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Journal articles on the topic 'Intra-state conflicts'
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Yemane, Merhawi, and Iris Borowy. "Inter-state and Intra-state Wars and Conflicts in the Horn of Africa." EAS Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies 5, no. 04 (2023): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjhcs.2023.v05i04.009.
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For the last five decades, there have been extensive, continuous, and challenging intra- and inter-state wars and conflicts in the Horn of Africa. As a result, the peace and stability of the region as well as the socioeconomic development and livelihood of the population have suffered greatly. This study explores the reasons for the frequent conflicts in the region, analyzing the different types of conflict that frequently take place in the region. On the basis of a systematic probe of individual studies the conflicts in the region are categorized as state-society conflicts, state-state conflicts, and society-society conflicts. In addition, regardless of how the stake-holders of the region perceive the situation, intra-state and inter-state conflicts in the region have their roots in the long and complex history of state formation processes and struggles, identity conflicts, political economy, competition for scarce resources, and external intervention.
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Amegashie, J. Atsu, and Edward Kutsoati. "(Non)intervention in intra-state conflicts." European Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 3 (2007): 754–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.05.001.
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Hochwald, Thorsten. "How Do Social Media Affect Intra-State Conflicts other than War?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 12, no. 3 (2013): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.12.3.02.
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Menge Etamba Gilbert. "Critical Assessment of Geostrategic Infiltration in UN Peacekeeping Operations Deployed in Intra-State Armed Conflicts in Africa: The Case of ONUC in DRC in 1960." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 4, no. 2 (2023): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v4i2.4848.
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This study focuses on the deployments of UN peacekeeping operations within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The statement of the problem and objective of the study is to demonstrate amidst the significant roles that UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa have played and are still playing, nonetheless growing geostrategic infiltration from hegemonic states as well as other member states from where troops are drawn from to constitute different operations to mitigate the armed conflicts. This is very important for the successful consolidation of the mandates of different UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The study incorporated both primary and secondary sources of data. The qualitative descriptive analysis and its instruments are the research method that fits the study. The results of the findings were parallel to the problem statement and objective, which proved that geostrategic infiltration aimed at guaranteeing the interests of hegemonic and other member states of the UN that are proved apparent. The study's conclusion and recommendations were proffered to mitigating geostrategic infiltration in UN peacekeeping deployments faced with intra-state armed conflicts in Africa after an in-depth analysis of the case study under review in this study. That is, the United Nations Operations in the Congo deployed in view of the intra-state armed conflict that hit Congo in 1960, where the end of that mission was a debacle. A debacle explained largely by geostrategic infiltration. The Security Council is making every effort to mitigate the numerous challenges that have been and are still impeding the UN peacekeeping operations from successfully consolidating their mandates in different intra-state armed conflicts in Africa where they have been deployed. This study seeks to draw the attention of the international community to a veritable challenge that has become a pertinent stake (geostrategic infiltration), impeding the successful consolidation of the different UN peacekeeping mandates deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa.
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Matveev, Igor. "Economy of an Intra-state Armed Conflict: The Case of Syria." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020159-1.
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Contemporary international relations have been witnessing many armed conflicts. As usual, they do not cause dissolution of states due to the factors that include adaptation of economies to extraordinary conditions with common and specific features of country cases. The need of analyzing them to find ways for conflicts’ settlement explains the theoretical importance of the article. Facing the diversity of notions describing conflicts, the author assumes existence of a notion of economy of an intra-state armed conflict (EISAC). Such hypothesis looks new exploiting two groups of arguments based on content analysis and empiric materials accumulated during the author’s stints as a diplomat in Damascus. Firstly, any EISAC has closer links with the conflict itself than the relevant state. It can emerge under scenarios of “failed state” (Somalia), “partially failed state” (Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen), parallel economies (Syria), a formal split of a state (South Sudan), or in more than a country (ISIS). Secondly, Libya, Syria, and Yemen have proved that the EISAC does not mean manipulation with meanings of similar definitions including a wartime militarized economy or a peace-time defense sector (USSR, North Korea) not correlating with the crisis generating economy (Lebanon) or the sanctioned economy (Iraq:1980-2003, Iran). Also, it does not make a hyponym of the economy in a conflict inspired by foreign aggression (Kuwait: 1990-1991). Yet, the scale of damage caused by foreign aggressions could be compared with that resulting from intra-state conflicts. Syria has been chosen as its economy has acquired classical features of the EISAC.
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Vink, Maarten P., and Iva Kopraleva. "EU Sanctions in Response to Intra-state Conflicts: A Comparative Approach." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 3 (2015): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015030.
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Restrictive measures (or sanctions) form an important part of the European Union’s (EU’s) foreign policy toolbox. Studying the conditions under which the EU imposes sanctions is therefore imperative for understanding EU’s role in the global arena. This article aims at modelling the use of EU sanctions particularly in response to intra-state conflicts in its neighbourhood. Four variables (trade linkage with the EU as whole; trade linkage with individual Member States; democracy level of the potential target state; and violence level of the intra-state conflict) are tested against data from ten intra-state conflicts from EU’s neighbourhood using a comparative mixed-method methodology of fuzzy-set analysis and process-tracing. We identify the lack of strong trade linkage between individual Member States and the potential target state as a sufficient condition for the imposition of sanctions. In addition, the presence of bilateral trade links is a necessary, and if the potential target state is a democracy, sufficient condition for the non-imposition of sanctions.
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KASSAW, Alene, and Veneranda MBABAZI. "Ethiopia: Motivations, Strategies and Interests of the Fanno in the Conflict in Wolkait." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 50 (January 5, 2025): 49–71. https://doi.org/10.24193/csq.50.3.
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The political landscape of Ethiopia has been replete with recurring incidents of intra-state conflicts along class, ethnic, religious, or regional lines. To stem the recurrence of such conflicts, ‘ethnic federalism’ was adopted as a conflict management strategy in 1991. Yet, rather than preventing conflicts, it has changed the arena in which conflicts take place. Various forms of conflicts proliferated in many parts of the country, putting ethnic federalism at the center of debates on the persistence of conflicts. Hence, the role of local non-state actors responsible for the emergence, escalation, or termination of conflicts has been glossed over. One of the determining factors for whether conflict erupts or lingers pertains to actors’ motivations and strategies. Against the backdrop of this, the conflict in Wolkait, Ethiopia will be investigated by shedding light on the motivations and strategies of Fanno, one of the local non-state actors involved in the conflict under study. To this end, a critical research approach is employed within a qualitative case study design in the course of data collection and analysis. Keywords: Ethnic federalism, Conflict, Non-state actor, Motivation, Fanno.
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Hadenius, Axel, and Lauri Karvonen. "The Paradox of Integration in Intra-State Conflicts." Journal of Theoretical Politics 13, no. 1 (2001): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692801013001002.
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Cherotich Mung’ou. "Exploring the Use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTS) For Peacebuilding in Mount Elgon Region." Kabarak Journal of Research & Innovation 4, no. 2 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.58216/kjri.v4i2.33.
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Conflicts have brought great distress and loss of lives across the globe. Unfortunately, the African continent has witnessed the greatest impact of these conflicts. However, from 2011, other the predominantly Muslim countries especially in the Middle East, Arabia and Africa also witnessed similar conflicts that led to loss of lives and overthrow of dictatorial regimes. The intra-ethnic conflict witnessed in Mount Elgon region between the Soy and Ndorobo clans of the Sabaot in 2006-2008 had great socio-economic implications in the region. While most literature has focused on the causes of intra-ethnic conflicts in Africa and Kenya in particular, there has been less focus on peacebuilding. More so on the role of ICTs to the peacebuilding process for societies emerging from conflicts. This study was designed to assess the ICTs used in the peacebuilding process in Mount Elgon region. The study was based on the conflict transformation theory which argues that conflict transformation is a long process requiring different interventions by different actors employing various approaches towards attainment of peace. The theory also posits that ICTs have the potential of transforming conflicts into peaceful co-existence characterized by new structures and new relationships. The study used questionnaires, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions to collect data. The target sample was the residents and the state and not-state actors involved in the peace building process in Mt Elgon region. The study showed that ICTs such as mobile telephones, the Internet and radio, social media platforms and ICTs greatly contributed to the peacebuilding process in the region. The paper contributes to the on-going dialogue on peace building efforts in Mt. Elgon and other regions experiencing similar conflicts and recommends. The study recommends more investment in ICTs by both state and non-state actors involved in the peace building process in the region.
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Kutska, Olesya Mykolaivna, Tetiana Valeriivna Lavrut, Ihor Ivanovych Furman, Vadim Yurievich Bespeka, and Mykola Mykhailovych Golyk. "Intra-state water conflicts (second half of the XX- early XXI centuries): historical and geographic overview." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3A (2021): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173a1359p.11-25.
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The article reveals and systematizes the main types of conflicts over drinking water, which broke out in the world during the late XX and early XXI centuries. For each type of conflict, a specific example is given and briefly disclosed its history, the main reasons for its deployment are analyzed. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of past and present conflicts are local and take place within national states. But with population growth, industrialization and urbanization, the demand for water is only growing, which leads to increased competition for it and can provoke new disputes over this resource. Separately, the conflict over access to hydro-resources on the Russian-occupied Crimean Peninsula is highlighted. The experience of studying conflicts over water demonstrates that even local disputes over hydro resources often result in human casualties, worsen people's living conditions, and carry health risks, in particular famine and epidemics.
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Bijen Meetei, Nameirakpam. "State’s Response to Intra-state Conflicts: The Case of North-East India." History and Sociology of South Asia 12, no. 2 (2018): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807518770257.
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Contemporary state politics is marked by intra-state conflicts, many of which have ignited civil wars. In the midst of diversity, and despite her success in sustaining democracy, India still faces intra-state conflicts, which often threaten its territorial integrity. Presently, Jammu and Kashmir and the North-Eastern States are the most talked about cases in this regard. This article studies the nature of conflicts in North-Eastern India and the way the state has responded to such conflicts. The study finds the existence of five major types of conflicts and almost an equal number of responses from the state. Though, over the years, India has successfully resolved many forms of disputes, in the case of the North-Eastern States, on the contrary, state’s responses have resulted into new cases of conflicts. Thus, in the absence of adequate principles and institutions, bringing a lasting solution to these issues does not look like achievable in the immediate future.
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Buffa, Diego, and María José Becerra. "Guerra y paz al sur del Sahara. Nuevos abordajes conceptuales, frente a un escenario cambiante." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 6, no. 11 (2014): 308–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v6n11.42029.
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En este artículo nos proponemos presentar nuevas corrientes y abordajes conceptuales, que nos permitan comprender problemáticas capitales del África subsahariana, como lo son los conflictos intra-estatales, las emergencias políticas complejas, el intervencionismo humanitario y los procesos de paz, gestados durantela Posguerra Fría; portadores de inéditas lógicas y parámetros rectores. Palabras Claves: conflictos, procesos de paz, África subsahariana.War and Peace South of the Sahara. New Conceptual Approaches, Facing a Changing ScenarioAbstractIn this paper we present new trends and conceptual approaches that will help us to understand some capital issues for Sub-Saharan Africa, such as the intra-state conflicts, complex political emergencies, humanitarian interventionism and peace processes, that were gestated during the Post-cold War and with its own original logics and guiding parameters.Keywords: conflicts, peace processes, Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Biayi, Gabin Mbikayi, Daniel Sifa Kwa Mungu, and Papy Claude Bolaluembe. "Conflits liés à l’exploitation des ressources naturelles dans le Domaine de Chasse et Reserve de Bombo-Lumene en République Démocratique du Congo." International Journal of Biological and Chemical Sciences 16, no. 6 (2023): 2829–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijbcs.v16i6.28.
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La gestion des ressources naturelles dans les aires protégées des pays du Bassin du Congo suscite des nombreux conflits. L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser les conflits liés à l’exploitation des ressources naturelles dans le Domaine de chasse et Réserve de Bombo Lumene (DCRBL) en République Démocratique du Congo. La collecte des données a été réalisée à travers les entretiens individuels semi-dirigés et par focus groupe, l’observation participante et l’observation non participante au niveau local. Les résultats ont montré l’existence de nombreux conflits dans le DCRBL notamment les conflits horizontaux et les conflits verticaux. Les conflits horizontaux sont les conflits intra communauté (conflits entre agriculteurs au sein d'une même communauté) et les conflits inter communauté (agriculteurs et éleveurs au sein des communautés différentes). Les conflits verticaux sont ceux opposants les communautés locales et les gestionnaires du DCRBL. Au regard de ces résultats, plusieurs solutions ont été proposées par les répondants parmi lesquelles, la nouvelle délimitation des villages et du DCRBL, le respect des lois régissant le DCRBL et la création d’un comité de conservation communautaire. Les résultats de cette étude pourront servir d’outil de décisions pour les autorités étatiques, les gestionnaires des ressources naturelles et les communautés locales. Cependant, une étude socioéconomique est souhaitable en vue de détecter d’autres sources latentes de conflits.
 The management of natural resources in the protected areas of the Congo Basin countries gives rise to numerous conflicts. The aim of this study was to analyze the conflicts related to the exploitation of natural resources in the Bombo Lumene Hunting Domain and Reserve (DCRBL) in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Data collection was carried out through semi-directed individual interviews and focus groups, participant observation and non-participant observation at the local level. The results showed the existence of many conflicts in the DCRBL including horizontal conflicts and vertical conflicts. Horizontal conflicts are intra-community conflicts (conflicts between farmers within the same community) and inter-community conflicts (farmers and herders within different communities). Vertical conflicts are those between local communities and DCRBL managers. In view of these results, several solutions were proposed by the respondents, including the new boundaries of the villages and the DCRBL, compliance with the laws governing the DCRBL and the creation of the community conservation committee. The results of this study can be used as a decision-making tool for state authorities, natural resource managers and local communities. However, a socio-economic study is desirable in order to detect other latent sources of conflict.
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GRUNDY‐WARR, CARL. "COEXISTENT BORDERLANDS AND INTRA‐STATE CONFLICTS IN MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA." Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 14, no. 1 (1993): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9493.1994.tb00223.x.
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Chouvy, Pierre-Arnaud, and Laurent R. Laniel. "Agricultural drug economies: cause or alternative to intra-state conflicts?" Crime, Law and Social Change 48, no. 3-5 (2007): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-007-9085-1.
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Blin, Arnaud. "Armed groups and intra-state conflicts: the dawn of a new era?" International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 882 (2011): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000045.
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AbstractHave the various profound changes that have affected the world, and particularly its geostrategic dimensions, since the end of the Cold War radically altered the nature of conflicts? Twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and ten years after the destruction of the twin towers in New York, there is an apparent degree of continuity in the resilience of former centres of unresolved conflicts and of armed groups involved in them. Nonetheless, whereas most armed conflicts can today be classified as ‘intra-state’, the general context has changed to the extent that reference is now made to the phenomenon of ‘new wars’. Increasingly inacceptable economic and political imbalances along with globalization, environmental damage and its consequences or the emergence of large-scale conflicts triggered by organized crime are some of the perils already affecting the nature of today's conflicts or potentially defining those of the future. As the period dominated by jihadist groups with a universalist vocation possibly draws to an end, the current trend seems to be towards a new generation of guerrilla fighters who stand to benefit, in particular, from the erosion of the nation-state and from geopolitical convulsions arising from the post-colonial legacy as the starting point for intensely zealous and violent long-term ventures. The impact of globalization could cause a flare-up of some existing conflicts that are currently limited in scope while the international community struggles to redefine other rules and to adapt them to the new dialectic of war and peace.
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Achudume PhD, Tobi. "Colonialism and Its Effect on African Conflict." World Journal of Education and Humanities 3, no. 4 (2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjeh.v3n4p1.
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Colonialism is a major part of Africa’s history and therefore plays a major role in the types of conflict present in the continent. While in the international community, there seems to be more inter-state and economic conflicts, African conflicts are characterised by internal differences, hence intra-state conflicts. Though there were five major colonial powers present in Africa, this study explores the two major ones- Anglophone and Francophone. Both forms of colonialism share some similarities which are explored in this paper. As with the different policies practiced by both France and Britain, there are differences in the form of colonialism and how it was administered. These differences are explored in this paper. Finally, this paper analyses the effect of colonialism on the type of conflict most common in Africa. This paper answers the question of post-colonial experiences in Africa and its effects on the types of conflict present in the continent.
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Ikelegbe, Augustine. "The Economy of Conflict in the Oil Rich Niger Delta Region of Nigeria." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768291.
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AbstractEconomies of war underpinned by greed and opportunities have been posited to underlie causality, dynamics and the sustenance of conflicts – particularly Africa's resource wars. This study examines the economy of conflict in the resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It found that a conflict economy comprising an intensive and violent struggle for resource opportunities, inter and intra communal/ethnic conflicts over resources, and the theft and trading in refined and crude oil has blossomed since the 1990s. This paper examines the interfaces between the Nigerian state, multinational oil companies, the international community, and youth militias with the economy. This paper found that though the economy did not cause the conflict, it has become a part of the resistance and a resource for sustaining it. The economy underpins an extensive proliferation of arms and the institutions of violence and the pervasiveness of crime, violence and communal/ethnic conflicts.
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BULTRINI, ANTONIO. "Reapprasing the Approach of International Law to Civil Wars: Aid to Legitimate Governments or Insurgents and Conflict Minimization." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 56 (August 27, 2019): 144–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cyl.2019.14.
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AbstractSince the Second World War, there has been a constant decrease of inter-state conflicts. In sharp contrast, the level of intra-state violence has not declined and has even reached unprecedented peaks. This points to a striking discrepancy between the rejection of violence at the inter-state level and the wide leeway that is still afforded to the use of violence at the intra-state level and to external interferences fueling it. This article takes stock of the main features (and serious flaws) of the existing legal framework on aid to governments or insurgents in internal conflict situations. On the basis of a combined legal and conflict-management analysis, the author proposes a radically different approach and formulates a number of legal and policy recommendations on how to tackle the complex phenomenon of foreign intervention in civil wars, where enormous human, economic, and social implications are at stake.
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ÖZÇELİK, Sezai. "INTERNATIONAL AND INTRA-STATE CONFLICTS, PEACE AND SPORT TRIANGLE: CONFLICT ANALYSIS, PEACE STUDIES AND SPORT MANAGEMENT APPROACHES." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 43 (April 5, 2023): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.43.2.
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There has been a close relationship between conflict, peace, development and sport. The use of sports for international and intra-state conflict analysis and peacebuilding proposes has become an important study subject in the 21st century. Sport can be associated with intolerance, nationalistic sentiments, and, most of time, violence. It is also true that international sport events may cause conflicts, violence, aggression and controversies (Öğretir-Özçelik, 2017). According to sport and olympic ideology, the main function of international sport is to promote international peace and development. It can be also used for a tool for societal change and social transformation. Since the ancient time, sport activities has related to the simulation of struggle between two conflicting parties and the civilized war. This study aims to analyze the link between international and intra-state conflicts, peace and sports. The objective of this paper is to examine the role of sports both conceptually and practically in conflict analysis and peace building. The first part is to present a conceptual framework in the study of sports, conflict resolution, and peace building. Second, it highlights some case studies where sports have an important role in international conflict and a tool for peace and reconciliation. Third, it focuses on the international use of sport and physical activity to attain the culture of peace and development objectives such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Keywords: Sport, Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies.
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Iutes-Petrescu, Alexandru, and Gheorghe-Gabriel Carabu. "Kosovo conflict." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 6 (October 31, 2003): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.6.5.
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The hypothesis: in the case of the Kosovo conflict, the international actors and organisations used new approach regarding intrastate conflicts. Because the international context is changing, our ways of dealing with intra-state conflicts try to adapt. With the help of some basic concepts, like humanitarian intervention, conflict transformation and new style of intervention, the paper analyses the international intervention and the projects that were thought for to help in configurating a long time solution for the crisis. The analysis focuses not only on NATO intervention, but also on EU reaction through its projects proposals for the region. The major core of a new approach is the idea of the responsibility of international organisations to protect, and the idea of solving conflicts through transformation.
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OWO, JOHN OBOT ABASIYANGA, ENEFIOK IBOK, and SUNDAY IBANGA. "INTRA - COMMUNAL CONFLICTS AND SOCIO- ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN IKA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF AKWA IBOM STATE, NIGERIA." Global Journal of Finance, Business and Public Administration 1, no. 2 (2024): 17–50. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10932979.
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<strong>Abstract</strong>The meteoric rise in communal conflict in Nigeria has led to socio-economicdegradation so much that warlords have exploited the situation for arbitrariness,thereby subjugating innocent citizens to underserved brutality. This research, therefore,aims at examining the effects of communal conflicts on socio-economic developmentusing Ika Local Government Area, Akwa Ibom State, as a case study. To achieve thisobjective, social conflict theory and frustration aggression theory were adopted, tworesearch questions and two corresponding hypotheses were formulated to guide thestudy. The survey research design was adopted, and data were collected using aresearcher-created questionnaire and analysed using the Pearson product momentcorrelation analysis at 0.05 level of significance. The findings revealed that communalconflicts significantly affect socio-economic development in the area of educational andagricultural development in Ika local government area, Akwa Ibom State. The study,therefore, recommended, among others, that the government should establish a policythat will eradicate and/or control communal conflicts in Ika local government area inAkwa Ibom State so as to instill peace in the affected sectors.
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Babajide, Jacob. "BOOK REVIEW CHARLES THOMAS AND TOYIN FALOLA, SECESSION AND SEPARATIST CONFLICTS IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA. CALGARY: UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY PRESS, 2020. PP. VIII, 344." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 4, no. 2 (2021): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2021-04-02-013.
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The book, Secession and Separatist Conflicts in Postcolonial Africa, is a timely intervention on this important dimension to conflicts in Africa, especially in the post-cold war order where intra-state conflicts have become the norm rather than exception. Armed with suitably relevant historical analysis and epistemological methodology, the authors cleverly approach the varieties of conflict cases associated with secessionist, separatist and irredentist moves and Movements across Africa. Such liberation efforts span through struggles towards decolonization and struggles for self-determination or autonomy. The arrangement of the book is methodical, encompassing the dynamics and structures of successful, failed, protracted and short-lived attempts at secession and separatism in Africa and implications for sub-Saharan African states.
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JOSHUA, Segun, and Rotimi AJAYI. "NIGERIA: MANAGING INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN EBIRALAND, KOGI STATE." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 40 (July 5, 2022): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.40.1.
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It is incontrovertible that mono-causal analysis of conflict is no longer tenable, as conflict is caused by a confluence of factors. Over the years, intra-ethnic conflict in Ebiraland has attracted scholarly works. However, amid the myriad of variables accentuating conflict in Ebiraland, clan politics seems to be dominant but the intensity of the conflict has reduced since Governor Yahaya Bello’s administration in Kogi state in 2015. Hence the relative peace in an area hitherto embroiled with hostilities. Anchored on conflict management theory, with reliance on primary and secondary data sources, the study attempts to answer the following questions: What was the state of the conflict in Ebiraland before the Yahaya Bello’s regime? What conflict resolution mechanisms did the Governor deploy to achieve the relative peace in that part of the state? What measures should be in place towards sustaining the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the area even at the expiration of the tenure of the curent administration? These, among other issues,constitute the theme of this study. Keywords: Intra-ethnic conflict, clan politics, Ebiraland, Kogi State, Nigeria
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Kareem, Alidu Olatunji, Kelly O. Okpamen, and Morufu Abiodun Adekunle. "THE IMPACT OF MEDIA AND ETHNIC HEGEMONY ON ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN AFRICA." GPH-International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 06, no. 09 (2023): 72–84. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8394602.
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<strong>Africa has been facing incessant conflicts in recent decades. Most of these conflicts are intra-state rather than inter-state. Many scholars have worked on the causes of conflicts in Africa, but few have identified the role played by the media and ethnic hegemony in engendering ethnic conflicts in Africa. Conflicts in Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and South Sudan, to mention a few, are not unconnected with the misuse of media that led to some ethnic groups being profiled and eventually becoming targets of attacks. And the role of ethnic hegemony on the other hand, which makes some ethnic groups abhorred by other ethnic groups due to their disposition toward other ethnic groups within the state on commonwealth. This paper attempts to investigate the role of these two variables, media and ethnic hegemony, in engendering ethnic conflicts in Africa with the intention of providing possible solutions to the menace. The paper makes use of secondary data as a source of information and uses content analysis for data analysis. It also makes use of conflict theory, which was propounded by Karl Marx, who argued that there exist two major social classes or groups in any society: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The paper argues that Africa will be conflict-free if media are monitored to avoid inciting one ethnic group against another and proper structuring is also done to avoid actual or perceived behavior of one ethnic group behaving like a hegemon.</strong>
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Rose, Kaitlyn, and Hanna Samir Kassab. "Military Intervention and the Destabilization of Target States." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 2, no. 2 (2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v2i2.10538.
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Conflict in nations around the world have often warranted involvement from external actors, either on behalf of or in opposition to the current regime. Foreign military intervention (FMI), regarding the development and evolution of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) over the years, has created power vacuums and destabilized the target states. In the post-Cold War era, intra-state conflict has replaced inter-state conflict as the dominant form of organized violence. In 2014, the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) reported that there were 40 active armed conflicts and 11 of which were labeled as wars, and while the number of armed conflicts in the world has decreased since the end of the Cold War, the number of internationalized armed conflicts is on the rise, giving the impression that the world is becoming ever more violent (Pettersson and Wallensteen, 2015). A fundamental component of liberalism is democratic peace theory, which states that liberal states (democracies) do not go to war with one another. Although democracies do not go to war with one another, this may not make them more peaceful than non-democracies (Navari 2008). This use of military force could further be utilized depending on the regime type of the recipient state, and intervention can be viewed as the new, liberal face of conflict in the post-Cold war era.
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Kofroň, Jan, Michal Opletal, and Matyáš Zrno. "Analysis of the Malian conflict dynamics – exploiting ACLED database." Vojenské rozhledy 29, no. 4 (2020): 046–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.29.2020.04.046-064.
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Focusing on current Malian conflict, the aim of the article is to demonstrate usefulness of the „Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project“ database for the analysis of intra-state conflicts. At the macro-level the paper analyzes geographical spread of the conflict and its key quantitative characteristics (numbers of fatalities stemming from different types of incidents). At the micro-level it focuses on Malian region Mopti. At this level the paper analyzes geographical distribution of various incidents and the interaction of the key armed groups operating within the region.
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Patman, R. G. "Beyond 'the Mogadishu Line': Some Australian Lessons for Managing Intra-State Conflicts." Small Wars & Insurgencies 12, no. 1 (2001): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005380.
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RIBETTI, MARCELLA. "The Unveiled Motivations of Violence in Intra-State Conflicts: The Colombian Guerrillas." Small Wars & Insurgencies 18, no. 4 (2007): 699–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310701778548.
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Nestik, T. A. "The Influence of Military Conflicts on the Psychological State of Society: Promising Areas of Research." Social Psychology and Society 14, no. 4 (2023): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2023140401.
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<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Objective. </strong>Analysis of the psychological mechanisms of the influence of military conflicts on society and identification of promising directions for socio-psychological research in this area. <br><strong>Background. </strong>In the context of growing geopolitical tension and the number of military conflicts, forecasting the dynamics of the psychological state of society is becoming increasingly important. <br><strong>Conclusions. </strong>The psychological state of post-conflict societies is characterized by a combination of processes of social integration (various forms of intra-group solidarity and civic participation) and differentiation (decrease in social trust, radicalization and increased sensitivity to social inequality), as well as the influence of psychological traumatization on the phenomena of social cognition.</p>
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Akech, Migai. "Regional Mechanisms and Intra-State Conflicts: Implementing the African Union’s Principle of Non-Indifference?" Strathmore Law Journal 4, no. 1 (2020): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v4i1.49.
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The member states of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) established the African Union (AU) in 2001, following recognition that Africa needed a more effective institution that could maintain peace and security. In particular,the 1994 genocide in Rwanda demonstrated to the continent that it needed to enhance its ability to act before conflicts became unmanageable and destructive.The AU consequently established an institutional framework for the prevention, management, and resolution of conflicts. This institutional framework consistsof two parallel frameworks, namely the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA).
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Latypova, Natalia. "Toward an Understanding of Historical and Legal Studies of Military Conflicts as the Sources of Transforming the State and Law." Legal Concept, no. 4 (December 2022): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2022.4.3.
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Introduction: social and political conflicts often lead to direct armed clashes both inside and outside the state. At the same time, the state-legal consequences generated by military conflicts often radically transform the mechanism of the state, its legal and political systems. In the conditions of constantly emerging armed conflicts in the world (according to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, there are currently more than 20), their historical research is of particular importance. The subject of the work was the legal consequences of intra-state armed conflicts and social contradictions that had triggered their onset and development. The purpose of the work is to determine the role and significance of historical and legal studies of armed conflicts through the example of civil wars and to justify the need for further research of a violent armed conflict within the framework of legal science. Methods: the methodological framework for the research was made up of the formal legal, historical, sociological methods, as well as the synthesis and analysis of historical events and their legal consequences. The topic has a novelty in the context of the need to conduct research in the national historical and legal science of the “blind” zone of violent military conflicts, as a rule, ignored by legal history. The results of such generalizing studies will make it possible to realize one of the functions of history of state and law as a science – the forecasting of state-legal phenomena of the future and the analysis of current political processes. Finally, the author comes to the conclusion about the significant and underestimated role of historical and legal studies of armed conflicts, namely, the fallacy of omission from the research field of its violent course.
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Fukurai, Hiroshi. "Fourth World Nations vs. The States’ “Nation-Destroying” Projects From 1946 to 2020." Fourth World Journal 23, no. 1 (2025): 33–48. https://doi.org/10.63428/m19eaj23.
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The objective of this paper is to provide empirical analyses of the global armed conflicts between the nation and the state in the post-WWII era from 1946 to 2020. The empirical data comes from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo (PRIO). Other comparable data on global armed conflicts also exists, including the Correlates of War (WCO) information; the Militarized Interstate Dispute (MID) dataset, which is an outgrowth of WCO; the Minority at Risk (MAR) datasets from the Center for International Development and Conflict Management (CIDCM) at the University of Maryland; and the Konflict-Simulations-Modell (COSIMO) datasets from the Study Group for the Causes of War (AKUF), among others. The present analysis relies on the UCDP/PRIO dataset because it provides the most updated and regionally-detailed empirical information on armed conflicts, military confrontations, and violent battles that have taken place throughout the world. Specifically, the UCDP contains information on all contested battles situated in the “government and/or territory over the use of armed force between the military forces of two parties,” and the violent confrontations that have “resulted in at least 25 battle-related deaths each year.”Empirical examination reveals that most post-WWII military conflicts around the world have been fought between the state, on one side, and Fourth World peoples and nations (89.9%), on the other. Most of these conflicts in Asia and the Middle East (or West Asia) have also involved territorial and land disputes, while most of the intra-state armed struggles in Africa and the Americas have been fought over geo-political control of the government and its bureaucratic authority. The paper concludes by summarizing the past conflicts between the state and the nation, considering the devastating consequences of the state and state-assisted corporate projects that have facilitated the continuous destruction of biodiversity and the evisceration of the environment, thereby ultimately threatening the future survivability of both human and non-human life on our planet.
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Mohapatra, Biswajit. "Ethnic Communities and Conflicts in North East India: Building Up a Framework for Conflict Resolution." Liberal Studies 4, no. 1 (2019): 81–86. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3623000.
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In the last few decades, most of the states in the north-eastern part of India have been experiencing difficult times because of the ethnic conflicts, violence, and antagonism among several of the tribes there. No other issue has assumed so serious a concern, in the minds of the intellectuals than the ongoing and seemingly intractable tragedy of ethnic conflicts leading to a high degree of extremist activities and multiplicity of extremist groups. On the one hand, the different ethnic insurgent groups, active here, claim that they are engaged in a fight for recognition, political and economic rights and even for independence sometimes. On the other hand, others maintain that ongoing insurgent / terrorist activities have continuously challenged the writ of the state and control over its existing territory, governance structures, and the ruling political class. It has been pointed out by various analysts that ethnic unrest can be traced back to its beginnings during the period of colonial rule, in the post-independence era, when governments built the institutions of government control and consolidated power and with the more recent emphasis on greater democratic governance in the region. As any plural society including India is characterized by some or the other form of tensions, between ethnic groups, cooperative behaviors and consensus decision making perhaps can hold the key to the much-desired stability and will prevent any difference from turning into great conflict.
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Manana, Robert Santos, Frank Khachina Matanga, and Edmond Were Maloba. "Determinants of the Root Causes and Success Factors for the East African Community Regional Force Intervention in Managing Intractable Intrastate Conflicts in the DRC." African Journal of Empirical Research 5, no. 3 (2024): 1131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajernet.5.3.96.
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Globally, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has had one of the most intractable conflicts. Several attempts, ranging from global, continental, and regional levels, have been made to address these conflicts with little success. The deployment of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in 2022, a period characterized by the emergence and intensification of the March 23 Movement (M23) — a rebel group that seeks to advance the interests of the Congolese Tutsi ethnic group within the DRC military and political system — was envisaged to change the fortunes regarding the conflicts in the DRC. This was because it would be the first localized attempt at intervention. However, since the intervention of the East African Community Regional Force (EACRF) in the DRC, there seems to have been little progress regarding the management of intractable conflicts. This paper sought to investigate the determinants of the success of the EACRF intervention in the management of the DRC’s intractable intra-state conflict. The study is underpinned by the interpretivism research philosophy, and the paper was anchored on Conflict Transformation Theory to sustain the study variables. The researcher adopted two research designs — descriptive survey and historical longitudinal research designs — to ensure valid research results. The target population was 297, from which a sample of 177 was derived, including EACRF ground personnel, military attachés, members of the local community, leaders of rebel groups, and refugees, who were sampled using census, simple random, snowballing, and purposive sampling techniques. The study findings established that EACRF's success was inhibited by a number of factors: 91 (60.66%) respondents acknowledged that institutional weaknesses in East African Community (EAC) states contribute to prolonged conflicts in the DRC. Additionally, 43 (28.66%) respondents stated that regional security competition, namely power rivalry, affects the management of the DRC conflict. Furthermore, 8 (5.33%) respondents cited the informal economy, and 8 (5.33%) respondents mentioned trans-border social networks as additional factors contributing to the complexity of internal conflict in the DRC. The paper concludes that the EACRF has had limited success due to several factors, thereby inhibiting its management of intractable intra-state conflicts in the DRC. The paper recommended that the EAC strategically focus on region-centric intervention in New Warfare in eastern DRC, especially in the Republics of Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda, given that rebel groups originating from these nations frequently operate in the Eastern Region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Strengthening good governance in these states, including the DRC, is necessary to quell ethnic unrest that fuels internal and regional conflicts within the EAC.
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Kamau, Carolyne, Festus Riungu Kinyua, and Zipporah Karuga. "Early Warning System and Preventive Diplomacy in Land-Based Conflicts among Pastoralist Communities in Samburu County." International Journal of Professional Practice 10, no. 4 (2022): 49–61. https://doi.org/10.71274/ijpp.v10i4.209.
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The use of preventive diplomacy in conflict prevention can be traced back to various human civilizations where treaties were concluded, alliances formed, inter-ethnic marriages solemnized and various forms of traditional and scientific knowledge employed to prevent inter-state and intra-state conflicts. However, localizing this strategy at community level remains a challenge due to lack of institutional structures and resources to advance capacity of preventive diplomacy in land-based conflicts. The study examines the influence of early warning system on land-based conflicts among the pastoralist communities in Samburu County. The study was guided by conflict prevention theory, and the target population comprised 424 individuals from different institutions involved in peace and security discourses in Samburu County, Kenya. Using Yamane formula to calculate the sample size, stratified random sampling technique was applied to select 206 respondents. Primary data was collected using a questionnaire, and it was processed using descriptive, inferential, and thematic content analysis techniques. Analyzed data was presented using tables, figures, and narratives. Findings indicated that early warning system is used by both the state and the non-state actors to predict trends of violent conflicts from open source information, inter alia, NDMA which publishes early warning system in a monthly bulletin; smart-phone applications that monitor rangeland conditions, and disseminating threats alerts. Complementing scientific methods with traditional knowledge to forecast the future is indispensable, and so are the District Task Forces which work closely with Samburu district peace committees to monitor livestock migratory routes and conduct night watch on herders to prevent them from rearming. The study concluded that the early warning system tool has been applied to predict trends on land-based conflicts in Samburu, but there is need to increase resources in order to increase its capacity. Synergy between multiple actors is recommended to avoid a confused response.
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Miles, W. J., and D. Mallett. "The Abyei Arbitration and the Use of Arbitration to Resolve Inter-state and Intra-state Conflicts." Journal of International Dispute Settlement 1, no. 2 (2010): 313–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnlids/idq008.
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Michael, Usman O. A., and Habila Iranyang Jeremiah. "Escalating or De-Escalating Tool? The Media in the Herder-Farmers’ Conflict in Nigeria." Journal of Media,Culture and Communication, no. 45 (September 25, 2024): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jmcc.45.48.59.
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Since the launch of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic in 1999 and its evolving national dynamics, a new phase of intra-state conflicts and insurgencies sprang up in varying degrees, putting the nation on the brink of collapse. The most recent and recurring communal violent conflicts are the unending clashes between the herdsmen, popularly known as Fulani and pastoral Farmers. As the conflict remains unresolved, there continues to be a deep-seated mutual enmity that has always led to blatant reprisal attacks in wanton killings and displacement on both parties. Despite the various efforts to resolve the conflict, it continues to intensify. This study, however, examines the escalating dynamics of the age-long inter-communal conflict and how much the media has impacted the escalating and de-escalating status of the conflict. The authors argue that the conflict resolution approaches have so far undermined and overlooked media power in de-escalating the conflict and thus recommend a pragmatic media engagement in terms of employing carefully prepared programmes and campaigns as and alternative resolution mechanism.
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Reilly, Benjamin. "Book Review: Nina Caspersen. 2017. Peace Agreements: Finding Solutions to Intra-State Conflicts." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 5, no. 1 (2018): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017751710.
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Kovacs, Mimmi Söderberg. "Peace agreements: finding solutions to intra-state conflicts; When conflict resolution fails: an alternative to negotiation and dialogue." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (2017): 294–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2017.1380438.
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Zaheer, Muhammad Akram, and Muhammad Asim. "The Ethnic Dilemma in Balochistan with More Focusing Upon Intra-Provincial Conflicts under CPEC Scenario." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2021): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3619.
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Balochistan exists in a state of conflict since the partition but, initially, the nature of the conflict was based upon the future of princely states that led to the insurgency against the federation of Pakistan in 1948, 1958, and 1963. After the emergence of Balochistan as a full province, the nature of conflict shifted towards Baloch ethnic nationalism that directed insurgencies during 1973 and 2004. The government of Pakistan claims that all the waves of insurgencies have huge foreign funding by rival states. While the concerns of major powers on re-constructing Kasghar-Gwadar Road plan 2004 (renamed as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] in 2013) triggered Baloch ethnic nationalism and already existed intra-provincial conflicts once again that led Pashtun-Brahui, Brahui-Baloch, and Baloch-Pashtun differences. However, a detailed briefing by Chinese Ambassador Zhao Lijian has undermined all the concerns of ethnic communities in entire Pakistan including Balochistan. However, there are still some voices for insecurity and predicted economic deprivation in the province. This study tries to describe the history of ethnic dilemma in Balochistan along with demographic structure, CPEC related projects in the province, and the rival states’ nexus for triggering ethnonational separatism and intra-provincial conflicts against Pakistan. While the issue is rising by Baloch nationalists regarding preferring the eastern, western, or central route of CPEC is being discussed in the last.
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Hochwald, Thorsten. "Какое влияние оказывают социальные медиа на внутригосударственные конфликты, не являющиеся войной?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 12, № 3 (2013): 10–44. https://doi.org/10.11610/connections.rus.12.3.02.
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GEMECHU, Milkessa. "ETHIOPIA: FEDERALISM, PARTY MERGER AND CONFLICTS." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 42 (January 5, 2023): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.2.
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This article has a twin mission: examining the impact of party merger on the federal arrangement and its association with the current conflicts in Ethiopia. The 1995 federal constitution of Ethiopia devolves powers to regional states. Since then, each regional state was fused with its distinct ruling party that created a coalition at the federal level. This state-party fused federal arrangement faced serious challenges with the rise of intra coalition disagreements since 2016 following the protest movements in the country, which further plunged Ethiopia into a devastating civil war since November 2020. This article asks what caused the conflicts. While recognizing the multidimensional roots of the conflicts, this article uses a political party-driven theory of federalism in order to identify the political processes that led to the conflicts. It argues that in a multiethnic federation such as Ethiopia where there is state-party fusion, a ruling party’s metamorphosis from a coalition to a union may not only centralize power but could also result in both de facto merger of that fragile federation and conflicts. Delinking the state from the party through inclusive national negotiations and democratic elections within a federal arrangement might help transition Ethiopia to a stable country. Keywords: Civil war, conflicts, political parties, Ethiopian federalism, Prosperity Party, power centralization, Abiy Ahmed.
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Abgadzhava, D. A., та A. S. Vlaskina. "Современный образ войны и проблема ее трасформации". Konfliktologia 13, № 3 (2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2018-13-3-29-40.
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War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.
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Kimaita, Solomon, and Eric J. Irungu. "New Frontiers in Conflict Prevention: Integrating Artificial Intelligence in Early Warning and Response Systems in Kenya." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. XI (2024): 2331–39. https://doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.8110185.
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With the proliferation of intra-state conflicts in Kenya, traditional methods of detecting potential conflicts and recommending timely intervention measures have proved to be largely ineffective. This paper explores how integrating Artificial Intelligence (AI) in conflict early warning systems can enhance peace and security in Kenya. It focuses on how AI can augment human capabilities in facilitating effective proactive measures in de-escalating conflicts. The paper is guided by three research objectives: first, assessing the efficacy of AI in systematically identifying indicators and patterns of conflict-triggers in Kenya; second, examining how AI can enhance real-time sharing of information to the pertinent actors for timely interventions; and third, evaluating the impact of integrating AI in Kenya’s conflict prevention initiatives. The paper is guided by the securitization theory as propounded by Ole Wæver of the Copenhagen School. The theory dispels the notion that national security issues arise naturally. Instead, the securitizing agents within the state designate select issues as threatening, consequently moving them from low to high priority security concerns, thereby necessitating concerted action. The paper adopts an explorative research design and secondary data on conflict early warning and artificial intelligence from published and unpublished sources. It finds that AI can effectively analyse vast amounts of historical, current and emerging data in order to systematically identify conflict triggers and patterns for effective conflict prevention. Moreover, it submits that AI has unmatched capacity to sustain real-time sharing of information among the relevant actors in conflict prevention infrastructure thereby guaranteeing timely responses to check the escalation of conflicts. The paper also observes that AI has the potential of enhancing Kenya’s preparedness and response capabilities thereby minimising economic, political and human losses occasioned by violent conflicts. It recommends the urgent need to revamp the existing EarlyWarning Response Systems (EWRS) by integrating AI capabilities to amplify human capabilities. In addition, the paper recommends fast-tracking of the roll-out of Information Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructure to enhance real-time sharing of information and creating a lean Infrastructure for Peace (I4P) for effective delivery. Lastly, the paper underscores the inevitability of visionary leadership to provide policy guidelines on integrating AI in conflict prevention initiatives and the general operationalization of Early Warning and Response Systems (EWRS).
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Musah, Halidu. "DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY AND CONFLICT RESILIENCE IN GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2020): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.13.
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Ghana could be described as an island of peace in an ocean of conflicts. This is because most of Ghana’s West African neighbours have experienced (and some are still experiencing) various forms of national civil conflicts which have never occurred in Ghana. In the last three decades, the West Africa sub-region has been plagued with many intra-state conflicts. In Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali, conflicts have escalated into full scale war, bringing with it numerous loss of lives, destruction of property and causing social despair for the citizenry. The peace of some countries like Senegal, Nigeria, Niger and recently Burkina Faso also continues to be threatened by different dissident groups and popular uprisings. While most of these countries’ democracies remain fragile due to the conflicts within these states, Ghana remains one of few examples whose current democratic structures have stood the test of time for the last three decades. This study inquired into Ghana’s conflict resistance capacities and its ability to continue to sustain its democracy as a country. Mixed methods approach was employed to select 132 community residents from 3 purposefully sampled conflict-prone communities in Ghana, and 5 key informants as well as 462 political party delegates for interviewing and data collection for the study.The study found that the very nature of Ghana’s internal conflicts with respect to their geographical limitations, the conflict parties involved as well as the issues at stake contribute to confine these internal conflicts within their areas of occurrence. In addition, some conscious social and institutional measures (put in place) in the Ghanaian democratic system help to promote peace and maintain order. Finally, majority of the respondents (63.6%) were of the opinion that Ghana is unlikely to have a national civil war because its democratic institutions are effective. It was suggested that politicians should avoid interfering in local conflicts and increase coverage for peace education programmes and conflict intervention initiatives in the country, among others.
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Ewumbue-Monono, Churchill. "Respect for international humanitarian law by armed non-state actors in Africa." International Review of the Red Cross 88, no. 864 (2006): 905–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383107000835.
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AbstractThis report presents the instruments and strategies used by non-state actors to respect international humanitarian law during intra-state conflicts in Africa and highlights the recognition by these non-state actors of the role of humanitarian organizations. It examines the impact of such recognition on the development of international humanitarian law and the activities of humanitarian organizations, and shows the problems encountered by non-state actors with respect to their commitments. It concludes with some suggestions as to a way forward.
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Dimopoulos, Angelos. "The validity and applicability of international investment agreements between EU Member States under EU and international law." Common Market Law Review 48, Issue 1 (2011): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2011004.
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EU law affects the validity and applicability of intra-EU International Investment Agreements (IIAs) both under EU and international law. Although EU law and intra-EU IIAs create separate legal systems, they cover largely the same subject matter creating scope for potential conflicts. Using different tools and based on different legal principles, both EU law and international law require the determination of the specific incompatibilities between EU law and intra-EU IIAs in order to assess whether and to what extent the latter are applicable. In that regard, the provisions of intra-EU IIAs on dispute settlement and in particular investor-State arbitration present an outright incompatibility with EU law, as they violate the principle of autonomy of EU law and, thus, should be deemed inapplicable.
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Bala, Salisu. "Sufism, Sects and Intra-Muslim Conflicts in Nigeria, 1804-1979." Comparative Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (2008): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v2i1.79.
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Muslims in Nigeria have for several decades been faced with the problem of intra-religious conflict which eventually led to incessant hostility and disaffection among the followers of the same faith(S.P.I.Agi,1998.p.57) The conflicts have punctuated Nigerian affairs before and after independence. The problem has led to degeneration of the mutual relationships shared between followers of the same faith, albeit with different sectarian beliefs. Government, at federal, state and local level, has created measures to try to bring about a lasting solution to this problem. Despite this effort, the input of academia in this area has been less concerted, not going beyond presentations in workshops, conferences and seminars. 
 The task of embarking on an in-depth research on Sufism and its relationship with sectarian beliefs among the Muslim groups in Nigeria has not been given much attention. The aim of this paper therefore, is to examine critically the relationship between Sufi orders and other sects among the Muslim communities in Nigeria. The research will also look at major areas of discord among the Nigerian Muslim intellig
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Quellet, Eric, Jérôme Lacroix-Leclair, and Pierre Pahlavi. "INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF IRREGULAR WARFARE: THE CASE OF DARFUR." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (September 30, 2013): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.1.
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Legitimacy as a social-political notion is oftentimes invoked to study intra-state conflicts, but it is rarely analyzed directly. This article uses institutional analysis to assess qualitatively, but more directly, the role of state legitimacy in irregular conflicts. It uses the case of Darfur not only because it is a conflict that is similar in its dynamics to a number of other conflicts in the developing world, but also because it highlights the critical importance of legitimacy in the use of force by a state. This study shows in the particular case of Darfur that normative and cognitive factors are fully imbricated with rational parameters in the development of the alliance between Khartoum and the Janjaweed, and in turns identifies some of the deeper reasons for the fragility of such alliance. Legitimnost kot družbenopolitični pojem se velikokrat omenja pri obravnavi konf- liktov znotraj držav, vendar se le redko neposredno analizira. Avtor članka z institu- cionalno analizo kvalitativno in neposredno oceni vlogo državne legitimnosti pri nekonvencionalnih konfliktih. Uporabi primer Darfurja, vendar ne le zato, ker gre za konflikt, ki je podoben dinamiki številnih drugih konfliktov v državah v razvoju, temveč tudi zato, ker poudarja velik pomen legitimnosti pri tem, da država uporabi silo. Študija na primeru Darfurja pokaže, da se normativni in kognitivni dejavniki pri razvoju zavezništva med Kartumom in milicami džandžavid povsem prekrivajo z racionalnimi parametri, izmenično pa opredeljuje tudi nekaj globljih razlogov za ranljivost tovrstnega zavezništva.