Syria." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020159-1.

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Contemporary international relations have been witnessing many armed conflicts. As usual, they do not cause dissolution of states due to the factors that include adaptation of economies to extraordinary conditions with common and specific features of country cases. The need of analyzing them to find ways for conflicts’ settlement explains the theoretical importance of the article. Facing the diversity of notions describing conflicts, the author assumes existence of a notion of economy of an intra-state armed conflict (EISAC). Such hypothesis looks new exploiting two groups of arguments based on content analysis and empiric materials accumulated during the author’s stints as a diplomat in Damascus. Firstly, any EISAC has closer links with the conflict itself than the relevant state. It can emerge under scenarios of “failed state” (Somalia), “partially failed state” (Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen), parallel economies (Syria), a formal split of a state (South Sudan), or in more than a country (ISIS). Secondly, Libya, Syria, and Yemen have proved that the EISAC does not mean manipulation with meanings of similar definitions including a wartime militarized economy or a peace-time defense sector (USSR, North Korea) not correlating with the crisis generating economy (Lebanon) or the sanctioned economy (Iraq:1980-2003, Iran). Also, it does not make a hyponym of the economy in a conflict inspired by foreign aggression (Kuwait: 1990-1991). Yet, the scale of damage caused by foreign aggressions could be compared with that resulting from intra-state conflicts. Syria has been chosen as its economy has acquired classical features of the EISAC.
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Vink, Maarten P., and Iva Kopraleva. "EU Sanctions in Response to Intra-state Conflicts: A Comparative Approach." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 3 (2015): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015030.

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Restrictive measures (or sanctions) form an important part of the European Union’s (EU’s) foreign policy toolbox. Studying the conditions under which the EU imposes sanctions is therefore imperative for understanding EU’s role in the global arena. This article aims at modelling the use of EU sanctions particularly in response to intra-state conflicts in its neighbourhood. Four variables (trade linkage with the EU as whole; trade linkage with individual Member States; democracy level of the potential target state; and violence level of the intra-state conflict) are tested against data from ten intra-state conflicts from EU’s neighbourhood using a comparative mixed-method methodology of fuzzy-set analysis and process-tracing. We identify the lack of strong trade linkage between individual Member States and the potential target state as a sufficient condition for the imposition of sanctions. In addition, the presence of bilateral trade links is a necessary, and if the potential target state is a democracy, sufficient condition for the non-imposition of sanctions.
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KASSAW, Alene, and Veneranda MBABAZI. "Ethiopia: Motivations, Strategies and Interests of the Fanno in the Conflict in Wolkait." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 50 (January 5, 2025): 49–71. https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.50.3.

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The political landscape of Ethiopia has been replete with recurring incidents of intra-state conflicts along class, ethnic, religious, or regional lines. To stem the recurrence of such conflicts, ‘ethnic federalism’ was adopted as a conflict management strategy in 1991. Yet, rather than preventing conflicts, it has changed the arena in which conflicts take place. Various forms of conflicts proliferated in many parts of the country, putting ethnic federalism at the center of debates on the persistence of conflicts. Hence, the role of local non-state actors responsible for the emergence, escalation, or termination of conflicts has been glossed over. One of the determining factors for whether conflict erupts or lingers pertains to actors’ motivations and strategies. Against the backdrop of this, the conflict in Wolkait, Ethiopia will be investigated by shedding light on the motivations and strategies of Fanno, one of the local non-state actors involved in the conflict under study. To this end, a critical research approach is employed within a qualitative case study design in the course of data collection and analysis. Keywords: Ethnic federalism, Conflict, Non-state actor, Motivation, Fanno.
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Hadenius, Axel, and Lauri Karvonen. "The Paradox of Integration in Intra-State Conflicts." Journal of Theoretical Politics 13, no. 1 (2001): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692801013001002.

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Cherotich Mung’ou. "Exploring the Use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTS) For Peacebuilding in Mount Elgon Region." Kabarak Journal of Research & Innovation 4, no. 2 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58216/kjri.v4i2.33.

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Conflicts have brought great distress and loss of lives across the globe. Unfortunately, the African continent has witnessed the greatest impact of these conflicts. However, from 2011, other the predominantly Muslim countries especially in the Middle East, Arabia and Africa also witnessed similar conflicts that led to loss of lives and overthrow of dictatorial regimes. The intra-ethnic conflict witnessed in Mount Elgon region between the Soy and Ndorobo clans of the Sabaot in 2006-2008 had great socio-economic implications in the region. While most literature has focused on the causes of intra-ethnic conflicts in Africa and Kenya in particular, there has been less focus on peacebuilding. More so on the role of ICTs to the peacebuilding process for societies emerging from conflicts. This study was designed to assess the ICTs used in the peacebuilding process in Mount Elgon region. The study was based on the conflict transformation theory which argues that conflict transformation is a long process requiring different interventions by different actors employing various approaches towards attainment of peace. The theory also posits that ICTs have the potential of transforming conflicts into peaceful co-existence characterized by new structures and new relationships. The study used questionnaires, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions to collect data. The target sample was the residents and the state and not-state actors involved in the peace building process in Mt Elgon region. The study showed that ICTs such as mobile telephones, the Internet and radio, social media platforms and ICTs greatly contributed to the peacebuilding process in the region. The paper contributes to the on-going dialogue on peace building efforts in Mt. Elgon and other regions experiencing similar conflicts and recommends. The study recommends more investment in ICTs by both state and non-state actors involved in the peace building process in the region.
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Kutska, Olesya Mykolaivna, Tetiana Valeriivna Lavrut, Ihor Ivanovych Furman, Vadim Yurievich Bespeka, and Mykola Mykhailovych Golyk. "Intra-state water conflicts (second half of the XX- early XXI centuries): historical and geographic overview." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3A (2021): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173a1359p.11-25.

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The article reveals and systematizes the main types of conflicts over drinking water, which broke out in the world during the late XX and early XXI centuries. For each type of conflict, a specific example is given and briefly disclosed its history, the main reasons for its deployment are analyzed. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of past and present conflicts are local and take place within national states. But with population growth, industrialization and urbanization, the demand for water is only growing, which leads to increased competition for it and can provoke new disputes over this resource. Separately, the conflict over access to hydro-resources on the Russian-occupied Crimean Peninsula is highlighted. The experience of studying conflicts over water demonstrates that even local disputes over hydro resources often result in human casualties, worsen people's living conditions, and carry health risks, in particular famine and epidemics.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Silva, Athbandanage Indika Priyantha De. "INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN INTRA-STATE CONFLICTS: THE CASE IN SRI LANKA." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32811.

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This thesis attempts to understand various factors involved with the intervention of powerful countries in the affairs of weaker countries, taking the Indian intervention in Sri Lanka as a case study. It examines shifts in Indias intervention decisions during the period between the contemporary independence of both countries and the end of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka in 2009. The thesis primarily focuses upon four significant incidents that triggered intervention by India in Sri Lanka, and explores how Indias domestic concerns and strategic interests affected Indias intervention decisions under various socio-economic and geo-political situations. By analyzing both strategic and domestic concerns and how they impacted Indias intervention in Sri Lanka during the concerned period, this thesis argues that the Indian decision for intervention in Sri Lanka is deeply shaped by its strong domestic concerns. Indian governments adjusted their intervention decisions to maintain the domestic stability of the country, irrespective of the strategic impact of intervention. Even though Indian governments preferred to maintain a cordial relationship with Sri Lanka, domestic pressure could compel Indian governments to intervene in Sri Lanka. Sometimes, India decided not to intervene when the pressure on the central government was weak, or when more important domestic concerns arose which favored non-intervention. As far as Indias intervention decisions in the future are concerned, domestic factors will constrain Indias flexibility in shaping decisions to intervene in Sri Lanka.
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Solf, Ali M. O. "Managing intra-state conflicts in Africa : the African Union as an effective security actor." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5977/.

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This thesis seeks to analyse and explain the role of the African Union (AU) in managing intra-state conflicts in Africa. It first identifies the key reasons for the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture, namely the failure of the UN and the international community to intervene in remote conflicts in Africa throughout the 1990s and the reluctance of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. Then, it points to the gap between the optimism of the AU’s founders and its implementation record: in fact, the AU’s capability to stop conflicts in Africa has produced mixed results at best. Focusing on three different case studies – Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia – this thesis unravels the key factors behind the AU’s performance in promoting peace and security. More specifically, it argues that the AU’s effectiveness to achieve its goals is contingent upon four conditions: the internal process, the mandate of the mission, the commitment of AU member states, and external support. By developing this argument, this thesis highlights the importance of both organisational processes and external factors with the view to contributing to the general literature on effectiveness of international and regional organisations in managing intra-state conflicts.
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Honig, Or Arthur. "How radicalization leads to peace explaining the timing of negotiations in enduring intra-state conflicts /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1998530821&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Anthonsen, Mette. "Decisions on participation in UN operations : do media matter ? : danish and swedish response to intra state conflicts in the 1990s /." Göteborg : Dep. of Political Science, Göteborg Univ, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/364292768.pdf.

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Abbs, Luke. "Ethno-political inequalities and intra-state conflict." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/69137/.

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This thesis investigates the relationship between ethnic-based political inequalities and political conflict. Building on recent theoretical and methodological advancements, I develop three empirical chapters that investigate distinct, yet unrelated mechanisms linking ethno-political configurations to disparate forms of contentious action. These chapters each utilise quantitative methods, and new subnational-level and actor-level data, to uncover a number of important findings regarding types of conflict behaviour not captured by civil war analyses. The first empirical chapter focuses on ethnic riots, a type of non-militarised violence involving violent clashes between civilians of rival ethnic groups. I argue that this previously overlooked form of political violence is likely to emerge when there is: politically dominant ethnic groups coexisting with a group facing systematic political discrimination or a loss of power. I find support for this argument through the first cross-national and subnational analysis of ethnic riots in Africa. The second empirical chapter focuses on the incidence of mass nonviolent action, which involves the mobilisation of large numbers of diverse people. I argue that cleavages within and across ethnic groups often undermine this kind of political mobilisation, but that cross cutting grievances can overcome this issue and facilitate resistance. Testing this argument sub-nationally, I find support for my argument that the relationship between ethno-political inequalities and nonviolent action is dependent on the existence of cross-cutting grievances, as this provides opportunities for disparate groups to unite against the state. The final empirical chapter (co-authored with Govinda Clayton and Andrew Thompson) explores the relationship between ethnic militias, either recruited from politically dominant or disadvantaged ethnic groups, and civil war duration. We thereby move beyond assumptions that the government-side is unitary. We argue that coethnic PGMs (i.e. those recruited from the same ethnicity as the ruling elite) are associated with longer conflicts, as they have strong incentives to maintain ethno-political power and further polarise ethnic divisions. We find strong support for these claims in a global time-series cross sectional analysis.
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Michaloudi, Roumpini. "La justification de l'intervention armée unilatérale dans la cadre des conflits intra-étatiques." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019STRAA002.

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Cette thèse examine les arguments et les modalités de justification des interventions armées des Etats, des coalitions étatiques et des organisations régionales dans les conflits internes d’autres Etats sous le prisme du droit international, lorsque ces interventions sont menées en dehors du cadre de l’ONU. Ce type d’intervention caractérise notre époque où les conflits intra-étatiques constituent l’écrasante majorité des conflits mondiaux et où l’ONU traverse une crise pluridimensionnelle. Les justifications, invoquées aussi bien par les Etats que par la doctrine, visent à légaliser ou du moins à légitimer ce qui serait, à première vue, considéré comme un recours à la force illégal au regard du droit des Nations Unies et en particulier au regard du principe de non intervention dans les guerres civiles<br>This thesis examines the arguments and the modalities of justification of the military interventions of States, of the coalitions of the willing and of the regional organizations in the internal conflicts of other States by virtue of the international law, when these interventions take place outside the framework of the UNO. This type of intervention is current nowadays given that the intra-state conflicts constitute the overwhelming majority of world conflicts and taking into consideration the multidimensional crisis of the UNO. The justifications invoked by States as well as by the doctrine aim to legalize or at least to legitimize what would be considered at first sight as an illegal use of force under the law of the United Nations and in particular under the principle of non- intervention in civil wars
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Karaman, Kamil Kivanc. "Intra-state conflict as a cause for undertaxation and underdevelopment /." May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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Gates, Leslie C. "Why Mexican unions lost power: Globalization, intra-elite conflict and shifting state alliances." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279780.

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This study explains why, beginning in 1976 and continuing into the 1980s, unions lost power in Mexico. The recent loss of power in Mexico is consistent with a worldwide convergence towards declining union power. Few would dispute that declining union power is related to globalization. But how does globalization affect union power? This study demonstrates that the prevailing approach to globalization and union power, the market pressures approach, cannot explain why labor unions lost power in Mexico. This suggests that in countries, such as Mexico, where unions rely on political support rather than organizational resources to attain power, increased exposure to market pressures may not explain declining union power. Only unions in advanced industrial societies enjoy the market conditions that make it possible to gain power via their organizational resources. I propose that, in countries where organized labor derives its power from its relationship to the state, globalization affects union power via the domestic instantiations of globalization. The way that global economic shocks and the interests of foreign investors shape the interests of domestic economic elite constitute the domestic instantiations of globalization. My approach builds on the International Political Economy research tradition. This study shows that labor lost power in Mexico for two nested reasons. First, labor lost power because it lost access to decision-making in the state. Second, labor lost access to decision-making because global economic crisis and new foreign investment strategies created a new internationalist elite oriented towards foreign credit and global markets. Disillusioned with the existing political leadership and their "national" economic project, the internationalist elite promoted the rise to power of new political leaders that favored neoliberal economic reforms. Bureaucrats, allied with the internationalists, undermined labor along with other advocates of the "national" project, as part of a struggle for power. This study delineates the aspect of the state-labor alliance in Mexico that granted labor unions power historically and reveals the importance of globalization in determining labor's recent fate in Mexico. It contributes a new model of globalization and union power, raising questions about how sociologists conceptualize globalization and state-society relations more generally.
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Frank, Cynthia M. "The Impact of Electoral Engineering on Nationalist Party Behavior in Post-War States." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/4.

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To what extent can electoral engineering mitigate deadly intra-state conflict? This paper investigates the impact of electoral engineering on nationalist party behavior in highly-fragmented states. As nationalist parties have been instrumental in escalating inter-group tensions to large-scale hostilities, frameworks for conflict resolution frequently incorporate institutional mechanisms as a means of altering the incentives for conflict exploitation or for inter-group cooperation. Specifically, the paper investigates proportional representation (PR) and preferential systems. To test the impact of these systems, the study observes party engagement in cooperative or conflictual behavior during legislative campaigns in the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Republika Srpska, and Croatia over several election cycles. Data from the Bosnian cases largely support expectations that PR presents incentives for nationalist parties to “play the ethnic card” and exacerbate communal conflict. In contrast, the Croatian case provides a degree of support for the prediction that preferential voting structures encourage cooperation and thus conflict dampening.
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Ripiloski, Sasho, and sash1982@optusnet com au. "Macedonia 1991-2001: a case-study of conflict prevention - lessons learned and broader theoretical implications." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090507.141532.

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Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.
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Books on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Rana, Swadesh. Small arms and intra-state conflicts. United Nations, 1995.

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Jacob, George Sudhir, ed. Intra and inter-state conflicts in South Asia. International Academic Publishers, 2002.

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Trenin, Dmitriĭ. Russia's use of military forces in intra-state conflicts in the CIS. Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1996.

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1959-, Jung Dietrich, ed. Shadow globalization, ethnic conflicts and new wars: A political economy of intra-state war. Routledge, 2003.

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Anthonsen, Mette. Decisions on participation in UN operations: Do media matter? : Danish and Swedish response to intra state conflicts in the 1990s. Dept. of Political Science, Göteborg University, 2003.

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1942-, Wiberg Håkan, and Scherrer Christian P, eds. Ethnicity and intra-state conflict. Ashgate, 1999.

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Hill, Stephen M. United Nations Disarmament Processes in Intra-State Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502963.

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Hill, Stephen M. United Nations disarmament processes in intra-state conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

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Hill, Stephen Mark. United Nations disarmament process in intra-state conflict. University of Birmingham, 1998.

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Winnefeld, James A. The changing nature of intra-state conflict: The environmental connection. Rand, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Ramcharan, Bertrand, and Robin Ramcharan. "Inter-State and Intra-State Conflicts." In Conflict Prevention in the UN´s Agenda 2030. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36510-3_5.

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Sánchez-Cacicedo, Amaia. "Power Shifts in Asia: External Involvement in Intra-State Conflicts." In Building States, Building Peace. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137274168_6.

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Gambari, Ibrahim A. "Peace Management and Conflict Resolution: A Practitioner’s Perspective." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_16.

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Abstract This chapter provides a firsthand perspective on the broad issues of prevention and mediation of conflicts, with special reference to two conflict environments outside Africa—Cyprus, Myanmar—and one at its heart (Darfur), where the author was deployed as a senior envoy of the United Nations Secretary General. The aim is to provide a global view on best practice for peacebuilding in Africa against the backdrop of three fundamental shifts in conflict in the post-Cold War era: from inter- to intra-state war; from primarily state-based to non-state actors; and from largely mono- to multi-causal understandings of why wars begin and end. It provides key recommendations on improving mediation, strengthening relations between the UN and NGOs, and dealing with spoilers
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Jaye, Thomas. "ECOWAS and Liberia: Implications for Regional Intervention in Intra-state Conflicts." In Africa at the Millenium. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-97727-9_9.

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Jaye, Thomas. "ECOWAS and Liberia: Implications for Regional Intervention in Intra-state Conflicts." In Africa at the Millennium. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05113-4_9.

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Parra-Vera, Oscar. "Institutional Empowerment and Progressive Policy Reforms: The Impact of the Inter-American Human Rights System on Intra-state Conflicts." In The Inter-American Human Rights System. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89459-1_6.

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Myrttinen, Henri. "Calming the Waters, Ploughing the Sea – Can Gender-Responsive Approaches to Intra-state Water Conflicts Lead to Peacebuilding? Evidence from Lebanon and Nepal." In Water Security in a New World. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64046-4_10.

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Hill, Stephen M. "United Nations Peacekeeping, Disarmament and Conflict Resolution." In United Nations Disarmament Processes in Intra-State Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502963_1.

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Hill, Stephen M. "Angola and Cambodia 1991–1993." In United Nations Disarmament Processes in Intra-State Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502963_2.

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Hill, Stephen M. "Mozambique 1992–1994." In United Nations Disarmament Processes in Intra-State Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502963_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Leick, Eva. "Encircling Transnational Peace through Khaita – Joyful Dances." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.004.

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Abstract This article investigates how Khaita- Joyful Dances promote an understanding of peace from a transrational and Buddhist perspective. Khaita dances have been created by the Buddhist Dzogchen master Namkhai Norbu as a practice of presence and collaboration, promoting an inner attitude of peace spreading from the individual to the group. Peace is hereby understood as a multi-faceted, intra- as well as interpersonal, dynamic state perceived and experienced not only by the intellectual mind but also through the body and subtle energies. This article is structured in three parts. First, I will explore peace theory in the context of Khaita. Second, I will illustrate the peace understanding promoted by the Tibetan artists through examples from the Khaita songs. The Tibetan song lyrics thereby express the wish for unification amongst Tibetans and the desire for (world) peace. Third, I will investigate the principles of accessible participation, equality as well as collaboration as parameters for peace experiences through examples from the Khaita practice sessions as well as Khaita Kordros, circle dances. The circle dances thereby offer an easy, non-hierarchical immersion in a diverse group of dancers and require presence and self-observation. KEYWORDS: transrational peace, peace theory, circle dance, Tibetan dance, Buddhism
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Wang, Jing, and Songhe Feng. "Contrastive and View-Interaction Structure Learning for Multi-view Clustering." In Thirty-Third International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-24}. International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2024/559.

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Existing Deep Multi-view Clustering (DMVC) approaches typically concentrate on capturing consensus semantics from multiple views, where contrastive learning is widely used to align view-specific representations of each view. Unfortunately, view-specific representations are extracted from the content information of the corresponding instance, neglecting the relationships among different instances. Furthermore, existing contrastive loss imports numerous false negative pairs that conflict with the clustering objectives. In response to these challenges, we propose a contraStive and viEw-interaction stRucture learning framework for multI-viEw cluStering (SERIES). Our method takes into account the structural relations among instances and boosts the contrastive loss to improve intra-class compactness. Meanwhile, a cross-view dual relation generation mechanism is introduced to achieve the consensus structural graph across multiple views for clustering. Specifically, we initially acquire view-specific representations using multiple graph autoencoders to exploit both content information and structural information. Furthermore, to pull together the same cluster instances, a soft negative pair aware contrastive loss is employed to distinguish the dissimilar instances while attracting similar instances. Thereafter, the view-specific representations are fed into cross-view dual relation generation layers to generate the affinity matrices of each other, aiming to reveal a consistent structural graph across various views. Extensive experiments conducted on six benchmarks illustrate the superiority of our method compared to other state-of-the-art approaches.
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Budevici-Puiu, Liliana, and Ruslan Berzoi. "Specificity of arbitration in sports law." In The International Scientific Congress "Sports. Olimpysm. Health". SOH 2023. 8th Edition. The State University of Physical Education and Sport, 2025. https://doi.org/10.52449/soh23.09.

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Sport represents a social and economic phenomenon in continuous development, with an important contribution to the fulfillment of national strategic objectives, especially those regarding solidarity and prosperity. Being a dynamic sector in continuous growth, with a macro economic impact, however underestimated, sport can contribute to economic sustainability and job creation, thus serving as a tool for local and regional development, including urban or rural regeneration. At the same time, an increasing part of the economic value of sport is related to intellectual property rights, namely copyright, the right to communications and trademarks, and last but not least the right to the image and broadcasting rights. In this context, sport is seen as a business, in which the following can be involved: athletes, coaches, clubs, managers, sponsors, sports betting houses and which, through the exercise of contract obligations, are in close connection with direct consumers, respectively, with those who set in motion this whole mechanism. Along with the regulation of sports activity, the establishment of institutional and competitive rules, rights and obligations for its participating actors, of course, situations of conflict, regulatory violations and other disputes may also arise. Thus, the need for the existence of a sports jurisdiction has arisen which, through a judicial body, will resolve these disputes in the spirit of sports fairness and the legislation in force. As a result, these disputes can be resolved through the arbitration institution, independently of the state bodies (courts), so that the principle of the autonomy of sport is respected. The purpose of the research is to present some scientific benchmarks regarding refereeing in sports. The methods used in the research are those relevant to the scientific study of the scientific specialized research and enshrined in the legal methodology, respectively analytical methods (which will involve the study of some legal norms that regulate the criminalization framework of an act), synthetically (which will involve the establishment of some national/international and brief doctrinal jurisprudential knowledge and information), logical (using deductive reasoning), quantitative and qualitative (reflects the fact that the rules for carrying out certain operations or procedures are adopted precisely by assessing the number and type of cases encountered in jurisprudence). Findings and results. Arbitration Agreement constitutes the starting point in the settlement of a sports dispute through the arbitration institution. Normally, in order for a dispute to be settled through sports arbitration, the parties must agree, which can be achieved through an arbitration agreement/clause. In sports, the arbitration clause is not consensual, but more hastily imposed. For example, the arbitration clause may or may not exist in a contract between an athlete and a club, but if it does not exist - expressis verbis - it does not mean that any dispute will necessarily be subject to national courts, but it will also be able to be resolved through arbitration. This is possible by referring to the statutes of the national federations, which include in the internal regulations express provisions regarding arbitration, in the sense that this is the only way to resolve disputes. The Sports Arbitration Institution recognized internationally and accredited by all international sports organizations to settle disputes in the field of sports is the Court of Sports Arbitration. This, also called the Court of Arbitration for Sport, represents an independent authority of the sports forums, which participates through arbitration or mediation in resolving disputes in the field of sports. In the context in which sport is not a field that is eminently linked to a certain jurisdiction (we are talking about international competitions and events) and as the conflicts resulting from the ever-increasing importance of this "business", it had to be found a possibility of solving them at the international level. This is how the Court of Arbitration for Sports from Lausanne (The Court of Arbitration for Sports) was born, in Loussanne, Switzerland, under the auspices of the International Olympic Committee, being the first arbitral tribunal specialized in sports disputes. Sports disputes have always been resolved by bodies with jurisdictional powers, internal bodies created by the federations through the statutory provisions and which prohibit any appeal before common law courts. These decisions adopted by the arbitral institutions are enforced, even if the decision is not pronounced by the court of common law, which highlights the power of the sports authority that can decide, without an actual trial taking place, but respecting the right to defense, according to the institutionalized rules. In this context, we can state that, sports justice presents itself today as a jurisdictional system based on both legal and sports norms, governed by the classic principles of the fair process and made up of all jurisdictional commissions with genuine competences in the sports juris - dictio. The organization of sports activity and its practice, like all human activities, is not without controversies, contestations or disputes. The sports movement has as its main objective the resolution of disputes within it, without the exposure of going "into the open". Concluding, we can affirm that the risks of settling sports disputes outside the sports jurisdictions are obvious, and the reasons are multiple: understanding the nature and specifics of the dispute, the duration of the proceedings, avoiding court fees, the possibility of "choosing" the judge etc. Therefore, sports litigation includes two complementary facets, each with its own field of reference and its own stake, which call for different legitimate solutions in internal jurisdictional proceedings. The dynamics of the sports movement and the issues related to sports led to the need to connect the federal statutory provisions with the evolution of the sports reality. Moreover, from the perspective of federal justice and the desire to maintain it within the intra-federal framework, the federations understood that it is imperative to ensure a fair justice so that affiliated members are induced with the idea of an impartial, professional and functional justice, eliminating the temptation " of going out into the open", that is, of seeking justice in common justice.
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Reports on the topic "Intra-state conflicts"

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Zaidan, Mahdi. Climate Impacts on Security in Sub-Saharan Africa. Institute of Development Studies, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4dd.2024.039.

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This report provides an overview of the relationship between climate change and security in SSA. Climate change and its security implications for SSA are extensively covered in the literature. There is a substantial body of evidence on the relationship between several factors associated with climate change (drought, flooding, temperature change, precipitation levels) and incidents of armed conflict, civil war, and intra-state war. The majority of the studies cited are grey literature or academic papers that use econometric methods to establish whether a significant relationship exists between two sets of variables over a set period. There is consensus across most studies that a positive correlation exists between increased temperature, lower precipitation, and conflict.
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Price, Roz. Links Between Energy Prices, Fuel Subsidy Reform and Instability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.023.

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Increasingly, the links between energy insecurity (including energy prices, availability, and fuel subsidy reform) and instability are being studied. These issues often become flashpoints for social mobilisation and protest. Previous research has started to explore different types of fuel-related conflict and its relationship with scarcity, abundance, and energy prices but the research is fragmented. Much of this existing research focuses on a possible link between oil and armed conflict and rebellion, rather than on fuel prices as a source of intra-state instability below the level of armed conflict. It is argued that this research gap is important as these protests often have the potential to escalate into broader political movements, and the pressures to reduce reliance on carbon-heavy fuels through increased taxation or the reduction of subsidies is increasing. This rapid review provides an overview of the evidence on the links between energy prices, subsidy reforms and the risk of instability. It first highlights these links and discusses the literature, and then provides some brief evidence on recommendations and lessons learned on managing the impact of subsidy reform processes. The review was unable to identify any indicators of risk or quantitative metrics for appraising energy-related instability, apart from the unique fuel riots database created by Natalini et al. (2020). This rapid review takes a wide view of “instability” and what that means.
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