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1

Brennan, Timothy J. "Aligning Investigative and Enforcement Services (IES) with the Government Performance and Results Act." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1999. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1999.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2934. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as 2 preliminary leaves. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-66).
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2

Winship, Thomas. "A Plea for Literary Journalism." School of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/583004.

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3

Ballou, Nicole Arielle. "Government funded public broadcasting : a United States ethical necessity." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16254/.

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While journalistic ethics exists in the Untied States today, it works primarily to address dilemmas in the profession, as opposed to working to comprehensively understand journalism in relation to its public duties. This role in United States journalism is not only misunderstood by the majority of journalists working in the media industry, it is also misunderstood by the public. This misinterpretation is directly linked to the concepts of cultural separation between the 'natural' laws that run the market place and those things in society that influence everything else. In this sense, journalism has become an industry working in the market place. Essentially, the product of completely corporatising the media industry has created a gap between the role of journalism in a democratic society and the current state of journalism in the United States. That said, the relationship between the media and democracy can be traced back through the history of United States democracy and the subsequent history of journalism as a profession that was an essential part to keeping the public sphere of democratic debate healthy. A section of journalists, public journalists, currently attempt to heed the public responsibility needed to create this space for democratic debate. However, these journalists, though earnest in their pursuit to rebuild the type of journalism needed to create this democratic sphere, cannot reach the masses effectively without more funding and more autonomy. Likewise, the public broadcast station (PBS) in the United States could be enhanced in many ways with more funding and more autonomy. Such funding and autonomy for media in the United States could come from a tax-payer funded public broadcast station. And though not all media need to bear the responsibility of journalism focused on public life and politics, a section of the mass media should commit itself to creating a sphere to enhance democratic debate. This thesis explores the necessity of a government funded mass media source in the United States. Given that United States media and democracy are inherently linked, as I will aim to show through the development of democratic history and the development of liberal democracy in the United States today, the ethical need for a media source that can fulfil its democratic duties.
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4

Studinski, David P. "Giving in to gossip an analysis of American news web sites during the first decade of the 21st century /." [Muncie, Ind.] : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/676.

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5

Dwyer, Richard Gregg. "Informal learning in the police subculture: a case study of probationary special agents of a federal criminal investigative agency." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/38629.

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6

Palmer, Angela C. "An investigative study of value engineering in the United States of America and its relationship to United Kingdom cost control procedures." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1992. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7204.

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The aim of this thesis is to make an investigative study of value engineering (VE) in the United States. The purpose is to establish if current United Kingdom cost control procedures could benefit from value engineering. The study examined the system of value engineering that exists in the US, along with the design procedures within which it prevails. The examination was based on a survey, analysis of fifty-five completed VE studies and attendance at four VE workshops. A comparison of VE practice in the US was made with UK procedures to establish whether VE is supplementary to UK cost control. Any supplementary components were analysed for effective integration into UK systems. This analysis was based on examination of existing UK cost control, coupled with the opinions, obtained by interview, of twenty British professionals with VE experience either in the UK or USA. The study produced the following conclusions, 1) Value engineering originally developed in manufacturing as a broad philosophy based on the technique of function analysis. Adapting value engineering for the construction industry in the USA distorted the technique of function analysis from its original principles. 2) Despite this, value engineering in the United States is effective in reducing construction cost by approximately 10%. However, this saving cannot be attributed to function analysis and is the result of other, broader, factors. 3) The practice of value engineering in the US offers only two components which do not exist in the UK cost planning system. First, VE is an autonomous approach and second it is carried out by an external team. 4) This autonomous approach by an external team is fraught with difficulties in the US. It is likely that these difficulties would also occur in the UK. In addition, British design procedures are not conducive to the application of US value engineering practice. Possibly as a result of this the majority of UK companies involved in VE have developed alternative systems. These systems appear to be based on an adaptation of American practice. 5) Function analysis could possibly be of benefit in the UK. The technique of function analysis however is largely a design orientated process that has no direct relationship to cost. The technique is not independent and it's successful implementation is influenced by other factors.
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7

Green, Adam J. "Images of Americans: The United States in Canadian newspapers during the 1960s." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29295.

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This thesis analyses Canadian newspaper images of Americans during the 1960s. The content of the study is derived from twenty newspapers drawn from four Canadian cities---Halifax, Quebec City, Ottawa, and Vancouver---and covers five specific events during the 1960s which each prompted a flurry of commentary on Americans, American motives, and the Canadian-American relationship. These events are: the election and inauguration of President John F. Kennedy in 1960, the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, the Watts Riot of Los Angeles in 1965, an anti-Vietnam War speech made by Privy Councillor Walter Gordon in 1967, and the voyage of an American oil tanker, the Manhattan, into the Canadian arctic in April of 1970. This work seeks to advance the study of Canadian-American relations by questioning the range and methodological treatment of evidence currently used to evaluate Canadian perceptions of the United States. In its place, this study presents a systematic examination of Canadian attitudes and popular opinions in the 1960s. Combining the investigation of editorial cartoons and the use of the social psychological method of the Linguistic Intergroup Bias as a form of content analysis, this thesis finds that newspaper coverage from 1960 through 1970 was a complex blend of various streams of opinion which fell into three major categories: positive orientations towards Americans, negative orientations towards Americans, and apathy towards the Canadian-American relationship. This range of opinion did not provide substantial evidence of correlated predictors in terms of ideology, geography, or language, and thus suggests the possible need for a revision of previously held conclusions. In particular, this study challenges the notion that most Canadians in the 1960s had negative impressions and opinions of the United States. The study's final assessment presents three overlapping conclusions. First, the findings suggest that Canadian newspapers were much more willing to express negative opinions concerning the United States at the end of the decade than at the beginning. However, the evidence shows that Canadian newspapers in the 1960s were not "anti-American". Third, the findings suggest that there was no single or dominant "Canadian" perception of the United States. Therefore, this study finds that Canadian newspaper discussion of Americans in the 1960's contained a versatile and diverse range of opinion, much of which was absent of substantial negative sentiment directed towards the United States.
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8

Kamara, Musa Suaray. "A comparative study of television news coverage between the United States and Sub-Saharan Africa (Sierra Leone)." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272463190.

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9

Peterson, Emily Terese. "For the Good of the Few: Defending the Freedom of the Press in Post-Revolutionary Virginia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626416.

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10

Owens, Sarah Lynn. "The United States Press Coverage of the Holocaust: An Analysis of the New York Times and the Chicago Tribune." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292258.

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11

Ostertag, Robert H. "People's movements, people's press the journalism of social justice movements in the United States /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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12

Zhang, Maggie Ting. "A screened window on the world? news framing in United States international coverage /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.

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13

Hayton, Tasha. "Portrayal of Race by Public and Private University Newspapers." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc33162/.

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This study investigated how two college newspapers cover race and how the papers employed racial stereotypes when describing sources. One of newspapers is a student-produced paper at a private university. The other is a student-produced newspaper at a public university. The study conducted content analyses of front-page news stories in both college newspapers. The sources in the story were analyzed for racial stereotypes. Stereotypes were identified based on frames used in modern racism research. A t-test and chi-square were used to compare the coverage of minorities to Whites. Once the quantitative content analysis was completed, I used textual analysis to identify what ways the news stories used stereotypical coverage of minorities. The study used critical media theory.
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14

Innes, Jacqueline Gayle. "A Content Analysis of Editorial Comment on the United States in the Globe and Mail November 1, 1989 - February 28, 1990." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292221.

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15

Skabas, Radoslaw. "The influence of United States-Soviet differences on press coverage of terrorism: A comparison of "The New York Times" and "Izvestia"." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7656.

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This paper examines the differences between the coverage accorded to incidents of transnational terrorism by the press of the United States and the Soviet Union. Two elite daily newspapers are compared: The New York Times and Izvestia. The coverage of two incidents of transnational terrorism is analyzed (1985 TWA airliner hijacking and 1985 kidnapping of four Soviet diplomats; both incidents took place in Beirut) in which nationals of both countries were involved. It is assumed, that "political distance"--the attitude towards the perpetrators and the victims--will influence the coverage. Findings indicate two different patterns in the coverage, which reflect the fundamental differences between the two papers in their perception of the role of the mass media in their respective societies. This raises more general questions of an ethical nature relating to the role and responsibilities of the media towards their audiences and towards the state.
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16

Molin, Peter Castle. "Middling fiction Antebellum magazine story style, substance, and sensibility /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3276693.

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Yaudes, Cynthia Gwynne. "Working an image radical labor newspapers and the American tabloid press, 1919-1922 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3331245.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History and the American Studies Program, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 23, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-11, Section: A, page: 4474. Advisers: Eva Cherniavsky; Eric Sandweiss.
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18

Bangert, Elizabeth C. "The Press and the Prisons: Union and Confederate Newspaper Coverage of Civil War Prisons." W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626316.

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19

ALshammari, Musaed. "How Kuwaiti College Students in the United States Use and Perceive Electronic News Media| A Case Study." Thesis, Arkansas State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10977267.

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The purpose of this study was to formulate a preliminary conceptual perception about how Kuwaiti college students in the United States use and perceive electronic media. This qualitative study has sought to recognize the utilization habits and perception of Kuwaiti college students in the USA toward electronic media. The study examines the reasons for the high degree of dependency on electronic media by Kuwaiti students in the USA and the most significant features and properties that are available by electronic media, which attract youth attention. This research conducted semi-structured, in-depth interviews with a sample of 15 Kuwaiti college students in the United States. It was concluded that Kuwaiti college students are the major users of recent technology and pioneers of electronic and social media. It also seeks for future investigations to understand whether the demographic characteristics of Kuwaiti college students are affecting their media utilization habits.

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Kim, Eunseong. "Political and non-political bloggers in the 2004 United States presidential election motivations and activities /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3240031.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Journalism, 2006.
"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 16, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3639. Adviser: David H. Weaver.
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21

Meng, Chao. "A comparative study of Chinese and U.S. news coverage of the 2014 Hong Kong uprising." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/19146.

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Master of Science
Journalism and Mass Communications
Angela M. Powers
Background: During the 2014 Hong Kong protests, with the growing concern of various perspectives in the international media, news coverage, as the main source of information transportation has become an issue of research interest. According to framing theory, for a certain event, media is likely to place it within a field of meaning. Furthermore, the message meaning, framed by media, influence audience’s information processing. Different media organizations might have different perspectives on framing same event. This study examined how Chinese news coverage and U.S. news coverage framed an event. Method: A quantitative content analysis was conducted among a sample of 152 news stories from China Daily and The New York Times. All the stories from August 17th 2014 to January 8th 2015 were analyzed to determine whether the 2014 Hong Kong protest was framed by China Daily and The New York Times differently. The code sheet was structured with key variables derived from former published articles. Furthermore, the categories of main issue and secondary issue came from pre-tests with another co-coder. Data analysis was conducted with frequency counts, cross tabulations and Pearson’s chi-square analysis in SPSS. Results: Findings suggested that news coverage of China Daily focused on the issues of politics and protest, as well as did the coverage of The New York Times. However they have significant differences on framing of history, profiles of protesters and others. The findings suggested that the China Daily and The New York Times have significant differences on overall bias in terms of Pro-change, Anti-change and Neutral. Conclusion: Samples in this study, as prosperous news organizations with the reputation and resources to conduct fair reporting and to set journalistic standards in China and the United States respectively, represented most perspectives in general. According to different factors of national interest, political ideology and history, Chinese news coverage and U.S. news coverage have significant differences on framing the issues and overall bias.
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22

Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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23

Leweke, Robert W. "Advertising and social responsibility as models of the press : a study of three local newspapers /." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06112009-063325/.

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24

Jessie, Alison Leigh. "Questions of Citizenship| "Oregonian" Reactions to Japanese Immigrants' Quest for Naturalization Rights in the United States, 1894-1952." Thesis, Portland State University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1606212.

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This study examines the discrimination against Japanese immigrants in U.S. naturalization law up to 1952 and how it was covered in the Oregonian newspaper, one of the oldest and most widely read newspapers on the West Coast. The anti-Japanese movement was much larger in California, but this paper focuses on the attitudes in Oregon, which at times echoed sentiments in California but at other times conveyed support for Japanese naturalization. Naturalization laws at the turn of the century were vague, leaving the task of defining who was white, and thus eligible for naturalization, to the courts. Japanese applicants were often denied, but until the federal government clarified which immigrants could or could not become citizens, the subject remained open to debate. “Ineligibility to naturalization” was often used as a code for “Japanese” in discriminatory land use laws and similar legislation at the state level in California and in other western states. This study highlights several factors which influenced Oregonian editorials on the subject.

First, the fear of offending Japan and provoking war with that empire was a foremost concern of Oregonian editors. California’s moves to use naturalization law to prevent Japanese immigrants from owning land were seen as dangerous because they damaged relations with Japan and could lead to war. The Oregonian went so far as to recommend Japanese naturalization during the First World War. However, war and foreign relations were federal issues, thus the second theme seen throughout Oregonian editorials was deference to federal authority on questions related to naturalization. While suggesting that naturalization for existing immigrants might be good policy, the Oregonian urged the federal government to settle the matter. Once the Supreme Court ruled against Asian naturalization in 1922 and 1923, the Oregonian dropped its push for such rights. Nativism was another theme that influenced opinions at this time, and before 1923 the Oregonian generally opposed extreme nativist positions, while at the same time advocating for limits to Japanese immigration and against mixed marriages.

This paper does not deal with the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II because naturalization was not the issue for the anti-exclusion movement at the time. Citizenship did not give the Nisei, second generation Japanese American citizens, any protection against their wartime removal from the West Coast.

This study returns to the issue of naturalization for Japanese immigrants after the war, as a number of Issei, first generation Japanese immigrants, still lived in the United States but were denied citizenship, even though most had been in the country for decades at that point. There was less opposition to Japanese naturalization after the war due to the noted loyalty of the Japanese during the war, the focus on human rights as an issue promoted by the new United Nations, and Cold War politics which demanded better relations with Japan and thus fairer treatment of Japanese living in the United States. The Oregonian editorials reflected the shift in public opinion throughout the country in favor of lifting the racial bar to citizenship. Japanese Americans in Oregon were active in the campaign to change U.S. naturalization law. The issue was more important to the Japanese American community than it was to the Oregonian editorial board by then, as other Cold War events took precedence on the front and op-ed pages of the newspaper.

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Stuckert, Donna. "Coverage of George Bush in three newsmagazines : a content analysis." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834126.

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This thesis examined all references to George Bush in Time, U.S. News and World Report and Newsweek in the time periods before and after the 1988 Republican National Convention in order to determine if there was a difference in how these newsmagazines portrayed Bush in these time periods. The hypothesis of this study: George Bush was portrayed more positively in the total coverage of these newsmagazines after the convention than he was portrayed prior to the convention.In order to determine this, a coder chose news stories from before and after the convention from the newsmagazines if they dealt primarily with the man George Bush or the campaign in general.All references to Bush were highlighted in the articles along with all statements made by Bush. Then, sources of these sentences with these references were determined and placed into one of three categories: newsmagazine, Bush or "Other." Coders were asked to evaluate the references to Bush as to whether the references placed Bush in a positive light, negative light or did not reflect him positively or negatively, neutral.The findings of this study show there was no apparent difference in the coverage of Bush between the time periods. The hypothesis was not supported. Additionally, the overall coverage of Bush was neutral and the newsmagazines were the source of the largest amount of references.
Department of Journalism
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26

Ghadrshenass, Delavar. "Dispute Resolution Studies in the Institutions of Higher Learning: an Initial Investigative Study of Professors' Attitudes." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331245/.

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Conflict is present in all human relationships and societies. Throughout history, fighting has been more notable than peacemaking. Only recently have conflict resolution studies entered the mainstream of academia. Since peace is no longer an option, but a necessity, educators must become actively engaged in promoting the importance of peacemaking skills among their students. In 1986, the National Institute for Dispute Resolution funded a study of conflict resolution in higher education. Results disclosed a proliferation of courses but little about their quality. The present study evaluates the status of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in the curricula of three major universities in North Texas and compares it with results from four other universities which were reported to have the heaviest concentration of ADR courses. A questionnaire was constructed to collect data in the following areas: place, significance of ADR in contemporary curricula, important factors determining attitudes toward ADR, and expectations/aspirations of faculty concerning teaching of ADR. Using a Likert scale, attitudes toward ADR were measured through regression analysis. Four of seven independent variables (age, sex, political orientation, and ADR training) were significant at jd = .05. Forty ADR-related courses were identified in seven universities. The concentration of ADR courses was management (35%), law (28%), sociology (23%), business (8%), and political science (8%). No courses were identified by anthropology departments. Results also reveal that the older, liberal, female, and ADR-ski lied individuals exhibit more favorable attitudes towards ADR. The study concludes that (a) concentrated efforts should be increased to teach and train educators in ADR, (b) mediation centers should be created on university campuses, and (c) an ADR communications network and data bank should be established among universities in order to allow faculty, students, practitioners, and administrators to share information. A partial list of organizations involved in peace issues and resources for establishment of campus and community-based peace mediation centers are also provided.
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Ousley, Christopher Allen 1969. "Open records in Arizona: How much information is too much?" Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291957.

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This thesis examines conflicts concerning public access to government records. By examining the beginning, evolution and current state of public records access in America, and specifically in Arizona, this thesis explores the question, "How much access to personal information contained in government records is too much?" It is my thesis that American democracy cannot survive without open government records. Open government records, including voter records, educational records, motor vehicle records, property tax records and real estate records, allow citizens to keep informed concerning government matters and to oversee the conduct of government employees and elected officials. American democracy is based upon this oversight by citizens. Without public access to government records, the principles of democracy would be undermined and freedoms eroded. This thesis concludes that the citizen's right to know, though not a constitutional right, is a right that Americans must protect to ensure a strong democracy.
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Grunder, Sarah Lucinda. "The spectacle of citizenship: Halftones, print media, and constructing Americanness, 1880--1940." W&M ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623342.

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Advances in photography and conceptions of national identity proceeded side by side during the nineteenth century. The introduction of halftone reproductions marks the beginning of an information revolution and is an important moment not only in media history, but in studies of nineteenth and twentieth century cultural history and studies of national identity. Visual representation of differences between people and places was one means by which people identified and validated Americans' belonging because photographs were infused with authority: they seemed to be truthful, to provide infallible evidence of events and of people. as the nineteenth century gave way to the twentieth, and technological advances made the halftone process quick and inexpensive, men and women of the Gilded Age, Progressive Era, Jazz Age, and the Great Depression used photographs for visual storytelling in the pages of newspapers, books, journals, and magazines. Editors embraced the seeming realism of photography in their publications; halftones in print helped Americans see each other in new ways and themselves for the first time on a regular, mass-circulating basis.;"The Spectacle of Citizenship" examines how three publications and their strong-willed editors used halftones to display and distribute their views of nationhood and belonging in a period when the United States was undergoing significant changes as a consequence of industrialization, immigration, urbanization, and international military and economic crisis. Paul Kellogg, editor of "Charities and the Commons," and his brood of social justice progressives used halftones to display and include/exclude immigrants, racial minorities, and workers belying reform-minded middle class Americans claims of sympathy, understanding, and acceptance and instead riddling the journal with images that construct a sense of belonging for white, middle class Americans by explicitly identifying who did and did not belong. Joseph Medill Patterson, blue-blooded founder the "Daily News," took a British idea for photograph-based newspapers aimed at the working class and reinvented it as the nation's first tabloid. The newspaper captured Jazz Age New York City with splashy photographs emphasizing crime, scandal, celebrity, politics, and world events and invented a vision of America rooted in popular culture, patriotism, and American "values". Patterson's newspaper reinforced the hegemony of white, upper and middle class Americans, but it did so with an acceptance of rapidly changing social and cultural values in the country and the recognition of the importance of the urban working class population. C.K. McClatchy, long-time editor and publisher of the "Sacramento Bee," used photographs to reinforce the suffering and make morally-loaded pleas for federal help during the Great Depression, to demonstrate the success of New Deal Programs, and to recast almost all Californians, regardless of their origin, as representative of America and Americans. Yet McClatchy s inclusive vision was problematic: he remained fervently anticommunist; he continued to believe Asian Americans, particularly Japanese Americas, could not be assimilated; and he virtually ignored the plight of Mexican Americans in the pages of the "Sacramento Bee" during the Great Depression, despite the fact that they were a significant part of the state's population.;"The Spectacle of Citizenship" is a study of the interplay of technology, society, and culture that offers a new understanding of how notions of national identity were understood, produced, and disseminated and consumed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This study analyzes the importance innovative editors placed on visual representations while at the same time demonstrating the necessity of contemporary scholars' understanding those images.
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Ystebo, Derek. "Our Sister Republic: Creating Mexico in the Minds of the American Public and the Role of the Press." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/26540.

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During the Mexican War, Americans radically transformed their ideas about Mexicans and Mexican-Americans. The Mexican War offered itself up as the first of such interactions between the neighboring republics. The Mexican during the War was met largely with criticism from the American public, a criticism aided by the work of the press. While a vast majority of the presses disparaged the Mexican populace on a variety of subjects, not all papers denigrated the Mexicans as some inferior population in need of assistance from the United States in order to survive and reach a proper level of civilization. Papers such as the Catholic and abolitionist presses sought to portray the Mexican in a more positive light. Analysis of these spheres of influence of the various presses offers up a genesis of the Mexican within the American imagination.
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Pelser, Waldimar. "September 11, 2001 : framing the attacks in America's press." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53051.

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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 2001 constituted a singular media event. On the front pages of America's newspapers and in its pre-eminent news magazines unfolded, in the immediate wake of the blitz, a portrayal that uncontroversially legitimised claims to American innocence, fomented moral certitude through parallels with previous wars and anticipated retaliation that would soon enough engulf Afghanistan. Showing, first, that accounts of reality are always social constructions, the "framing" of September 11 in America's press will be evaluated with reference to 122 newspaper front pages, most from September 12, some from the day of the attacks, and two American news magazines. The emergence of a discourse of war will be considered, as well as the perpetuation within and without of the press of dominant views on America's role in the conflict. The extent to which this "popular frame" selectively excluded inconvenient truths is illustrated in critiques of john Pilger and Noam Chomsky, and an assessment of the politics of defining "terror". The analysis is placed within the normative framework of orthodox joumalism ethics, particularly the values of impartiality and objectivity, concluding that, in democracy, a responsible media better serves the public interest through sustained criticism than compliant patriotism.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvalle op New York en Washington op 11 September 2001 was 'n uitsonderlike mediagebeurtenis. Direk daarna het 'n uitbeelding op die voorblaaie van Amerika se koerante en in twee voorste nuustydskrifte ontvou wat aansprake op Amerikaanse onskuld sonder omhaal sou legitimeer, parallelle met vorige oorloë in die diens van morele daadkragtigheid sou oproep, en wraakaanvalle sou antisipeer wat kort daarna in Afghanistan sou woed. Met as vertrekpunt die argument dat enige weergawe van realiteit 'n sosiale konstruksie is, word die uitbeelding ("framing") van die aanvalle in die Amerikaanse pers op 122 koerantvoorblaaie, hoofsaaklik van 12 September maar insluitend enkeles van die aanvalsdag self, en in twee Amerikaanse nuustydskrifte hier geevalueer. Die ontluiking van 'n oorlogsdiskoers word bekyk, asook die voortsetting binne en buite die media van heersende sienings oor Amerika se rol in die konflik. Die mate waarin hierdie "populêre omraming" ("framing") ongemaklike waarhede selektief uitgesluit het, word aangetoon in critiques van John Pilger en Noam Chomsky, en 'n oorweging van die politiek agter 'n definisie van "terreur". Die analise voltrek in die normatiewe raamwerk van joernalistieke etiek, veral die waardes van onpartydigheid en objektiviteit, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, in demokrasie, 'n verantwoordelike media die openbare belang beter dien deur volgehou kritiek as deur onderdanige patriotisme.
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31

Bostic, Jordan. "No Title IX in Journalism: An Analysis of Subject Gender in Newspaper Sports Columns." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12086/.

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The purpose of this study is to examine gender bias in sports media from the perspective of the sports columnist. The research analyzed 1,082 sports columns written by ten columnists (five male, five female) at newspapers across the United States. The columns were scrutinized to determine if the column subject was male or female. Results found that 84.4% of the sports columns were written about male athletes or men's sports compared to only 9% devoted to female athletes and women's sports. The research also found that female sports columnists write about female sports 12.7% of the time, while male sports columns only dedicate 6% of their columns to female athletes or women's sports. Newspapers with a larger circulation were more likely to have sports columns about female sports than were newspapers with smaller readerships. Six of the columnists were then interviewed to get their opinions on gender issues in sports journalism.
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32

Starck, Nigel, and nigel starck@unisa edu au. "Writes of Passage: a comparative study of newspaper obituary practice in Australia, Britain and the United States." Flinders University. Humanities, 2004. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20051205.171130.

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Australian newspapers in recent years have increased significantly the column space devoted to obituaries. The Sydney Morning Herald, the Australian, the Age, the West Australian, the Herald Sun, the Canberra Times, the Advertiser, and the Courier-Mail now publish them in dedicated sections, often allocating an entire page to the obituary art. Their popularity in Australia follows a pattern established during the 1980s in Britain and the United States. Australian practice has been influenced in particular by developments in British journalism, which has seen a phenomenon described by the Wall Street Journal as ‘an odd revival…the rebirth of long newspaper obituaries’.† In its first incarnation, the obituary can be traced to the newsbooks of England which appeared in the 1660s, during the Restoration. It flowered in the 18th century, in the first daily newspapers and magazines; it grew luxuriant, and sometimes ornate, in the 19th century; it became unfashionable and fell into some general neglect in the 20th. Then, with the appointment of reformist editors and, particularly in Britain, the publication of bigger newspapers by an industry no longer subjected to labour restraint, the obituary itself experienced restoration. Though the momentum of renewed practice has been of mutual rapidity on three continents, there are some significant variations in its application. The American product generally favours a style faithful to news-writing principles so far as timing and content are concerned and is frequently expansive when relating the details of surviving family and funeral arrangements. In Britain, the emphasis is more on creative composition and a recitation of anecdotes, with less of a sense of urgency about news value and a consequent accent on character sketch. Both models, in recent years, have displayed a propensity for explicit appraisal and an increasing willingness to publish obituaries of those who have undermined, rather than adorned, society. Newspapers in Australia, while adopting the obituary with apparent fervour, have found their delivery of the product restrained by a lack of resources. Obituary desks in this country are staffed by a solitary journalist-editor. This has resulted in a reliance, often to an unhealthy degree, on contributions by readers. The tone of this material, with its intimacy of address and excess in sentiment, sits uneasily when appearing on the same page as obituaries syndicated from overseas sources. Contemporary obituary publication in the United States has been subjected to some scholarly analysis in terms of gender balance, identification of cause of death, and the demographic mix of its subject selection. This thesis, by means of a six-month content analysis, addresses such questions for the first time in an Australian context. In addition, it examines issues of style, origin and authorship. It finds that cause of death is identified much less than is the case in American obituary practice, that women are significantly under-represented, and that editing is sometimes haphazard. Nevertheless, the accumulated body of evidence points resolutely to a remarkable reinvigoration of practice in Australia’s daily newspapers. The thesis, by discussing the views of specialists in the field of obituary publication, pursues mechanisms for sustaining the momentum and for improving the product.
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33

Gordon, Ken. "A content analysis of newspapers in twelve states to determine print media bias in reporting on pesticide issues in 1995." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033640.

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A content analysis of 36 newspapers in 12 states were examined to determine if balanced reporting of pesticide and water issues existed in 1995. There were two hypotheses explored in this study: One, that journalists tend to bias their reporting of pesticide and water issues by using more mentions from environmental groups than other sources; and two, that journalists tend to bias their reporting by using more negative terminology than positive terminology when reporting on pesticide and water issues.An on-line search using the Lexis-Nexis newspaper database produced 302 usable articles for this study. The number of mentions of environmental groups, government agencies and agri-industry officials were listed in coding sheets. Also, negative versus positive terminology was coded.A chi-square analysis of coded data derived from the selected articles demonstrated that journalists use a balance of sources when reporting on pesticide and water issues. However the analysis also shows that journalists frequently use more negative terminology, such as "toxic," or "contaminated," than positive when writing about pesticide and water issues.Recommendations at the end of this study are made to help reporters understand more thoroughly the definitions of some of the terminology they use in writing about pesticide and water issues.
Department of Journalism
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34

Schroeder, Monica Denney. "Women's sports coverage and female sportswriters : a content analysis of the sports sections of six Indiana newspapers." Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917020.

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The impact of a female sportswriter's presence on a newspaper staff was examined by content analysis, studying photo and copy space devoted to both male and female sports coverage. Composite weeks, one each from each quarter of the year following the woman's date of hire were selected from the only four newspapers in the state of Indiana hiring female sportswriters. Compared to similar Indiana newspapers without female sportswriters, those with female staffers were found to devote more copy and photo space to women's coverage in the entire sports section, and on the sports section front page, papers with female sportswriters used more photos of women and devoted more total space (photos and copy) to women's sports coverage. The effect was consistent regardless of the newspaper's market size.
Department of Journalism
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35

Gilbert, Phyllis Winder. "An examination of the newspaper newsroom staff as a discourse community." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1032.

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36

Chala, Endalkachew. "Diaspora Media, Local Politics: Journalism and the Politics of Homeland among the Ethiopian Opposition in the United States." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24228.

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The relentless political pressure the Ethiopian government put on Ethiopian journalists, political dissidents and opposition activists drove hundreds of them out of their country. However, after leaving their country, the journalists and the opposition activists remain engaged in the politics of their country of origin through the media outlets they establish in diaspora. Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and Oromia Media Network (OMN) are two media platforms that have emerged in the United States under such conditions. This dissertation chronicles the rise of ESAT and OMN and their far reaching political influence in Ethiopia. Using mixed method research, it provides their detailed profiles that range from their inception, to their impact on the Ethiopian public sphere and the Ethiopian government’s response to them, to their reporting of political events in Ethiopia. This research makes the case that ESAT and OMN, through the instrumentality of a transnational public sphere have altered the Ethiopian political dynamics during the last five years. Particularly, ESAT and OMN use Facebook and Twitter as a backbone to gather information and foster relationships with news sources inside Ethiopia; they also transmit uncensored information back to Ethiopia via satellite television. In response to their communication activities, the Ethiopian government seeks to undermine the links that ESAT and OMN have in the country by routinely blocking the internet, requesting Facebook and Twitter to take down their content and jamming their satellite transmissions. The Ethiopian government also responds to the reporting of ESAT and OMN by changing its policy positions on domestic political issues. This illustrates that Ethiopian political exiles remain key players of Ethiopian political dynamics in ways that thoroughly exemplify trans-local reciprocity. It also shows that ESAT and OMN might very well be a prototype of a diaspora community media that keeps grievances alive and magnifies ideological differences they brought with them to the United States.
2021-01-11
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37

Zelaski, Edward O. "The State of American Media: Media Conglomeration in the United States and What Can Be Done to Fix the Media." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1275599442.

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38

Bard, Dario. "A comparison of the coverage of the use/preservation debate in the Courier and the National parks magazines during 1979 and 1987 to determine the influence of democratic and republican administration on editorial content." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1020182.

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This study is a content analysis examining coverage of the use/preservation debate in the National Park Service's internal magazine (Courier) and in the magazine (National Parks) of the National Parks and Conservation Association (an environmental lobbying group). The premise of this study is that under a Democratic, as opposed to a Republican, President, the Courier's coverage of the debate will have a similar level of pro-preservation/anti-use spin as the National Parks.A chi-square analysis of coded data derived from selected articles from the January to October 1979 and 1987 issues of the magazines demonstrated that although both magazines were predominantly neutral, National Parks had a significantly greater amount of propreservation/anti-use spin in both 1979 and 1987. The researcher suggested that the Courier's consistently neutral coverage was a condition of the NPS's role as compromiser in the use/preservation debate.
Department of Journalism
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39

Michaud, Wild Nickie. "Political criticism and the power of satire| The transformation of "late-night" comedy on television in the United States, 1980-2008." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3671783.

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How has political comedy on television in the United States changed over time? Earlier examples of political comedy on television were shows like Saturday Night Live and various late night talk shows, which focused primarily on political or personal scandals or personal characteristics, rather than policies or substantive issues. In other arenas of television and the public sphere in general, there was serious criticism of scandals, but not in political comedy. Shows that attempted to criticize politicians or serious public issues using satire, irony, or invective such as The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour, were routinely censored by network executives. With the advent of cable, and the failures of traditional mainstream journalism after 9/11, a change occurred. The Daily Show with Jon Stewart almost immediately adopted a critical stance on the Bush administration that was widely discussed in "serious" public sphere outlets such as CNN, the New York Times and the Washington Post. This form of "critical comedy" has proved popular. This project examines commentary about such programs in the journalistic sphere from each presidential election cycle from 1980-2008. This includes data from newspapers as well as television news sources. Additionally, I conduct content analysis of sets of Saturday Night Live, The Colbert Report, and The Daily Show from each time period, if the show was being produced. I show that political comedy is increasingly influential in public sphere discussions of presidential politics.

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40

Gephardt, Dennis Marklin. "American Newsreels of the 1930s." W&M ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626183.

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41

Trivedi, Nirmal H. "Witnessing Empire: U.S. Imperialism and the Emergence of the War Correspondent." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/665.

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Thesis advisor: Christopher P. Wilson
Witnessing Empire is a cultural history of the American war correspondent. I trace the figure through various points of crisis in the making of U.S. sovereignty including the U.S.-Mexico War, the Civil War, and the Spanish-American War. Locating correspondents like Herman Melville, Richard Harding Davis, and Stephen Crane in what Mary Louise Pratt terms "contact zones"--areas of cross-cultural exchange and contest--I show in this interdisciplinary work how the figure emerged through confronting U.S. state power with "on the spot" visual and textual witness accounts of the violence entailed by that power in a period of territorial expansion across the hemisphere, mass media development, and renewed aesthetic challenges to representing war. Revising critical appraisals of U.S. empire, including those of Amy Kaplan, that argue that the war correspondent is simply an apologist for U.S. imperialism through a facile use of romance, realism, spectacle, and sensationalism, I argue that the figure carves out a unique vision via such familiar conventions to unveil the contradictions of U.S. imperialism--particularly, its reliance on a narrative of liberation and protection through conquest. The dissertation thus unveils the correspondent as ambivalent towards this narrative as his witnessed accounts reveal subjects less protected, than abandoned by the state. I argue that through exposing the violence of this abandonment, the correspondent develops a new literary convention that exposes the consequences of modern war. In Chapter 1, I historically situate war correspondence as an emergent form, comparing the writings of the New Orleans-based Picayune war correspondent George Wilkins Kendall, composed on the eve of the U.S.-Mexico War, with Herman Melville's Typee. An unorthodox travel narrative, Typee can be more effectively read as an inaugural work of war correspondence in its challenging of "race war" as a discourse employed to cement state power in the contact zone. Chapter 2 takes up the "on the spot" pencil line drawings of the Civil War "special artists." Comparing these artists' works with the published engravings in the newspapers at the time and the illustrated histories at the turn-of-the-century, I address the visual rhetoric by which war correspondents depicted the crisis of sovereignty entailed by the Civil War. The second half of the dissertation illustrates the emergence of war correspondence as a unique aesthetic form. Chapter 3 looks at how Richard Harding Davis crafts war correspondence as a critique of U.S. imperialism's spectacle-oriented "anti-imperialist" liberation narrative by opposing the production of an "imperial news apparatus" at the turn-of-the-century with the advent of the Spanish-American War. In Chapter 4, I show how Stephen Crane, like Davis, was inspired by the anti-statism and transnationalism of the antebellum filibuster. From his initial experiments in Red Badge of Courage, Crane was focused on the subjectivity of the witness in his correspondence and fiction, ultimately allegorizing the violence of U.S. imperial power and its abandonment of citizens and non-citizens alike in war zone
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: English
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42

Knight, Jan E. "Building an Environmental Agenda: A Content and Frame Analysis of News about the Environment in the United States, 1890 to 1960." Ohio : Ohio University, 2010. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1268687765.

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43

Thurwanger, Michael L. "Comparative research into credibility attributed to uniformed versus non-uniformed defense sources." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1033638.

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The U.S. Department of Defense employs both uniformed military personnel and non-uniformed civilian employees as information sources. The objectives of this study was to determine whether students, acting in the role of journalists, attributed greater credibility to uniformed or non-uniformed spokespersons and whether a difference in attribution could be measured when the topic being briefed was more specifically related to the military mission.Seventy undergraduate journalism students were randomly assigned to four groups and exposed to one of four videotaped press briefings. Two briefings announced the outbreak of hostilities involving U.S. forces or award of a major construction contract. Each of the announcements was delivered by a uniformed military public affairs officer or by a spokesperson in civilian business suit.Following the briefings, students evaluated the source using semantic differentials first developed by Berlo, Lemert and Mertz (1969) and prepared questions exactly as they would ask them following the spokesperson's prepared statement. The semantic differentials were analyzed using ANOVA. The follow-on questions were coded using methodology similar to that used by Einsiedel (1974) and evaluated using the "Coefficient of Imbalance" proposed by Janis and Fadner (1949). This second method was employed to determine whether data obtained and analyzed using the Coefficient of Imbalance would validate results obtained through the use of more traditional semantic differentials.Neither method resulted in findings which would suggest a statistically significant difference in the credibility attributed to the defense source by the student-journalists in any of the four treatments.
Department of Journalism
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44

Carroll, Frederick James. "Race News: How Black Reporters and Readers Shaped the Fight for Racial Justice, 1877--1978." W&M ScholarWorks, 2012. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623352.

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Between 1877 and 1978, black reporters, publishers, and readers engaged in a never-ending and ever-shifting protest against American racism. Journalists' militancy oscillated as successive generations of civil rights activists defined anew their relationship with racism and debated the relevance of black radicalism in the fight for racial justice. Journalists achieved their greatest influence when their political perspectives aligned with the views of their employers and readers. Frequent disputes, though, erupted over the scope and meaning of racial justice within the process of reporting the news, compelling some writers to start alternative publications that challenged the assimilationist politics promoted by profit-minded publishers and middle-class community leaders.;This national network of news by, about, and for African Americans emerged in the late nineteenth century as the editor-proprietors of small, but widely circulated, newspapers defended the freedoms and rights gained during Reconstruction. In the early twentieth century, editors and publishers rushed to establish new publications aimed at African Americans leaving the southern countryside for urban industrial employment. Particularly in the North, many editors adopted militant editorial policies to win the loyalty of readers who might otherwise buy competing publications. During the interwar years, reporters and readers infused black journalism with an unprecedented racial militancy and political progressiveness by endorsing the politics and sensibilities of Harlem's radical orator-editors, New Negro authors and artists, and Popular Front activists. This style of racial advocacy extended beyond the restoration of civil rights as writers condemned Western colonialism, criticized American capitalism, and explored black separatism. During World War II, journalists' progressive outlook propelled black newspapers to their peak popularity and national influence.;By the early 1950s, the ascendancy of anticommunism moved publishers to jettison writers associated with the politics of anti-colonialism, anti-capitalism, and black separatism. They were replaced by younger journalists who accepted the narrower mission of fighting for domestic civil rights. In the 1960s, African Americans infuriated by the slow pace of desegregation accused commercial publishers of being too ready to compromise their militancy. Radical writers and editors tapped into this frustration by creating an alternative press that defined and debated the merits of Black Power. In the 1970s, journalists began to broaden the reach of black journalism by fighting to integrate white newsrooms. They ultimately transformed, albeit fitfully, how mainstream media covered and portrayed African Americans and other minority groups.;This dissertation complicates and challenges the historiography of black journalism. It supplants scholarship that depicts press protest as unchanging and driven by publishers by arguing journalistic agitation was continually reconceived by journalists and readers. It broadens the definition of who was a journalist by foregoing a narrow focus on the "black press" for a more inclusive examination of "black print culture." It characterizes black radicals and their publications as integral, not marginal, in shaping commercial black journalism. It argues the tenets of black journalism, while diluted, gained greater salience as black journalists integrated white-owned media.
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45

Biedermann, Richard Scott. "An analysis of the news media's construction of protest groups." Scholarly Commons, 2005. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/620.

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This study examines the news media's construction of protests. Previous research has found that the news media demonizes and marginalizes protests. Protesters are framed in a highly negative fashion and primarily categorized as "violent." This study employed focus groups, agenda setting and framing theories to analyze this phenomenon. Previous research has been primarily quantitative in nature and thus qualitative research will provide a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. This study supports the findings of prior research but offers new insights. The implications of this study suggests that the news media can influence what people think about and how they think about it. Additionally, the news media frame protesters in a negative manner. Protesters are framed as violent and deviant. This negative framing both helps and hurts the protesters' cause. Lastly, this study found the news media to maintain the status quo in this society
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46

Roy, Enakshi. "Social Media, Censorship and Securitization in the United States and India." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1501849533632077.

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47

Higgins-Dobney, Carey Lynne. "News Work: the Impact of Corporate Newsroom Culture on News Workers & Community Reporting." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4410.

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By virtue of their broadcast licenses, local television stations in the United States are bound to serve in the public interest of their community audiences. As federal regulations of those stations loosen and fewer owners increase their holdings across the country, however, local community needs are subjugated by corporate fiduciary responsibilities. Business practices reveal rampant consolidation of ownership, newsroom job description convergence, skilled human labor replaced by computer automation, and economically-driven downsizings, all in the name of profit. Even so, the people laboring under these conditions are expected to keep their communities informed with democracy- and citizenship-enhancing information. This study uses a critical political economy framework to focus on the labor aspects of working in commercially-run local television newsrooms in the United States. Surveys and interviews with news workers from the 25 largest local television markets highlight the daily challenges of navigating the dichotomy of labor in the space between corporate profiteering and public enlightenment. In addition to their more well-known and well-studied on-air reporter and anchor peers, "behind the scenes" workers and those with newly converged job descriptions also share their news work stories, thus filling a gap in the literature. Corporate capital incentives affect all who gather and disseminate the news. While all of these workers generally strive for high journalistic quality, the pressures of increased workloads and constant deadlines imposed by shrinking news staffs and growing digital media expectations mean journalists have to make craft work compromises in the race to report news faster and first. Owners push experienced news veterans with deep community connections out in favor of younger, cheaper, more tech-savvy workers. Financially beneficial content trumps deep policy investigations. These outcomes not only worry those in the journalistic trenches of local television news, but also potentially deprive the public of the information they seek from these outlets. As local television newsrooms remain the most popular sources of information for Americans, particularly in times of crisis, such outcomes are not in the community's best interest.
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48

Li, Xiu. "A Framing Comparison of the United States and Hong Kong: Individualism and Collectivism in the Coverage of the Newtown Mass Shooting." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399387248.

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49

Habel, Philip D. "The dynamics of democracy : politicians, people, and the press /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3242858.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4320. Adviser: James H. Kuklinski. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-155) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.
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50

Begovich, Raymond S. "Planning and implementing writing coach programs at small newspapers." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/861394.

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The purpose of this study was to identify and describe elements that may influence the effective planning and implementation of writing coach programs at small newspapers.Writing coaching at newspapers is becoming increasingly popular as a way to improve the writing abilities of reporters, to improve newsroom morale, to improve the relationship between reporters and editors, and to better serve newspaper readers. This study examined newspaper writing coach programs from an adult and continuing education program planning perspective.This study was qualitative, and was not intended to be generalized to any population. It was intended to provide information that may help the management and staff at small newspapers plan and implement writing coach programs effectively.Two techniques were used to obtain information: 1) telephone interviews with writing coaches, and 2) mini case study site visits to top editors at small newspapers.Ten writing coaches, located throughout the United States, were interviewed by telephone. The coaches selected for interviews were recommended by their peers as being among the most effective coaches in the country. Domain and taxonomic analyses were conducted of the interview transcripts. The study resulted in information relevant to eight areas related to planning and implementing newspaper writing coach programs: benefits, reasons, barriers, budgets, organizational climate, strengths and weaknesses, structure, and evaluation.Site visits were made to seven small newspapers. Before the visits, the top editors at the seven papers were sent a summary of the information gathered in the writing coach interviews. The editors were asked to react to the interview summary and to share their thoughts on planning and implementing writing coach programs at their newspapers. The site visits resulted in seven mini case studies, each containing a narrative section and a conclusions section.Following the interviews and site visits, a general model was recommended for planning and implementing effective writing coach programs at small newspapers. The Coaching Way of Life Model describes assumptions upon which a coaching program should be based, and describes the role of a coaching facilitator at a small newspaper.
Department of Educational Leadership
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