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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Intra-state conflicts'
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1
Silva, Athbandanage Indika Priyantha De. "INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN INTRA-STATE CONFLICTS: THE CASE IN SRI LANKA." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32811.
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This thesis attempts to understand various factors involved with the intervention of powerful countries in the affairs of weaker countries, taking the Indian intervention in Sri Lanka as a case study. It examines shifts in Indias intervention decisions during the period between the contemporary independence of both countries and the end of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka in 2009. The thesis primarily focuses upon four significant incidents that triggered intervention by India in Sri Lanka, and explores how Indias domestic concerns and strategic interests affected Indias intervention decisions under various socio-economic and geo-political situations. By analyzing both strategic and domestic concerns and how they impacted Indias intervention in Sri Lanka during the concerned period, this thesis argues that the Indian decision for intervention in Sri Lanka is deeply shaped by its strong domestic concerns. Indian governments adjusted their intervention decisions to maintain the domestic stability of the country, irrespective of the strategic impact of intervention. Even though Indian governments preferred to maintain a cordial relationship with Sri Lanka, domestic pressure could compel Indian governments to intervene in Sri Lanka. Sometimes, India decided not to intervene when the pressure on the central government was weak, or when more important domestic concerns arose which favored non-intervention. As far as Indias intervention decisions in the future are concerned, domestic factors will constrain Indias flexibility in shaping decisions to intervene in Sri Lanka.
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Solf, Ali M. O. "Managing intra-state conflicts in Africa : the African Union as an effective security actor." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5977/.
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This thesis seeks to analyse and explain the role of the African Union (AU) in managing intra-state conflicts in Africa. It first identifies the key reasons for the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture, namely the failure of the UN and the international community to intervene in remote conflicts in Africa throughout the 1990s and the reluctance of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. Then, it points to the gap between the optimism of the AU’s founders and its implementation record: in fact, the AU’s capability to stop conflicts in Africa has produced mixed results at best. Focusing on three different case studies – Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia – this thesis unravels the key factors behind the AU’s performance in promoting peace and security. More specifically, it argues that the AU’s effectiveness to achieve its goals is contingent upon four conditions: the internal process, the mandate of the mission, the commitment of AU member states, and external support. By developing this argument, this thesis highlights the importance of both organisational processes and external factors with the view to contributing to the general literature on effectiveness of international and regional organisations in managing intra-state conflicts.
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Honig, Or Arthur. "How radicalization leads to peace explaining the timing of negotiations in enduring intra-state conflicts /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1998530821&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Anthonsen, Mette. "Decisions on participation in UN operations : do media matter ? : danish and swedish response to intra state conflicts in the 1990s /." Göteborg : Dep. of Political Science, Göteborg Univ, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/364292768.pdf.
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Abbs, Luke. "Ethno-political inequalities and intra-state conflict." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/69137/.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between ethnic-based political inequalities and political conflict. Building on recent theoretical and methodological advancements, I develop three empirical chapters that investigate distinct, yet unrelated mechanisms linking ethno-political configurations to disparate forms of contentious action. These chapters each utilise quantitative methods, and new subnational-level and actor-level data, to uncover a number of important findings regarding types of conflict behaviour not captured by civil war analyses. The first empirical chapter focuses on ethnic riots, a type of non-militarised violence involving violent clashes between civilians of rival ethnic groups. I argue that this previously overlooked form of political violence is likely to emerge when there is: politically dominant ethnic groups coexisting with a group facing systematic political discrimination or a loss of power. I find support for this argument through the first cross-national and subnational analysis of ethnic riots in Africa. The second empirical chapter focuses on the incidence of mass nonviolent action, which involves the mobilisation of large numbers of diverse people. I argue that cleavages within and across ethnic groups often undermine this kind of political mobilisation, but that cross cutting grievances can overcome this issue and facilitate resistance. Testing this argument sub-nationally, I find support for my argument that the relationship between ethno-political inequalities and nonviolent action is dependent on the existence of cross-cutting grievances, as this provides opportunities for disparate groups to unite against the state. The final empirical chapter (co-authored with Govinda Clayton and Andrew Thompson) explores the relationship between ethnic militias, either recruited from politically dominant or disadvantaged ethnic groups, and civil war duration. We thereby move beyond assumptions that the government-side is unitary. We argue that coethnic PGMs (i.e. those recruited from the same ethnicity as the ruling elite) are associated with longer conflicts, as they have strong incentives to maintain ethno-political power and further polarise ethnic divisions. We find strong support for these claims in a global time-series cross sectional analysis.
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Michaloudi, Roumpini. "La justification de l'intervention armée unilatérale dans la cadre des conflits intra-étatiques." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019STRAA002.
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Cette thèse examine les arguments et les modalités de justification des interventions armées des Etats, des coalitions étatiques et des organisations régionales dans les conflits internes d’autres Etats sous le prisme du droit international, lorsque ces interventions sont menées en dehors du cadre de l’ONU. Ce type d’intervention caractérise notre époque où les conflits intra-étatiques constituent l’écrasante majorité des conflits mondiaux et où l’ONU traverse une crise pluridimensionnelle. Les justifications, invoquées aussi bien par les Etats que par la doctrine, visent à légaliser ou du moins à légitimer ce qui serait, à première vue, considéré comme un recours à la force illégal au regard du droit des Nations Unies et en particulier au regard du principe de non intervention dans les guerres civiles<br>This thesis examines the arguments and the modalities of justification of the military interventions of States, of the coalitions of the willing and of the regional organizations in the internal conflicts of other States by virtue of the international law, when these interventions take place outside the framework of the UNO. This type of intervention is current nowadays given that the intra-state conflicts constitute the overwhelming majority of world conflicts and taking into consideration the multidimensional crisis of the UNO. The justifications invoked by States as well as by the doctrine aim to legalize or at least to legitimize what would be considered at first sight as an illegal use of force under the law of the United Nations and in particular under the principle of non- intervention in civil wars
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Karaman, Kamil Kivanc. "Intra-state conflict as a cause for undertaxation and underdevelopment /." May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Gates, Leslie C. "Why Mexican unions lost power: Globalization, intra-elite conflict and shifting state alliances." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279780.
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This study explains why, beginning in 1976 and continuing into the 1980s, unions lost power in Mexico. The recent loss of power in Mexico is consistent with a worldwide convergence towards declining union power. Few would dispute that declining union power is related to globalization. But how does globalization affect union power? This study demonstrates that the prevailing approach to globalization and union power, the market pressures approach, cannot explain why labor unions lost power in Mexico. This suggests that in countries, such as Mexico, where unions rely on political support rather than organizational resources to attain power, increased exposure to market pressures may not explain declining union power. Only unions in advanced industrial societies enjoy the market conditions that make it possible to gain power via their organizational resources. I propose that, in countries where organized labor derives its power from its relationship to the state, globalization affects union power via the domestic instantiations of globalization. The way that global economic shocks and the interests of foreign investors shape the interests of domestic economic elite constitute the domestic instantiations of globalization. My approach builds on the International Political Economy research tradition. This study shows that labor lost power in Mexico for two nested reasons. First, labor lost power because it lost access to decision-making in the state. Second, labor lost access to decision-making because global economic crisis and new foreign investment strategies created a new internationalist elite oriented towards foreign credit and global markets. Disillusioned with the existing political leadership and their "national" economic project, the internationalist elite promoted the rise to power of new political leaders that favored neoliberal economic reforms. Bureaucrats, allied with the internationalists, undermined labor along with other advocates of the "national" project, as part of a struggle for power. This study delineates the aspect of the state-labor alliance in Mexico that granted labor unions power historically and reveals the importance of globalization in determining labor's recent fate in Mexico. It contributes a new model of globalization and union power, raising questions about how sociologists conceptualize globalization and state-society relations more generally.
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Frank, Cynthia M. "The Impact of Electoral Engineering on Nationalist Party Behavior in Post-War States." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/4.
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To what extent can electoral engineering mitigate deadly intra-state conflict? This paper investigates the impact of electoral engineering on nationalist party behavior in highly-fragmented states. As nationalist parties have been instrumental in escalating inter-group tensions to large-scale hostilities, frameworks for conflict resolution frequently incorporate institutional mechanisms as a means of altering the incentives for conflict exploitation or for inter-group cooperation. Specifically, the paper investigates proportional representation (PR) and preferential systems. To test the impact of these systems, the study observes party engagement in cooperative or conflictual behavior during legislative campaigns in the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Republika Srpska, and Croatia over several election cycles. Data from the Bosnian cases largely support expectations that PR presents incentives for nationalist parties to “play the ethnic card” and exacerbate communal conflict. In contrast, the Croatian case provides a degree of support for the prediction that preferential voting structures encourage cooperation and thus conflict dampening.
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Ripiloski, Sasho, and sash1982@optusnet com au. "Macedonia 1991-2001: a case-study of conflict prevention - lessons learned and broader theoretical implications." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090507.141532.
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Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.
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Okonofua, Benjamin A. "Paths to Peacebuilding: Amnesty and the Niger Delta Violence." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/sociology_diss/62.
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This mixed-method analysis of three Nigerian states explores the ways in which a major policy shift has produced short-term peace outcomes in a vastly contested terrain entailing conflicting interests. The central argument of "Paths to Peacebuilding," is that disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration can create peace in resource-conflicted societies when there is governmental will and community and citizen involvement in both the design and implementation of the program. The overriding concern was whether the DDR process was capable of contributing to tangible improvements in real and perceived safety on the ground as well as destroying the structures that both contributed to and sustained insurgency for over two decades. The disarmament process yielded over 3,000 semi- and fully automatic weapons and other military style hardware. It also resulted in the demobilization of over 26,000 former fighters. The DDR program generated important but geographically differentiated reductions in militant violence across the three states studied.
The study analyzes survey and interview data from a random sample of 346 combatants and ex-combatants and other knowledgeable informants in three Niger Delta states - Rivers, Delta, and Bayelsa. The dissertation compared DDR success rates between individuals who entered the DDR program and those who did not. An examination of the programming determinants, controlling for non-programmatic factors including community exposure to pollution reveals some evidence of macro success and micro failure. While the program has created a new sense of peace that allows oil corporations to continue oil production unhindered leading to increased oil earnings for the Nigerian state, there is lack of local level support for the program or its participants. For example, findings of significant association between participation in the program and the successful disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of ex-combatants are moderated by participation effects. While evidence of some level of macro success is clearly indicated in addition to some level of impact on the lives of program participants, the failure to adequately link DDR to broad economic and social development programs may obviate the tentative gains made and plunge the region into potentially more devastating rounds of violent insurgency and counter-insurgency.
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Piloyan, Torgom. "How does the ethnic kinship affect the mode of provided external support in an intra-state armed conflict?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361641.
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Gebremichael, Mesfin. "Federalism and Conflict Management in Ethiopia. Case Study of Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5388.
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In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups' rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis - taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups' rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people.
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Forslund, Daniel. "Peacekeeping & Violence Against Civilians : The Deployment of Peacekeeping Missions in Intra-State Conflict and Its Effects on Rebel Violence Against Civilians." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-347567.
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Strandow, Daniel. "Fighting for Aid : Foreign Funding and Civil Conflict Intensity." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-231034.
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This dissertation focuses on the sub-national impact of foreign aid on civil conflicts by asking the question: How does foreign aid committed to contested areas affect the intensity of violence in those areas? The main theoretical contribution is to focus on how aid influences warring parties’ decisions to engage in contests over territorial control and how that in turn influences violence intensity. The study introduces two concepts: funding concentration and barriers to exploiting aid. A contested area has greater concentration of funding if warring parties expect a high value of aid to be distributed to only a few locations. Funding is instead diffused if the parties expect aid to be spread over many locations. A low barrier to exploiting aid is present if it is of a type that both state and non-state actors could potentially misuse. There is a high barrier if territorial control is required in order to exploit funding channels. The theory introduces three testable implications: First, greater funding concentration encourages conventional contests over territorial control, which increases military fatalities. The second proposal is that if there is a low barrier to exploiting aid (e.g. humanitarian and food aid) then there will be increased competition between warring parties and civilians, and hence more civilian fatalities. Third, high barrier funding (e.g. education aid) will motivate contests over territorial control and increase military fatalities. This dissertation uses geo-coded aid commitments data and introduces data of warring parties’ battleground control in sub-Saharan Africa, 1989–2008. The research design relies on propensity score matching where pairs of observations are matched based on a range of covariates. The results concerning barriers to exploitation are partially supported. High barrier aid increases military fatalities whereas low barrier aid has little impact on violence. Greater funding concentration increases military fatalities substantially compared to if there is low or no funding concentration. In line with theory, greater funding concentration does not increase civilian fatalities.
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Tengbjer, Jobarteh Isolde. "Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations and the Inclusion of Gender Provisions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376589.
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Are peace agreements more likely to include gender provisions if women participate in the peace negotiations? The international community, national governments and civil societies around the world have assumed that women’s inclusion in peace negotiations result in higher quality peace agreements, where women’s interests are better taken into consideration. To date, there is a lack of empirical underpinning of the assumption. This study uses a twofold research design, combining statistical and qualitative methods to examine the interrelation between women’s descriptive and substantive representation in peace negotiations in the post-Cold War era. First, the statistical analysis suggests that peace agreements are more likely to include at least one gender provision referring to women’s rights and security if women participate in the negotiation. At the same time, the agreements are not more likely to address a higher number of different areas for increased rights and security measures for women. Second, the qualitative analysis examining the mechanisms shows that there is no guarantee that women will push for gender provisions, but that their particular experiences and interests in conflict, and the expectations from others give them strong reasons to do so. Important factors for women to successfully push for gender provisions have to do both with their individual will and personal ability, and external factors relating to the presence of traditional gender norms and the power balance between men and women in the country of conflict.
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Keyes, Vance DeBral. "A Thin Blue Line and the Great Black Divide: The Inter and Intra Departmental Conflict Among Black Police Officers, Their Agencies, and the Communities in which They Work Regarding Police Use of Force Perception By Black Americans in a Southwestern State." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/28.
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This study explores the relationship between Black police officers, Black citizens, and their external environment using a group of 30 police officers and citizens to establish the connection between police officer race and perceptions by same race citizens within the context of police use of force. I use the term Black to be inclusive of African Americans as well as others of African descent without regard to their ethnicity or national origin. Criminal justice means system application whereas criminology is the study of criminal behavior. In America, there exists a history of volatility between the police and Black communities. While I recognize that many Blacks may have no direct interaction with police, in order to facilitate this research, I rely on a well-known and controversial topic, which is the use of police force within Black communities. The participants involved in the study are employees of one of three large municipal police agencies or enrolled in an institution of higher education within a southwestern state. All participants self-identify as Black or African American. I employ qualitative methods by incorporating in-depth interviews in my research approach. At the conclusion of the study, the two groups’ perception about race, police use of force, and policing are compared, using common themes to develop a shared phenomenon of what it means to be a Black police officer and the Black officer’s relationship with the Black community. I suggest that because Black police officers experience a racial/professional dynamic; their twin identification causes them to believe that the Black community and non-Black officers question their racial and professional loyalty. I also suggest that the perception of Black police officers and Black citizens and the degree of support they enjoy or lack within their respective departments and communities affects their disposition regarding race and policing. Typically, researchers treat police as a homogenous racial group. This study is important because Black officers are neglected within the literature on police use of force and Black citizens are seldom asked about citizen-police relations involving Black officers. In addition, this project examines how the roles of professional and racial subcultures influence perceptions.
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Simon, Okolo Benneth. "Legality and legitimacy of military intervention in intra state conflicts: A case study of Ecowas intervention in Sierra Leone." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/1563.
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Student Number : 0400454M -
MA research report -
School of Social Sciences -
Faculty of Humanities<br>The debate about the legality and legitimacy of third party intervention in the “domestic”
affairs of sovereign states has been ongoing. This research focuses on the intervention by
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the Sierra Leone conflict.
The research inquires into the legality and legitimacy of the intervention, against the
backdrop of existing international law prohibition on the use of force, and the principle
of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. An analysis of the
emerging trend of humanitarian intervention and the current emphasis on human security
is made in order to determine whether the intervention in Sierra Leone fits into this
paradigm. While acknowledging the importance of states in international relations, this
study inquires into the shift of security from “state centric” to “people centric”.
This study makes a case for sustained efforts in the area of intervention on humanitarian
grounds. It further argues that regional organizations should have a pre-emption right to
intervene in conflicts that affect their regions of influence. However, the study also
recognizes that this concept might be subject to abuse by powerful nations if not well
managed. The study therefore recommends the importance of a well articulated
framework that will serve as a standard for future interventions.
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Sullivan, Dennis J. "Uncivil wars: does Kantian Adaptive Networks Theory provide significant indications and warning of intra-state conflict." Thesis, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/14551.
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Reviewing inter-state warfare literature, I observe a correlation between the growth of international institutions, economic interchange, and levels of democracy, and corresponding decreases in incidents of international war. Conversely, internal conflicts comprise most conflicts in the post-1945 world, compared to inter-state conflicts.
Within the larger intra-state literature, I note an underlying lineage to concepts evolving from Kant’s writings, specifically Kantian democratic peace theory (DPT) literature posited by Russett and ONeal (2001), and the informal social-juridical relationship within Metaphysics of Morals.
From that pedigree, could a deeper understanding of internal political risks gained through application of Kantian DPT, interpolating Putnam’s (2002) Social Capital Theory (SCT) hold potential to provide researchers and policy makers insight into propensity for descent into conflict early enough to implement corrective actions?
This investigation initially questions existence of intra-state processes performing similar ameliorating or exacerbating functions observed at inter-state level. Assessing that intra-state dynamics exhibit an elevated dependence on social factors necessitates adjustments to DPT to accommodate the adaptable nature of social constructs, leading to the designation of my theory as Kantian Adaptable Networks Theory (KANT).
To test hypotheses, I start with DPT, incorporate elements of SCT, and identify a hybrid combination presenting greater explanatory power than either DPT or SCT factors alone. Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Indices (FSI) for 2005-2013 provides the dataset to conduct regression analysis to determine significance of DPT and/or SCT elements in static and time-series. Initial results indicate DPT/SCT provides explanatory value at the intra-state level with the Group Grievance factor generally presenting the most significant effect on probability of conflict.
To assess resilience to intra-state conflict, I then explore brittleness of social-contract dynamics through the lens of Clausewitz’ center of gravity theory. In my exploration of applicability of KANT at the case level, I analyze FSI data for Syria and Kenya to determine resilience to shocks and ratcheted pressures, and explanation for differing outcomes.
Based on the results of quantitative and case analysis, I present policy prescription considerations. Finally, I discuss additional avenues for follow-on research of issues and opportunities identified during the course of the investigation.
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Kemakeza, John Junior, and John Junior Kemakeza. "Strategic ways of re-solving ethnic tension as an intra-state conflict:"The Case of Solomon Islands Ethnic Tension"." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33948862653252988635.
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碩士<br>銘傳大學<br>國際事務研究所碩士班<br>101<br>Internal conflict or sometimes known as intra-state conflict, has become the predominant threat to the security and stability of many of the small island nations of the Southwest Pacific and particularly in the countries of Melanesia. Since the late 1980s, conflicts of varying causes and degrees of intensity have occurred in Papua New Guinea (Bougainville secession attempt), Fiji (coups and attempted coups), Vanuatu (police rebellion) and Solomon Islands (ethnic conflict and coup).These conflicts have seriously debilitated the already fragile national economies and polities of all these countries.
As such, this report will focus its analysis particularly on the ethnic tension as the intra-state conflict in the Solomon Islands. In this context a host of questions arises as to how best to resolve, contain, manage and/or transform this Ethnic Tension as an intra-state conflict in the interest of the security, stability and well being of the peoples of Solomon Islands. The analysis will mainly base on the causes of such Ethnic Tension and from those causes; possible strategic approach of how best to solve such ethnic tension will then be derived.
This research is purely based on multiple qualitative method of gathering information but mainly on historical approach. Previous studies done on General Ethnic Tension as an intra-state conflict will be the basis of this research paper, but will be done particularly in the context of how Solomon Islands experienced its Ethnic Tension.