Dissertations / Theses: 'IRA : Northern Ireland troubles'

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Smith, Michael Lawrence Rowan. "The role of the military instrument in Irish Republican strategic thinking." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-role-of-the-military-instrument-in-irish-republican-strategic-thinking(b3a1b023-f99c-46dd-b076-2076918ca4f3).html.

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Leahy, Thomas Daniel Melchizadek. "Informers, agents, the IRA and British counter-insurgency strategy during the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1969 to 1998." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/informers-agents-the-ira-and-british-counterinsurgency-strategy-during-the-northern-ireland-troubles-1969-to-1998(543410f7-1db8-4663-beed-c89104c4e7dc).html.

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This thesis investigates the impact of informers and agents upon Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) military strategy, and British counter-insurgency strategy in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1998. The importance of this topic was highlighted by revelations in 2003 and 2005 concerning two senior republicans who had both been working for British intelligence for decades. The uncovering of these two senior spies created intense debate within the media and Irish republican community as to whether the IRA ended its military campaign largely because of significant infiltration. Yet, surprisingly, there has been no dedicated academic study of the impact of informers and agents upon the IRA. A few academics have briefly considered this topic in recent monographs and journal articles. Whilst acknowledging other important factors, they argue that intelligence successes against the IRA played a crucial role in influencing that organization to end its military campaign in 1998. This first in-depth study of the influence of informers and agents on IRA and British strategies during the Troubles cross-references new extensive interview material alongside memoirs from various Troubles participants. Its central argument is that the elusive nature of many rural IRA units, its cellular structure in Belfast, and the isolation of the IRA leadership prevented the organization from being damaged to any considerable extent by spies. In fact, the IRA’s resilience was a key factor encouraging the British government to try to include republicans in political settlements in 1972, 1975 and the 1990s. The IRA’s military strength also points towards the prominence of political factors in persuading republicans to call a ceasefire by 1994. The role of spies in Northern Ireland and the circumstances in which the state permitted negotiations with the IRA are key considerations for those interested in other small-scale conflicts.

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Larsson, Anna. "IRA och de grundläggande förmågorna." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1669.

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Svensk doktrin framhåller sex grundläggande förmågor för analys av motståndaren. Dessa är ledning, uthållighet, und/info, rörlighet, verkan och skydd. Förmågorna är en tankemodell avsedd för att nå maximal effekt i sitt agerande. De är ständigt närvarande på stridsfältet, de påverkas av varandra och deras betydelse varierar över tid. Syftet med uppsatsen är att belysa IRA utveckling mellan 1968-1974 utifrån de sex grundläggande förmågorna. Resultatet visar att IRA utveckling under tiden för studien främst skedde inom förmågan verkan, andra förmågor som ledning och und/info tog längre tid att utveckla. En orsak till detta kan vara att studien omfattar inledningen av konflikten och IRA utveckling mot att bli en icke-statlig väpnad aktör.
The Swedish military doctrine stresses six basic capabilities for analysing the opponent. These six capabilities are defined as command, endurance, intelligence and information, mobility, effect and defence. It is a given model designed to gain maximum effect through action and the capabilities are always present in the battlefield. They affect one another and their importance varies over time. The aim of this essay is to highlight the IRA progress during 1968-74 from the capability perspective. The study shows a significant increase in IRA’s ability to use arms and in the area of bomb strategy development. The progress concerning the other five capabilities’ turned out to be of lesser significance. A reason for this could be that the study focuses on the very beginning of the troubles and the IRA’s growth into becoming a non-state armed actor.

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London, William H. "Politics and Paint: Murals, Memory, and Archives in Northern Ireland, 1968-1998." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1469988055.

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Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.

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Lynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.

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The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.

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Cordner, Anthea Elizabeth. "Writing the troubles : gender and trauma in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3437.

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This thesis argues that the interaction of gender and trauma theories within the fictional prose writing of five women authors from Northern Ireland whose work spans throughout the mid-twentieth century until the present day, suggests a crisis of individual and collective identity during the traumatic decades of the Troubles. This necessitates a re-engagement with literary tropes and historical representations of the emerging sense of Northern Ireland as a six counties nation. The first chapter considers how trauma theories have been defined and developed and assesses their value for readings of Northern Irish literature. This provides the critical framework used in the subsequent chapters to enable close readings of the novels and short stories. Mary Beckett’s narratives highlight the continuing trauma of Northern Ireland’s inception, the Second World War and Internment, while giving voice to the strong women who fought against traumas and traditions in hope of a positive future. Linda Anderson engages with 1980s feminism, while depicting the Troubles alongside Cold War politics, anti-nuclear war protests and the Civil Rights Movement to expand upon the impact of war on female identity. Deirdre Madden and Jennifer Johnston recreate Irish Gothic Big House literature, utilising their tropes and images to explore the traumatic fracturing of history and identity on individual and collective levels. Anna Burns enables a post-traumatic engagement with the Troubles by moving retrospectively through thirty years of violence using absurdity, carnivalesque and fantastical imagery to explore the unknowability at the centre of trauma. All five writers acknowledge the impact of trauma on a sense of self that becomes divided between the pre- and post- trauma time, and suggest that the liminal spaces created by trauma may allow for readings of history and identity beyond the confines of patriarchy, nationalism and colonialism.

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Bowlin, Mark L. "British Intelligence and the IRA : the secret war in Northern Ireland, 1969-1988 /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA358989.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1998.
"September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Terry Johnson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-164). Also available online.

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Bowlin, Mark L. "British Intelligence and the IRA: the secret war in Northern Ireland, 1969-1988." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/8036.

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Irwin, Noel George. "When Christians fight : ecumenical theologies and the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14966/.

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In this thesis I first of all outline the nature of the conflict in Northern Ireland. Against the prevalent academic consensus that the conflict is an ethnic one, I argue that it is a religious conflict with features of ethnicity and colonialism. I then assess the behaviour of the state, both under the Unionist government at Stormont and then under Direct Rule from Westminster. Pre-1972 I look at the question of discrimination against the Roman Catholic minority community. I argue that this was 'institutionalised partiality'. In the era of the 'Troubles' I provide continuity by seeing through the issue of 'fair employment' and also focus on the British Government's response to the violence in terms of abuses of human rights. My view is that political theology in Northern Ireland has never engaged critically with all the material presented in these chapters. After establishing that religion is the central motif of the 'Troubles', whose political manifestation is the parameters and behaviour of a particular state, I examine the broad sweep of the role the Churches played as they responded to the outbreak of inter-communal violence in 1968. I concentrate on the missed opportunity of the Violence Report of 1974 and what I term the 'ecumenical paradox' of the Churches reaction to the 'Troubles'. I then examine three representative theological reflections on the situation. One advocates a theological response to the 'Troubles' of reconciliation, one of citizenship and one of justice. After examining the evidence I offer a theology of justice, or liberation, which needed to be added to the dominant theological paradigm of reconciliation to provide a cogent response to the 'Troubles'. I give the example of the role of prisoners as a model from which the Churches could learn from.

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Kelly, Aaron James. "'Utterly resigned terror' : the thriller and Northern Ireland since 1969." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343029.

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Lane, Karen. "Not-the-Troubles : an anthropological analysis of stories of quotidian life in Belfast." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15591.

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To understand the complexity of life in a city one needs to consider a spectrum of experience. Belfast has a history of conflict and division, particularly in relation to the Troubles, reflected in comprehensive academic studies of how this has affected, and continues to affect, the citizens. But this is a particular mode of representation, a vision of life echoed in fictional literature. People's quotidian lives can and do transcend the grand narratives of the Troubles that have come to dominate these discourses. Anthropology has traditionally accorded less epistemological weight to fleeting and superficial encounters with strangers, but this mode of sociality is a central feature of life in the city. The modern stranger navigates these relationships with relative ease. Communicating with others through narrative – personal stories about our lives – is fundamental to what it is to be human, putting storytelling at the heart of anthropological study. Engagements with strangers may be brief encounters or build into acquaintanceship, but these superficial relationships are not trivial. How we interact with strangers – our public presentation of the self to others through the personal stories we share – can give glimpses into the private lives of individuals. Listening to stories of quotidian life in Belfast demonstrates a range of people's existential dilemmas and joys that challenges Troubled representations of life in the city. The complexity, size and anonymity of the city means the anthropologist needs different ways of reaching people; this thesis is as much about exploring certain anthropological methodologies as it is about people and a place. Through methods of walking, performance, human-animal interactions, my body as a research subject, and using fictional literature as ethnographic data, I interrogate the close relationship between method, data and analysis, and of knowledge-production and knowledge-dissemination. I present quotidian narratives of Belfast's citizens that are Not-the-Troubles.

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Mansfield, Alan. "A cartography of resistance." Thesis, Bangor University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252928.

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Hunter, John Alexander. "Social identity and social perception." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260838.

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Duffy, Mary. "Northern Ireland during the troubles : social attitudes and political preferences, 1968-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324760.

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Elliott, Eric Scott. "Historical Accuracy and the IRA Over 70 Years of Cinema." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/23.

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The purpose of this research is to examine how the Irish Republican Army has been represented in theatrical cinema since the 1930s. The goal is to demonstrate the necessity for historical accuracy in movies produced for public entertainment, which often neglect historical facts and circumstances in portraying an organization as controversial and complex as the IRA. This has been done by examining five movies produced for wide-distribution and comparing each to the detailed historical record. Upon analysis of these movies, it becomes clear that the films which are the most historically relevant are also the most powerful cinematic productions, both through emotional power and overall entertainment.

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Casey, Shannon E. "The Manipulation of Catholicism and Protestantism in Northern Ireland between 1960 and 1988: A look at Violent and Peaceful Ramifications and their Reflection in Art." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/783.

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“My wife is Protestant, I am Catholic, and we are happily married” my father told our tour guide as we passed Hotel Europa, which the tour guide informed us is the most bombed hotel in Europe, and a prime symbol of the Protestant- Catholic conflict in Northern Ireland. “That sounds great with your American accent,” the tour guide responded. I was baffled that two sects of Christianity, denominations of the same religion, could have so much hate for each other. After much research, I came to realize that religious leaders significantly manipulated Catholicism and Protestantism to implement their own agendas in a way that justified violence. This manipulation was visible in all aspects of society during the height of the conflict in Northern Ireland between 1960 and 1988, a period also known as the ‘Troubles.’ I will specify how religion significantly influenced society, and why the fact that the conflict is reflected in art is so significant. I hope you enjoy!

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Cimei, Christopher Yo. "Troubling spaces : the representation of space and place in Troubles-era Northern Irish drama." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25945.

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Troubling Spaces explores the relationship between the representation of space and place on the Northern Irish stage and the production of space that occurs within Northern Irish society during the Troubles. Drawing from Henri Lefebvre’s The Production of Space, I examine how Nationalists and Unionists produced a series of communal narratives which allowed them to reorder Northern Irish space and its social relations. Additionally, I examine how these communal ideologies create divergent concepts of Northern Irish place which Doreen Massey refers to as negative and enclosed concepts of place. This not only reinforces the dualistic binary between Nationalism and Unionism, it also incites tribal associations and allegiances. Moving on from this, I conduct a close reading of three Troubles plays, Stewart Parker’s Northern Star and Pentecost and Christina Reid’s Tea in a China Cup, to examine how their dramatic narratives intersect and interact with non-traditional stage space to produce dramatic environments which provide compelling commentaries on Northern Irish spatiality. My examination of Northern Star traces the development of the ideological structures which shape Northern Irish spatiality; in Pentecost, I explore how its liminal domestic space is perfectly suited to illustrate the dynamic conceptualisation of place Massey argues for; and, finally, in Tea in a China Cup, I develop the distinction between private domestic spaces and public social spaces further by examining matrilineal narratives in relation to communal symbols within a female-coded domestic space. Through these close readings, I will demonstrate that a dialogical relationship can be discerned between the production of space and place that occurs within Northern Irish society and the representation of it on the Northern Irish stage. While many plays have the potential to act as an endorsement of the restrictive and enclosed concepts of space and place in the ideological frameworks of Nationalism and Unionism, the three that I have chosen provide important counterpoints during the Troubles that actively resist their cultural hegemony.

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Vitali, Elena. "Talking through walls: a history of the murals in Northern Ireland." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/8908/.

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This dissertation examines how some fundamental events of the history of Ireland emerge through the art of the mural. It is divided into three chapters. The first chapter opens with a brief presentation of the mural as a form of art with a semiotic and sociological function, with a particular focus on the socio-political importance it has had and still has today in Ireland, where murals are a significant means of expressing ideals, protest and commemoration. A part of this chapter also provides data about the number of murals and their location, with a particular focus on the two cities of Belfast and Derry. This first chapter ends with the presentation of an initiative put forth by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland, called "Building Peace through the Arts: Re-Imaging Communities", and questions its implementation on the Irish soil. The second chapter provides a history of the murals in Northern Ireland, from the Unionist's early depictions of King Billy in occasion of the 12 July annual celebrations to the Republican response. This will be supported by an explanation of the two events that triggered the start of the mural painting for both factions: the Battle of the Boyne for the Loyalists and the 1981 hunger strike for the Republicans. In the third and last chapter of this dissertation, a key of the main themes, symbols, acronyms and dominant colours which can be found in Loyalist and Republican murals is provided. Furthermore, one mural for each faction is looked at more closely, with an analysis of the symbols which are present in it.

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Smyth, Mary Brigid Elisabeth. "Sectarianism, segregation and the impact of the Troubles : the development of participative action research methods in investigating aspects of a divided society." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268585.

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Finnegan, Patrick. "Developing cohesion in non-state militaries : a case study of the Provisional IRA." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32785.

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This work is based on the belief that the Provisional IRA developed its combat effectiveness through enhancing its small-unit effectiveness. Although PIRA ultimately failed in its objective to reunify Ireland, it successfully waged a thirty-year long campaign against the British military. The current state of terrorism studies does not explain how this was possible. It can explain the development of PIRA’s strategy, membership type and weapons used but it lacks sufficient explanation of small-unit dynamics. By drawing on the ideas of Huntington and King, among others, this work argues that PIRA successfully professionalised its small-unit tactics and this was the source of its increased effectiveness. By examining changes in structure, training, specialisation, motivation and identity it will be possible to demonstrate whether professionalism did have an effect. Ultimately, the findings of this research will provide an example for others to follow in their efforts to understand past and present terror threats.

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Rusch, Michaela. "Changing Northern Ireland – Reflections in Language Usage and Change." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-229791.

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With respect to its troubled past Northern Ireland has constantly been a field of interest, academic research and discourse. Certain periods in this past, like for example the “Troubles” (a time of violent struggle that began in 1969/70), sooner or later tend to create a particular approach towards language usage. As research has already been carried out on the “Troubles” and its language usage the question now remains in how far the application of lexical items would be changing through the impact of the so called peace process. Examining the language use surrounding this process a wide range of phenomena in the field of politics and social affairs but also in society could be analysed and discussed, assuming that change for some reason developed here. Investigating such circumstances further this empirical interdisciplinary study in the shape of a corpus analysis addresses the presumed language change in Northern Ireland by employing news texts (Belfast Telegraph, BBC Northern Ireland and An Phoblacht) of the period from 1995 to 2009 (i.e. before and after the Good Friday Agreement a negotiated settlement between Catholics and Protestants in 1998) for the analysis to attempt to establish a link between changing semantic and lexical units, and to some extend to even find a relation to alleged gradual social change. The evaluation is based on a qualitative and quantitative analysis of thematically pre-selected keywords in the areas of politics, social affairs, and society. Generally it could therefore be concluded that change – though marginal in numbers – appears perceivable. Despite a detailed examination and evaluation (qualitative and quantitative) it needs to be pointed out, however, that the findings of correlating social and linguistic variables could in the end only imply a kind of relation – contrary to the expectations in the beginning. Perhaps, in some cases, gradual change could be illustrated like for example with the name change of the police (RUC to PSNI) or changed social terminology. Nevertheless this study created an important contribution of research on post-“Troubles” Northern Ireland as it brings this statelet back into focus on the one hand and in addition prompts questions on the challenges of future language usage in societies that experienced violent conflict on the other. Corpus and Appendix on CD-Rom for printed copy available at University Library Chemnitz and German National Library

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Rutten, Rik. "A Licence to Kill? Ideology and civilian victimisation in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354687.

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Ideology matters. The return of this insight to the study of civil war has sparked a new line of literature. Drawing on its insights, I argue that ideology can affect civilian victimisation in two ways. The first is the adoption by armed groups of exclusionary frames that justify the killing of civilians; the second is the need of armed groups for civilian approval – what I call ideological licence – from their home constituencies.Civilian victimisation is expected to peak in places where exclusionary group frames and civilian attitudes are dominant. For the empirical analysis, I turn to The Troubles, the thirty year-long armed conflict between Northern Ireland’s Catholic and Protestant communities. I construct a novel dataset using ideological attitudes, based on a pre-conflict survey among over 1200 respondents across Northern Ireland, and new, detailed casualty data on more than 2700 conflict-related fatalities. Although Catholics were the most lethal side in the conflict, I find that the Protestant community is significantly more likely to kill civilians. This finding is driven by national differences between Catholics and Protestants. Subnational differences in civilian attitudes are found to be less relevant.

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O'Hagan, Dara. "Allies or antagonists? : Irish Catholicism and Irish republicanism during the 1980s." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284436.

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McKeown, Laurence. "'Unrepentant Fenian bastards' : the social construction of an Irish Republican prisoner community." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268178.

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Mills, Richard. "Violent imaginations : the Ulster novel, 1900-1996; a study of seven Ulster writers: Shan F. Bullock, St John Ervine, Forrest Reid, Sam Hanna Bell, Maurice Leitch, Robert McLiam Wilson and Glenn Patterson." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322416.

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O'Donnell, C. M. "'Standing idly by'? : Fianna FaÌil, Irish Republicanism and the Northern Ireland troubles, 1968-2002." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403348.

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Olson, Ted. "Book Review of The Troubles and Their Aftermath: James B. Johnston's Memories of Northern Ireland." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/1141.

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Devine-Wright, Patrick. "Tracing the hand of history : the role of social memories in the Northern Ireland Conflict." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1999. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/699/.

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Creedon-Carey, Una A. "“The Whole Vexed Question”: Seamus Heaney, Old English and Language Troubles." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1432295982.

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Butler, Perks Lawrence. "Understanding the content, form and purpose of hero myths as symbolic resources of nation and insurgency : the case of the Provisional IRA in the Northern Ireland conflict, 1969-1998." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=232409.

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Many scholars who have studied nations and nationalism have observed that nationalist movements draw upon mythologised narratives of figures from their nations' pasts to build a sense of national identity and to articulate their vision. Drawing upon the ethno-symbolic approach to nations and nationalism, this thesis seeks to identify the major hero myths, as one form of mythologised narrative, drawn upon by the Provisional IRA during the period of conflict in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1998. In so doing it examines the origins and development of those myths across the history of Ireland, and of the republican strand of Irish nationalism since the turn of the twentieth century. It identifies the pivotal role of the early twentieth century republican, Patrick Pearse, as republicanism's political archaeologist par excellence, and examines the enduring influence of three factors on the form that such myths took: Celtic culture, Roman Catholicism, and socialism. The thesis further situates the narrative chain of the hero myths within the broader context of the Provisional IRA's wider mythological system, and interrogates the purposes that these myths fulfilled for the movement. In so doing, it reveals that not only did the hero myths, as symbolic resources of the Irish nation, fulfil purposes related to the nation itself, but that the strategy employed in pursuit of the national objectives, insurgency, also imposed its own requirements on those purposes. This has profound implications for orthodox understandings of the role of “blood sacrifice” within the ideology and world-view of the Provisional Republican Movement, as this thesis argues that the role of that concept has been misinterpreted to this point. On the theoretical level, this thesis amends and refines the conception of myth within the ethno-symbolic approach to nations and nationalism, bringing it into line with the work of scholars who have studied the theory of myth. Furthermore, it has considered how the means of pursuing the national objective helped to shape the concept of the nation and ideas of national identity.

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Trouton, Lycia Danielle. "An intimate monument (re)-narrating 'the troubles' in Northern Ireland the Irish Linen Memorial 2001-2005 /." Access electronically, 2005. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20060517.113223/index.html.

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McDowell, Sara. "Commemorating the Troubles : unravelling the representation of the contestation of memory in Northern Ireland since 1994." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.445035.

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Masciel, Brianna. "Working on the Troubles in Northern Ireland: The Role of International Funding Bodies in the Peace Process." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1134.

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Abstract This senior thesis is a study of international funding bodies in the case of Northern Ireland peace process. I examine the role of the European Union PEACE Fund and International Fund for Ireland. Particularly, I focus on creating, structuring, and maintaining these funds and their impact the local community. In conclusion, I find there are several recommendations for the formation and sustaining of international economic and political support from the Northern Irish case that can be applied in future cases. This includes utilizing multiple strategies that adjust to the needs of the community and creating networks for support and collaboration.

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Arvidsson, Rasmus. "Ett ständigt pausat krig? : En studie om attityder i Nordirland av den första generationen efter ”the Troubles”." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-19791.

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Ireland had, by the year of 1998, been an island of war and conflict to some extent for almost 1000 years. The northeast part of the island, called Northern Ireland, had been under British domination for over 25 years when “the Troubles” ended by the year of 1998. This essay aims towards explaining how the first generation after “the Troubles” has been shaped in terms of political and religious beliefs and attitudes in the society of Belfast. Furthermore, this study seeks to understand the complex nature of the peace agreement and the political consociational power-sharing system that permeates Belfast and it’s people. By conduct interviews with six, picked young persons from Belfast, this essay will, in a qualitative and theoretical way, explain what, and even more so, why the prevailing attitudes exists, and which influences they are derived from. By a socialisation and Marxist theory, these articulated attitudes will be explained, compared and analysed on a deep level.

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Meehan, Niall. "Tuning out the troubles in southern Ireland : revisionist history, censorship and problematic Protestants." Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683549.

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This thesis is an examination of the influence and impact of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland, post 1968, on the practice of Irish history, on southern Irish broadcast media and on the southern Irish modernisation process. I will examine the uneasy and contested transition in systems of hegemony in a society where the state is not coterminous with perceptions of nationhood, where society is anxiously suspended between conservation of its existence and popular nationalist aspirations, where southern economic dependency interacted uneasily with northern political instability and sectarianism. The thesis examines the ‘Ulsterisation’ of the War of Independence by some historians and its aftermath as an ideological project. It pays particular attention, using the case-study method, to the imposition of a sectarian character on republican forces during the war of independence by the highly influential Newfoundland historian Peter Hart, and will explain why this research is ideologically problematic within Irish historiography. I will link this to (in a second case-study) the project undertaken in the early 1970s by Irish government minister (also an academic historian and political scientist) Conor Cruise O’Brien to undermine and eradicate from popular awareness secular anti-imperialist aspects of Irish nationalist consciousness, primarily through, in case-study three, the imposition of broadcasting censorship and support for repression. I question O’Brien’s positing of a ‘Catholic nationalism’ as an overarching basis for Irish statehood by, in case-study four, an examination the largely unexplored socio-economic position of Protestants in southern Ireland and the forms of social control imposed on and within that community. The thesis examines how official reaction to the conflict combined repression and broadcasting censorship during the 1970s to revise popular perceptions of Irish history and Irish society. Control of understanding of the present was combined with attempts to take control of perceptions of the past, in order to circumscribe the parameters of what is feasible in the present, so as to preserve the socio-economic status quo. It specifically explores the impact of the post 1968 Northern Ireland conflict on: • The attempt by proponents of Irish revisionist historiography to portray Irish resistance to British rule as ‘Catholic nationalism’ and as a mirror image generally of Ulster unionist sectarianism; in the context of • The simultaneous transformational change of economic direction in the southern Irish economy and society, which imparted to this project increased impetus, opportunity and political scope.

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Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.

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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.

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Leonard, William Allan. "Churches, states and violences : how the Roman Catholic and Presbyterian churches addressed the violence of Northern Ireland #troubles' 1968-1994." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390160.

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Markham, Katie Jessica. "'The person inside it has to be part of it' : empathy, post-conflict heritage and 'troubles tourism' in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/18968/.

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April 2018 will mark twenty years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. Whilst defined by historic levels of peace, for the people living in Northern Ireland the past two decades have also been characterised by irreconcilable divisions over how to interpret the recent past, and rising levels of ethno-sectarian atavism amongst the nation’s interface communities. The informal heritage sector is one area where these issues manifest, where contestations over how to represent the Troubles to outsiders, and within communities, are often described as a ‘war by other means’. This thesis explores the role of empathy in relation to Belfast’s Troubles heritage, specifically in relation to the experiences of the ‘troubles tourist’. Discussions of empathy’s benefits for understanding the ‘other’ have already been advanced within heritage studies, however what is less acknowledged is its usage as a political tool, which maintains rather than overcomes structural inequalities and power relations. Combining semi-structured interviews with participant observation and autoethnography, this research moves through a range of registers on empathy, analysing discourses of innocence, kitsch, humour and authenticity in relation to the paramilitary museums and black cab mural tours that are a key part of post-Troubles heritage in Northern Ireland. Through this approach, this thesis takes a more nuanced approach to empathy than is usually found in the literature, treating it as an amorphous and contingent way of engaging with the world that is deeply entrenched in local politics. In doing so, an original contribution to broader studies of empathy is made, which draws attention to the subtle ways in which it percolates through our social economy. This study also has implications for future engagements with Northern Irish heritage, extending questions about the relevance of empathy to the field, and pushing against the general absence of emotionality from approaches to Northern Ireland’s past.

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Mahoney, Justin R. Spinello Michael J. "Population-centric intelligence, repression, and the cycles of contention." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FMahoneyR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Lee, Doowan. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-133). Also available in print.

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Becevic, Zulmir. "Varför terrorism? - en studie av Irländska republikanska armén." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-634.

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Abstract

This study has two aims:

[X] to create an analytical framework consisting of factors that might trigger terrorism

[X] to apply the analytical framework on the case of IRA, in order to be able to examine

which factors that exist behind the appearance of terrorism in the current case

To reach the first aim the author has studied the theoretical discourse on the complexed issue

of terrorism. This has constituted the point of departure for the creation of an own analytical

framework. The purpose of the framework is to bring clearness to why terrorism appears. The

analytical framework is not only suited for application on the case of IRA, but for application

on terrorismcases in general. To reach the second aim the framework was applied on the case

of IRA.

The aims of this study have been fulfilled through the method of qualitative text analysis. The

research method has been applied on the theoretical discourse on terrorism as well as on the

empirical texts that deal with the conflict in Northern Ireland and the NorthernIrish society in

general.

The results of the study suggest that factors triggering terrorism Favourable surroundings,

Resources, Possibility to recruit members, Protracted armed conflict, Occupation, Strive for

autonomy, Diplomatic deadlock, Poverty, and Specific events, or actions from the opponent

all exist in the case at hand. The author would particularly like to highlight the importance of

the Diplomatic deadlock and Poverty as terrorismtriggering factors.

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Cuny, Lara. "Between the State and the Arts ˸ Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts/Arts Council of Northern Ireland (1943-2016)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030041.

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En 1939, le Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) est créé en Grande-Bretagne afin de financer la production artistique. Quatre ans plus tard, sous les pressions du gouvernement de Londres, la même institution est constituée en Irlande du Nord. N’étant pas le fruit d’une volonté politique locale, le CEMA (NI) mettra de longues années à faire accepter le principe d’un soutien public aux arts. Ce travail étudie cette institution, renommée Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI) en 1963, dans toutes ses dimensions : politique, économique, sociale, identitaire, culturelle et, bien sûr, artistique. En effet, si les fonctions et le budget du CEMA sont extrêmement restreints en 1943, le Conseil acquiert de nombreuses responsabilités et s’affirme progressivement, même si sa ligne directrice reste très influencée, voire contrôlée, par le gouvernement unioniste. A partir des année 1970, le conflit opposant républicains et loyalistes l’oblige néanmoins à se replier sur lui-même et à se murer dans une politique souvent critiquée comme élitiste, afin de maintenir une neutralité qu’il juge irréprochable. Par la suite, le processus de paix lui confère un réel rôle en termes de promotion de la réconciliation entre les communautés. La création d’un ministère de la Culture en 1998 augmente son intégration dans une politique culturelle menée par un gouvernement local de coalition. La culture, en tant que révélatrice des identités régionales, demeure cependant un point controversé et clivant, certains universitaires allant jusqu’à dire qu’il s’agit maintenant d’une guerre non plus armée, mais culturelle
In 1939, as war had just broken out, the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) was created in Great Britain to finance the arts. Four years later, the same organisation was established in Northern Irelad because of the pressure coming from the London government. As it was not born out of regional political conviction, CEMA (NI) struggled for years to get the principle of public support for the arts accepted.The present work studies this organisation, which was renamed Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI) in 1963, under various angles: political, economic, social, cultural and, of course, artistic. It will also question the arm’s length principle and the separation between the realm of politics and that of the arts that the Council was supposed to guarantee. Indeed, even though the role and the budget of CEMA were extremely limited in 1943, the Council progressively acquired numerous responsibilities. This did not go unnoticed by the unionist government, which sought to control CEMA/ACNI and how it distributed grants. With the outbreak of the Troubles in the late 1960s, the Council increasingly isolated itself in order to be recognised as neutral in the conflict. However, this also pushed it to put in place a policy that was perceived as elitist and cut out from the population. In the 1990s, the Peace Process gave ACNI a new role in the promotion of reconciliation between the communities. With the creation of the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure in 1998, the Council was further integrated into the cultural policy framework of the regional and power-sharing government. Nevertheless, culture remained a sore point and a divisive issue in Northern Ireland, with academics going as far as to say that the conflict has now become a cultural war

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Lindqvist, Käll Märta-Stina. "Continuing peace amidst changing contexts : A Sinn Féin case study on institutional resilience." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80028.

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The transitioning of armed actors into political parties following a peace accord is not a new phenomenon and the debate for how we can facilitate such a transition is well explored. A grey area of the debate, however, concerns transitioned actors’ long-term commitment to peace, as relapses are known to have occurred on many occasions. How are successful transitions sustained and what are the facilitating mechanisms? Through a case study of Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland, this thesis aims to contribute to the very limited debate on the facilitation of peace continuity of transitioned actors. Interviews were conducted in Belfast during the fall of 2018. The present-time contextual changes posed by the United Kingdom exiting the European union, which endangers the 1998 peace agreement that helped facilitate Sinn Féin’s transition, provides a good case for studying the institutional resilience to violent relapse of a transitioned actor. The findings show that Sinn Féin display strong levels of institutional resilience, which can help the institution to abstain from relapses into violence caused by contextual changes such as Brexit.

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Nadeau, Selina. "In Defense of Propaganda: The Republican Response to State-created Narratives Which Silenced Political speech During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1968-1998." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1493395475794123.

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Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.

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46

Thomas, Matthew Nickolai. "Perceived Salafi-Jihadi Exceptionalism and its effects on CVE (Counter Violent Extremism) Policy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556284965124805.

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Azar, Hannah Brooke. ""Defensive Flippancy": Play, Disorientation, and Moral Action in Brian Friel's The Freedom of the City." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2020. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/8440.

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When Brian Friel’s play The Freedom of the City premiered in 1973, just a year after the events of Bloody Sunday, it was met with harsh criticism and called a work of propaganda. In the play, three peaceful protestors flee a civil rights demonstration turned violent and end up trapped inside the Guildhall in Derry, Northern Ireland. By the end of the play, they are shot dead. These three protestors, disoriented by violence as well as the aftereffects of life-long poverty, on the surface are not emblems of morality. However, this thesis employs Ami Harbin’s theorization of disorientation and moral action to challenge traditional virtue ethics and showcase that even in the midst of all-encompassing disorientation, moral action can easily emerge, even from the most unexpected person. Specifically, I look at the character Skinner, a flippant hooligan who leads the other trapped protestors through a series of games ultimately meant to encourage them to embrace their disorientation as he has. Within Friel’s drama, accepting and embracing disorientation as opposed to fighting it, I conclude, is what frees one from the bounds of disorientation, and in this case, allows a person to more fully perpetuate moral action.

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Wyss, Rebecca. "Troubling Northern Irish Herstories: The Drama of Anne Devlin and Christina Reid." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1429992523.

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Bazin, Cécile. "Images du conflit politique nord-irlandais dans le cinéma." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030098.

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Cette étude porte sur les films qui traitent du conflit politique nord-irlandais de 1968 à 1998 et elle entend mettre en lumière les relations entre le cinéma et l’évolution de ce conflit. Le cinéma, dans sa construction discursive, à sa travers sa voix indépendante et sa portée populaire, offre un véhicule unique pour l’exploration des Troubles et du processus de paix. Les films sur les Troubles, réalisés pendant cette période, abordent principalement l’IRA dans ses rapports avec l’Angleterre, tandis que les films sortis pendant le processus de paix reflètent la remise en question identitaire, avec entre autres, des membres de l’IRA qui, dans leur quête d’identité, se détournent de la violence politique. Les comédies qui datent du processus de paix dénoncent, de manière ironique, la violence politique des Troubles et illustrent l’espoir que génère ce processus en libérant progressivement l’Irlande du Nord de la violence. Ces films, réalisés pour la plupart pendant le processus de paix - qui repense les rapports anglo-irlandais et les relations entre les deux communautés en Irlande du Nord - se focalisent sur l’un des acteurs du conflit : la communauté catholique (les nationalistes et les républicains) et ses liens avec les Britanniques. Les rapports intercommunautaires sont peu abordés et la communauté protestante, relativement absente de l’image, n’est évoquée qu’à travers les loyalistes. Si ces films explorent principalement la perspective catholique, certains d’entre eux se concentrent sur les victimes catholiques d’événements particuliers des Troubles et ces films proposent une version alternative à l’histoire officielle, conférant au cinéma la fonction de source historique mais aussi de lieu de mémoire des victimes. Ainsi, le cinéma ne retranscrit pas seulement l’histoire de façon figée mais s’intègre dans l’évolution de la situation en Irlande du Nord
This study centres on films dealing with the political conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1998 and attempts to trace the relationship between cinema and this ongoing conflict. Through its discursive construction, its independent voice and its popular reach, cinema provides a unique vehicle for the exploration of the Troubles and the peace process. The films about the Troubles, shot during this period, look mainly at the IRA and its relationship with England. The films made during the peace process reflect the question of identity - a central facet of the peace process - by representing, for example, some members of the IRA engaged in the search for their identity turning away from political violence. The comedies - also made during the peace process - use irony to denounce the political violence of the Troubles and depict the hope that the peace process generates. These films, mostly shot during the peace process which reconsiders t! he East-West relations and the internal relations in Northern Ireland between the two communities, focus primarily on the catholic community [nationalists and republicans] in its relationship with the British. Intercommunal relations appear rarely in films and the protestant community, relatively absent from the screen, is represented almost exclusively by loyalist paramilitaries. Therefore these films display a certain interest for the catholic point of view and some of them concentrate on catholic victims of specific events of the Troubles and offer an alternative to the official version of history endowing cinema with a role as historical source and also as a space for the memory of the victims. Thus, cinema does not only retranscribe history in a static way but takes part in the changes going on in Northern Ireland

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Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'IRA : Northern Ireland troubles'

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