Academic literature on the topic 'Invisibility Formula'

Fluorescent nitrogen-doped carbon dots (N-CDs) with excellent stability were prepared via single-step hydrothermal carbonization of citric acid (CA) and ethylenediamine (EDA). The as-prepared N-CDs emit blue fluorescence under the excitation of 365[Formula: see text]nm and have a size distribution of 2.80 ± 0.47[Formula: see text]nm with benign size effect. The structure and morphology were further characterized by X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) and Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy. It was found that the surface of the N-CDs was successfully functionalized, which presented water solubility and chelation with Fe3+. XRD results display a diffraction peak at 23.9°C, which corresponds to the (002) interlayer spacing of a graphitic structure revealing an amorphous carbon phase. Furthermore, due to good sensitivity, N-CDs were used as probes for Fe3+ detection. The low limit of detection of 0.6[Formula: see text]μM as a fluorescence probe was successfully obtained based on the linear relationship between ([Formula: see text] and concentration of Fe3+ ions. Besides the satisfactory fluorescence, PVA/N-CDs membranes and fluorescent inks demonstrate potential for anti-counterfeiting applications due to its characteristic flexibility, transparency, removability and invisibility under ambient lighting.

ABSTRACT In this article, the fiscal system is analyzed critically from the point of view of women as fulltime housewives and mothers. Different personal exemptions and rules of transferability are showned to intensify the economic dependency of housewives and the economic invisibility of their domestic labour. Contrary to accepted opinion, there does not exist any automatic or universal formula for the sharing of income between spouses. In addition, for mothers, in the labour force or not, the costs of providing care for young children in time or money are supported mainly by the women themselves. The author examines different propositions for reform and wishes to restimulate the debate.

In this article, we study statistical attractors of skew products which have an m-dimensional compact manifold M as a fiber and their ε-invisible subsets. For any n ≥ 100 m2, m = dim (M), we construct a set [Formula: see text] in the space of skew products over the horseshoe with the fiber M having the following properties. Each C2-skew product from [Formula: see text] possesses a statistical attractor with an ε-invisible part, for an extraordinary value of ε (ε = (m + 1)-n), whose size of invisibility is comparable to that of the whole attractor, and the Lipschitz constants of the map and its inverse are no longer than L. The set [Formula: see text] is a ball of radius O(n-3) in the space of skew products over the horseshoe with the C1-metric. In particular, small perturbations of these skew products in the space of all diffeomorphisms still have attractors with the same properties. Moreover, for skew products which have an m-sphere as a fiber, it consists of structurally stable skew products. Our construction develops the example of [Ilyashenko & Negut, 2010] to skew products which have an m-dimensional compact manifold as a fiber, m ≥ 2.

Let [Formula: see text] be a topological space admitting an amenable cover of multiplicity [Formula: see text]. We show that, for every [Formula: see text] and every [Formula: see text], the image of [Formula: see text] in the [Formula: see text]-homology module [Formula: see text] vanishes. This strengthens previous results by Gromov and Ivanov, who proved, under the same assumptions, that the [Formula: see text]-seminorm of [Formula: see text] vanishes.

Critics are always trying to catch up with the phenomena they analyse, and critics of celebrity culture are no different. For most of its history, the celebrity apparatus has had a vested interest in staying invisible. So long as it remained illegible to cultural analysis, it could claim to be simply a transparent medium for exhibiting star quality. The celebrity’s public profile could appear to be the well-earned result of talent and determination, or the seemingly magical crystallization of his or her personality. But recently, some of the mechanics of celebrity culture have gained their own prominence. This hypertrophic state produces new cultural mutations and opens new possibilities for critique. Celebrity culture has a long history of structuring the production, distribution and reception of texts around the mystique of a particularly fascinating individual (Braudy). While apparently revealing the deep selfhood of a famous person to a mass audience, the cultural apparatus of celebrity concealed the industrial conditions in which its texts were produced. The hagiographic writings of journalists and biographers, meanwhile, focussed on the unique qualities of celebrated individuals and thus functioned as an adjunct to the apparatus. Recently, an academic critique of celebrity has emerged, which strategically brackets the experience of the individual in order to focus on the phenomenon’s cultural scaffolding. P. David Marshall theorised celebrity’s place in the circulation of power, Joshua Gamson used audience interviews to broaden our understanding of how it is consumed, and Tyler Cowen analysed its effect on the economy. Richard Dyer, Joe Moran and Charles L. Ponce de Leon considered celebrity’s place in film, literature and journalism respectively. And critics such as Carl Freedman, David Shumway and Sharon O’Dair observed its incursions into politics and the academy. These studies made it possible to think critically about the mechanisms that celebrity culture had traditionally kept hidden. But I contend that celebrity culture has changed the way it operates, reflexively revealing some of its mechanisms. The structure of the apparatus is becoming as much an object of fascination as the individuals it promotes. An organic structure becomes hypertrophic when it grows in such an exaggerated way that its function in the organism or ecosystem is affected. Hypertrophic celebrity now requires cultural critics to develop new kinds of insight and sophistication. Hypertrophic celebrity culture has seen the rise of several formats for interactive cross-platform content; they include Pop Idol, Pop Stars, Fame Academy and Big Brother. Generically related to “reality TV” – whose affinities with surveillance and social control have been remarked by Andrejevic, Grindstaff and Johnson, among others – these formats also have wider significance for celebrity culture. Whilst they remain primarily broadcast television programmes, their makers are keen to maximise the possibility of interacting with them via digital TV, the Internet, email, WAP, PDAs, SMS and the telephone. Moreover, they thrive on the free publicity provided by talk shows, magazines and so on. This platform-hopping exploits an important characteristic of celebrity culture that has not previously been so apparent. Although it appears to be centred on an individual, celebrity culture is in fact radically rhizomatic. It operates as an intertextual network in which texts from several media (film, TV, photography, print) collectively create a public profile that is not, finally, under anyone’s control. The first symptom of this hypertrophy is a shift in how celebrity culture holds our attention. Each new celebrity product has to be dynamically different from what the celebrity has done before, yet also reassuringly familiar. The new work must offer new satisfactions, without detaching itself completely from a winning formula. The “classic” response to this dilemma was to structure a celebrity career around a developmental narrative of subjective growth. This marketing strategy underwrote a key element of bourgeois subjectivity. At the limit, it could lead to the multiple reinventions practised by, for example, Madonna or David Bowie, where the celebrity’s different incarnations appear to be linked by nothing but their own will to self-creation. With nothing else to lend continuity to their protean careers, we fall back on the assumption that it must be the hidden depths of their subjectivity that fascinate us so much. But the new celebrities, like other consumables, come with built-in obsolescence. Rather than developing, they are discarded. Take David Sneddon, winner of the first UK Fame Academy. His first single went straight to the top of the charts in January 2003, but by 2004 he’d quit singing to write songs instead. Or take One True Voice, the boy band constructed by Pop Stars: The Rivals. They split after releasing only two singles. As these examples suggest, what endures now is not the celebrity but the format. Just as postmodern architecture displays the ducts and pipes that make a building function, so hypertrophic celebrity foregrounds the mechanisms that manufacture celebrities. The Idols format, developed in the UK by Fremantle Media, has now reached 100 million viewers around the world. Its marketing rhetoric reveals its inherent contradictions. On one hand, it presents itself as “the televised search for a new national solo pop idol”. On the other it “continues to create major recording artists in all territories in which it airs”. Are these people discovered or created? The producers try to pander to our supposed preference for “organic” artists (The Beatles) over “manufactured” ones (The Monkees), by maintaining that they are seeking out star quality, and exposing performers to a public that can recognise talent when it sees it. But they remain fascinated by the structures that support a celebrity profile, and the Frankenstein-like possibility of creating a celebrity from scratch. Fame Academy, developed by Initial (part of Endemol UK), is even more conflicted about the status of its contestants. On one hand it presents them as hard-working young hopefuls who undertake a “gruelling” schedule in an “Academy” which appears as a parody of an English boarding school. (The press release specifies that they have to sew name-tags into their underwear and go to bed at 11pm.) They compete for a record deal with Polydor, “the UK’s leading record company”. On the other hand the producers recognise that they are not nurturing talent but constructing celebrities. The prize also includes “a show business lifestyle for a year”. The producers are clearly aware that to nurture another modestly successful recording artist is not their aim. Musical success is only one element of a package that comprises a flat, a car, a holiday, a personal stylist and tickets to “VIP events”. Since these undertakings are more concerned with the mechanics of celebrity culture than with any particular individual, it seems fitting that the formats have been far more successful than any of the contestants. The Idols format has been broadcast in 22 territories, from the USA to Kazakhstan; 6.9 million votes were cast in the first season of Fame Academy; and a third season of Pop Stars is planned. Most successful of all, however, has been Big Brother, the format developed by Endemol in the Netherlands, and exported to twenty other countries. While the other formats discussed here remain caught between paradigms of discovery and construction, Big Brother makes no pretence of searching for exceptional or talented individuals. Instead, it explores the idea that anyone can be turned into a celebrity. Exhibit A: Jade Goody. A 21-year-old dental nurse, Jade was a contestant (not the winner) on Big Brother 2 in the UK. During the series, she appeared on the front page of tabloid newspapers eighty-seven times. She went on to appear on the cover of the highest-selling issue of Heat magazine (547,000 copies), to feature in her own documentary (What Jade Did Next), to release two diet and exercise videos and to return to reality TV in Celebrity Wife Swap. Since Jade’s selling point is her entertaining ignorance, the publicists had some difficulty describing her, relying on the vague tautology “irrepressible and unstoppable”. Daniel Boorstin’s classic definition of the celebrity as someone who is “famous for being famous” does not begin to describe Jade. She is famous for having been made famous. She is the product of our new fascination with the mechanisms that make celebrity function. But while some of the mechanisms that drive that apparatus now appear on the surface, they conceal a further layer of manipulation. Behind the pseudo-democracy of American Idol lies the watertight contract that the contestants were required to sign with 19 Group, founded by Simon Fuller. It owns the rights to the names, voices, likenesses and biographies of the contestants, everywhere and forever. It also has an option on the recording, merchandising and management of the ten finalists. Behind the disembodied voice of Big Brother lies the work of a production team driven to improve audience share, advertiser revenue and viewing figures. And behind them lie the four men who form the Executive Board of Endemol, whose companies turned over 914 million Euros last year. The hypertrophy of celebrity culture leaves us once again trying to catch up. No sooner had academic critics begun to theorise the apparatus of celebrity than it started to spawn new and self-conscious mutations in which the apparatus no longer relied on its own invisibility to do its work. We will need to be light on our feet to keep up with its ongoing metastases. References Andrejevic, Mark. “The Kindler, Gentler Gaze of Big Brother: Reality TV in the Era of Digital Capitalism.” New Media and Society 4.2 (2002): 251-70. Boorstin, Daniel J. The Image, or, What Happened to the American Dream. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961. Braudy, Leo. The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and Its History. New York: Vintage Books, 1997. Cowen, Tyler. What Price Fame? Cambridge MA: Harvard UP, 2000. Dovey, Jon. “Reality TV.” The Television Genre Book. Ed. Glen Creeber. London: British Film Institute, 2001. 134-5, 7. Dyer, Richard. Stars. London: British Film Institute, 1998. Freedman, Carl. “Polemical Afterword: Some Brief Reflections on Arnold Schwarzenegger and on Science Fiction in Contemporary American Culture.” PMLA 119.3 (2004): 539-46. Gamson, Joshua. Claims to Fame: Celebrity in Contemporary America. London: U of California P, 1994. Grindstaff, Laura. “Trashy or Transgressive? ‘Reality TV’ and the Politics of Social Control.” Thresholds: Viewing Culture 9 (1995): 46-55. Johnson, Katie N. “Televising the Panopticon: The Myth of ‘Reality-Based’ TV.” American Drama 8.2 (1999): 1-26. Marshall, P. David. Celebrity and Power: Fame in Contemporary Culture. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997. Moran, Joe. Star Authors: Literary Celebrity in America. London: Pluto Press, 2000. O’Dair, Sharon. “Stars, Tenure and the Death of Ambition.” Michigan Quarterly Review 36.4 (1997): 607-27. O’Dair, Sharon. “Academostars Are the Symptom: What’s the Disease?” Minnesota Review: A Journal of Committed Writing 52-54 (2001): 159-74. Ponce de Leon, Charles L. Self-Exposure: Human Interest Journalism and the Emergence of Celebrity in America, 1890-1940. Chapel Hill and London: U of North Carolina P, 2002. Shumway, David. “The Star System Revisited.” Minnesota Review: A Journal of Committed Writing 52-54 (2001): 175-84. Shumway, David R. “The Star System in Literary Studies.” PMLA 112.1 (1997): 85-100. Links http://www.popidols.tv/theshow.stm – Official Pop Idol site from the UK’s ITV Network. http://www.19.co.uk/site3s.html – 19 Group, who manage the finalists of American Idol. http://www.fremantlemedia.com/page.asp?partid=12 – Fremantle Media, producers of the Idols format. http://www.salon.com/ent/feature/2002/09/18/idol_contract/index.html – Salon.com article revealing details of the contracts Idols contestants were required to sign. http://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/pressreleases/stories/2003/07_july/15/fame_academy2.pdf – Fame Academy Press Pack from the BBC. http://www.bbc.co.uk/pressoffice/pressreleases/stories/2003/07_july/15/fame_academy_series2.shtml – Fame Academy Press Release from the BBC. http://www.tvtome.com/PopstarsTheRivals/ – Unofficial guide to the second season of the Pop Stars format. http://www.endemol.com – Endemol, producers of the Big Brother format. http://www.endemoluk.com – the UK arm of Endemol, parent company to Initial, who produce the Fame Academy format. http://bigbrother.channel4.com/bigbrother/ – Big Brother website from the UK’s Channel Four network. http://backtoreality.gonna.co.uk/celebs/jadegoody.htm – Profile of Jade Goody. http://www.channel4.com/entertainment/tv/microsites/B/bigbrother/news/newsstory00015.html – Press release for What Jade Did Next. http://www.davidsneddon.tv/ – Official David Sneddon Website. http://www.endemoluk.com/initial/ – Initial, “the UK’s leading producer of music entertainment and live event television”, responsible for the Fame Academy format. Part of Endemol UK. http://idolonfox.com/ – Fox TV’s American Idol Website Citation reference for this article MLA Style Mole, Tom. "Hypertrophic Celebrity." M/C Journal 7.5 (2004). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/08-mole.php>. APA Style Mole, T. (Nov. 2004) "Hypertrophic Celebrity," M/C Journal, 7(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0411/08-mole.php>.

The Invisible Man and Jekyll and Hyde movies share many features. One of the more interesting chemical threads is that the Hyde formula and the invisibility drug accumulate more realistic drug-like properties with every adaptation. For instance, in the earliest Jekyll and Hyde films, the effects of the transformative formula are permanent until the antidote is taken or is psychologically triggered. Jump forward to the 1960 version starring Paul Massie, and the injected drug doesn’t cause an immediate transformation and its effect wears off after four days. We can infer that Jekyll spontaneously reverts to Hyde because the compound is metabolized in the bloodstream just like any other drug by a process called pharmacokinetics. Once a drug is in the bloodstream, it must travel to its “site of action,” or receptor, before it can exert its effect. This process is called pharmacodynamics. In the 1960 version of Jekyll and Hyde, for example, the receptors must be skin and hair follicles since the transformation causes the facial hair to disappear, the skin to gain color, and the facial skin to tighten so much that Hyde now smiles. The injected compound is dispersed throughout the circulatory system by the pumping of the heart such that the average concentration of the compound rises to a certain value. When the concentration rises above the pharmacological threshold concentration, enough of it is bound to its targeted receptor that it elicits a physiological response. The invisibility effect wears off after a few hours in The Invisible Woman (1940) and The Invisible Agent (1942). Prior to those versions and in the 2000 version, invisibility was portrayed as being permanent. The two films from the 1940s were produced by Universal Studios, which produced many of the classic horror films of the 1930s, including The Invisible Man (1933). Soon thereafter, when Universal revived their monsters for a B movie titled House of Dracula (1945), the benign physician Dr. Edelman is able to explain each monster’s affliction as the result of a disease that can be cured.

Chapter 3 lays out the main argument of the book, that in the context of the invisibility bargain, a democratic government has a political incentive to prioritize the interests of citizens over migrants (even when formal institutions promise protections), and thus may be an inadequate guarantor of security in migrant-receiving areas. The resulting gaps in formal state protections can increase migrant vulnerability and escalate conflict between migrants and citizens. Governance networks that connect international organizations, nonstate actors and the state can emerge to fill these gaps, adapting innovative forms of governance that complement, substitute, or compete with state authority and security provision. More diverse and dense networks provide a greater number of potential access points through which migrants might gain the resources and protections they need to thrive in the host community. The chapter provides a theoretical framework for understanding how governance networks contribute to host-migrant human security.

The authors’ common reaction to chemistry in the movies is encapsulated in the archetype movies. These are, first and foremost, great movies that present certain facets of chemistry especially well. They were selected from a much larger group of movies by ranking according to four criteria: (1) contemporary (meaning released after 1970), (2) available on VHS or DVD, (3) included women or other underrepresented groups in significant roles, or (4) was especially favored by one or both of the authors. It became clear from the ranking exercise that older films overcame the criterion of not being recent when they were favored by both authors. We felt they represented the archetype for that chapter and merited special attention. The oldest archetype movie is the 1931 Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, making it the book’s de facto archetype and reiterating its importance as the book’s overarching theme. Considered as a whole, the five chapters on the “dark side” show chemists, sociopaths, chemical companies, and pleasure seekers making one-sided decisions that ultimately harm themselves and society. After Jekyll becomes addicted to his Hyde formula, he commits acts of personal terrorism and then murder. Griffin works alone to isolate his invisibility formula because he seeks fame, wealth, and power. Once he knows those things are within his grasp, it drives him mad to the point that he commits mass murder. Dr. Mabuse isn’t a chemist, but he is already insane when he commands his army of thugs to engage in acts of chemical sabotage. He wants to begin a “reign of terror.” Reporter Jason Brady learns that a president knows his chemical company produces a toxin that kills his workers and the children living near the plant. He won’t stop production because it would deprive the community of employment. Finally, television director Paul Groves takes his first LSD trip to get in touch with his feelings. While under the influence, he flees the apartment of a guide who was there to ensure he had a good experience. “Bright side” chemists usually work in teams and rely on other people for critical input—they are engaged with society.

The eleventh section of Daode jing (Tao Te Ching), the foundational text of Taoism, reads: . . . Thirty spokes share a hub; Because [the wheel] is empty, it can be used in a cart. Knead clay to make a vessel. Because it is empty, it can function as a vessel. Carve out doors and windows to make a room. Because they are empty, they make a room usable. Thus we possess things and benefit from them, But it is their emptiness that makes them useful. . . This section has always been appreciated as a supreme piece of rhetoric on the powers of nothingness, a philosophical concept fiercely articulated in the Daode jing. Whereas that may indeed be the author’s intention, the empirical evidence evoked to demonstrate this concept reveals an alternative way of seeing manufactured objects by focusing on their immaterial aspects. This way of looking at things has important implications for archaeological and art historical scholarship on ancient artifacts and architecture precisely because these two disciplines identify themselves with the study of physical remains of the past so firmly that tangibility has become an undisputed condition of academic research in these fields. Archaeologists routinely classify objects from an excavation into categories based on material and then inventory their sizes, shapes, and decoration. Art historians typically start their interpretation of images, objects, and monuments by identifying their formal attributes. Whereas such trained attention to material and formal evidence will surely persist for good reasons, the Daode jing section cautions us of the danger of ignoring the immaterial aspects of man-made forms, which, though eluding conventional typological classification and visual analysis, are nevertheless indispensible to their existence as objects and buildings. The current chapter incorporates this approach into a study of ancient Chinese art and visual culture by arguing that constructed empty spaces on artifacts and structures—holes, vacuums, doors, and windows—possess vital significance to understanding the minds and hands that created them and thus deserve a serious look into their meaning.

This concluding chapter highlights the importance of accessibility in transportation planning. Three logics contend for status as transportation planning's conceptual core: mobility, vehicle-kilometers-traveled (VKT) reduction, and accessibility. The transportation-planning field began in the first half of the twentieth century with a mobility orientation. By the end of the century, many planners and researchers had shifted to VKT reductions as the implicit lodestone of progressive action in transportation and land use, a goal that, by the twenty-first century, made its way into some formal policies—though the mobility paradigm remained dominant overall. This book argues for a logic distinct from both of these: an accessibility shift to align transportation and land-use planning with transportation's core purpose. Notwithstanding the challenges it faces in the form of invisibility, accessibility is the only reliable indicator, among the three contenders, of the benefits offered by transportation. This renders both mobility and VKT reduction inadequate as transportation planning's central logic, an inadequacy that can lead to perverse outcomes. The existing mobility paradigm molds transportation and land-use planning at multiple levels and geographic scales and demonstrably shapes metropolitan development. This power suggests that the accessibility shift similarly holds great potential for altering decisions and ultimately the built environment.

Migrations (generally) mean any change in the place of residence of a migrant or larger and smaller group of people. In the history of migration research, just few researches have been devoted to the research of women in the migration process, women as migrants, the values and importance of women in migrant families and the problems women migrants face in the international migratory whirlwind. The role of woman in the migration process is most often studied from the aspect of economic change in society or through the role of a girl, a wife, a sister, a mother, and together with the emigration of male family members. Different push and pull factors affect a migrant woman and her decision to move or not to move away from the environment she has recently lived in. Emigration factors can be explored, analyzed and observed on individual, family and social levels. Research on women’s mobility, the dilemma of long-standing „female invisibility“ and their formal position have set goals for the starting point of this work. The paper points to the problems and role of women in the migration process through the socio-historical dimension, provides an overview and analysis of available demographic indicators on migrant women, analytically represents selected migration theories related to migrant women, points to different forms of women migration, detects the social status migrants have in most cases in new homeland, enriches existing knowledge and reflection, opens up new perspectives and points to newer meanings of women in the migration process and opens up many new issues for further research into feminisation of migration.

Careers are organizational and institutional, and they have know-how-based contexts. Managerial careers from a gender perspective, gendered “blind spots” in organizations and the invisibility of women in management have been an object of study since the 1970s. Gender is a part of socially constructed individual identity. Gendered identities in organizations are defined and redefined in relationships as people become socially constructed through work groups, teams and interactions. Because of this social construction, femininity and masculinity grow into human behavior and outlook. Understanding gender as an activity and a term in the making (Calás & Smircich, 1996), it is a constitution of an activity, even when institutions appear to see woman and man as a stable distinction (Korvajärvi, 1998). Beyond work-life and organizations, there are multiple institutional and gendered structures. The information technology (IT) industry and companies are also an institutional construction with gendered dimensions, and they also participate on the creation of femininity and masculinity. Career can be seen as a conceptual artefact that reflects a culture and rhetorical context in its use. It is a kind of window to a network of values, institutions and functions, where actual careers are made. Usually, the formal organization is based on neutrality and equality, but a closer look reveals the deeper social structures that make it different to women and men. There is a concept of an abstract and neutral worker, and this worker is supposed to be highly competent, work-oriented and available, committed to work-life without any knit to private life. These characteristics support a good career climb in an organizational hierarchy, and many of these characteristics better suit men than women (Metcalfe & Altman, 2001). For instance, home responsibilities make often working hours less flexible for women than men. The notion of an essential person with no gender characteristics does not recognize these issues, whereas taking gender as a research topic shows that work-life as a context differs between women and men.

Visitors to the Lawrence Room, Girton College, Cambridge University, on Thursday afternoons (when the small one room museum is open to the public) will find a dead body on display. The body is that of an Egyptian mummy from the Coptic period with a painted face mask and inscription ‘Hermione Grammatike’. It was this inscription that attracted Girton College to acquire this ancient body. A loose translation suggests this was a woman scholar, and therefore the first recorded woman scholar in history and as such an appropriate ‘mascot’ for one of the early great champions for formal female education. The mummy was purchased from Egyptologist Flinders Petrie who had excavated it in 1910–11 (Imogen Gunn and Dorothy Thompson, pers. comm.). The case of Hermione is both particular and general. Across all of the UK and indeed the Western world, human remains from all ages and all parts of the world can be found in all types of museums of all sizes apparently isolated and insulated from society’s normal relationships with the dead: grief, morbidity, respect, invisibility. Context would appear to be everything in terms of attitudes to the display of the human dead. This paper reviews this concept of context, and offers some commentary on the origins, constraints, and boundaries for the display of human remains. To begin with an Egyptian mummy as an example is also appropriate, as this particular category has an almost ubiquitous and overpowering place in Western museums. It has been accepted practice to include human remains in displays since the widespread establishment of public museums in the nineteenth century. These are normally associated with archaeological discoveries but can also be found in physical and social anthropological displays, medical and history of medicine displays, and occasionally in other contexts. Museum practice is very much a creation of Western, primarily Enlightenment, values and the inclusion of human remains in displays can be traced in these values (for example, the anatomical drawings of Leonardo da Vinci and the public anatomy demonstrations of the nascent Royal Society in London) and in the Christian European culture from which this derived (for example, the display in churches of saints’ relics: Weiss-Krejci this volume).