Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Iran – Foreign relations'
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Morsy, Ahmed. "Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
Full textBlumel, Christina M. "A comparative analysis of U.S. foreign policy in Iran and the Philippines." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4295.
Full textGibson, Bryan. "Covert relationship: American foreign policy, intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980--1988." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27848.
Full textAustin, J. William B. "Imperialism, postimperialism and Iran." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/50073.
Full textMaster of Arts
incomplete_metadata
Pagé, Charles 1978. "Involvement based on identitive affinities : the case of Iran." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33918.
Full textThis thesis argues that kinship is only a permissive cause of involvement while the presence and scope of involvement are determined by other factors, in the following order: security threats, non-security interests (influence, economic interests), and ideology. Proximity is of great importance as security threats usually emanate from neighbours and not from far-away enemies.
Ross, Christopher Nicholas. "Lord Curzon, the 'Persian question', and geopolitics, 1888-1921." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609030.
Full textKhatib-Shahidi, Rashid Armin. "German foreign policy towards Iran : the case of the National Bank of Persia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55dd46e5-2eef-46f6-be8b-ca7bb177a518.
Full textTisdale, Tyron Earl Jr. "The United States and Iran, 1951-1953: The Cold War interaction of national security policy, alliance politics and popular nationalism." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184685.
Full textRees, Samuel Huw. "The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981." Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.
Full textPaules, Marian Helen Boroujerdi Mehrzad. "United States relations with Iran: American identity, foreign policy, and the politics of representation." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Full textClary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
Full textAllgott, Philip. "U.S. diplomatic relations : how has it been used in Iran and North Korea? /." Jönköping : Jönköping University. Jönköping International Business School, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:201405/FULLTEXT01.
Full textAskren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
Full textBachelors
Sciences
Political Science
Etemadi, Farhad. "Le tribunal des différends irano-américains comme processus de réglement pacifique des différends entre les deux pays." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212460.
Full textEruysal, Esra. "Economic Relations Between Turkey And Iran From 1990 To 2010: A Turkish Perspective." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613959/index.pdf.
Full texts relations with Iran in the 1990s and 2000s from the perspective of &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in a historical framework. In this context, the political and economic relations between Turkey and Iran are discussed by taking into consideration the internal transformation of Turkish economy. This thesis argued that the course of Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 1990s is mainly shaped by the military-political considerations. Not only political but also economic relations between Turkey and Iran were negatively affected by tensions and rivalry between the parties during the 1990s. Despite the counter-efforts of some of the business circles and the political parties, neither the economic nor the political relations did improve. Unlike the 1990s, Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 2000s are largely shaped by economic and commercial considerations. Increasing dialogue and developing cooperation at the political level are positively reflected in the economic relations. As a result of the eagerness of Turkish businessmen towards the development of economic relations with Iran and the intensive support of the political elites, economic relations substantially improved in the 2000s. However, rising foreign trade relations between the parties created an asymmetric dependence to the detriment of Turkey, rather than mutual interdependence as Iran benefits more from this relationship due to its oil and natural gas exports. The increasing relationship between Turkey and Iran supports the argument that Turkey is emerging as a &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in the 2000s.
Hoback, Elizabeth Anne. "The past, present, and future of U.S. foreign policy in the states of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Boston University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27674.
Full textPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
Gomari-Luksch, Laleh. "Realism, rationalism and revolutionism in Iran's foreign policy : the West, the state and Islam." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13719.
Full textKaveh, Moravej Kaveh. "The SAVAK and the Cold War : counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence (1957-1968)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:138424.
Full textKaussler, Bernd. "Defending the "Satanic Verses" : constructive engagement : British-Iranian relations and the right to freedom of expression (1989-2004) /." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/538.
Full textMoore, Eric D. "The Crisis of Cooperation: A Critical Analysis of Russian-Iranian Relations in the Post-Soviet Era." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/902.
Full textMatějková, Adéla. "What's at stake of normalized relations between the United States and Iran." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162773.
Full textCollins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
Full textBaghdadi, Nima. "Dynamics of Iranian-Saudi Relations in the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex (1920-1979)." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3652.
Full textUzmez, Sena. "Iranian Nuclear Crisis And Its Impact On Us-iranian Relations Between 1953-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612879/index.pdf.
Full textzmez, Sena M.S., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ö
zlem Tü
r December 2010, 101 pages This thesis analyzes the U.S.-Iran relations in accordance with Iranian Nuclear Crisis from a historical perspective. Analyzing the U.S.-Iran relations since 1953 until 2008, it is possible to see that as the two countries&rsquo
perceptions towards each other change, their policies towards the nuclear issue change, too. While nuclear developments were not a threat for the two states that were close allies during the Shah Era, the perceptions totally changed after the Islamic Revolution. However, even if US and Iran started to perceive each other as a threat, nuclear issue lost its importance because of Khomeini&rsquo
s approach in this period. With the September 11, 2001 attacks, the American approach has changed not only regarding the Middle East, but also regarding the nuclear issue in Iran. The Nuclear Crisis that started in 2002 by the announcement of secret nuclear centrals escalated to its peak with the election of Ahmedinejad as the president. Different historical facts that were experienced at different periods shaped perceptions of two nations towards each other. As these perceptions change towards each other, their perceptions regarding the nuclear issue and their policies have changed, too. In this study, how these two nations&rsquo
perceptions towards each other were shaped and their approaches regarding the nuclear issue influenced by the historical events will be examined and analyzed.
Wahlert, Matthew H. "Wishful Thinking in Foreign Policy: A Case Study of the Carter Administration and the Iranian Revolution." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1323036660.
Full textSchiffer, Elin. "Transatlantic convergence, divergence and drift : A discourse analysis of the Iranian nuclear weapons program and its effects on transatlantic relations." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7234.
Full textDelgado, Magdalena. "A constructivist analysis of religion's role in foreign policy : the cases of Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia under the leaderships of Menachem Begin, Ayatollah Khomeini and Fahd bin Abdulaziz." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3379/.
Full textShannon, Matthew Kenneth. "Losing Hearts and Minds: American-Iranian Relations and International Education during the Cold War." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/219241.
Full textPh.D.
International education served a dual function in the American-Iranian relationship during the thirty-seven-year reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. On the one hand, education was the most important component to the shah's project of authoritarian development - a model of rapid socio-economic development predicated on the premise that anti-communist statism, a less vibrant political milieu, and a more forceful role for the security forces would maintain domestic stability, guarantee the westward flow of Iranian oil, and keep Iran firmly entrenched in the American camp in the cold war competition. Iranian alumni of American universities were elected to the majlis, entered the shah's bureaucracy, staffed the Plan Organization, worked in the financial sector, served in the armed forces, joined university faculties, and assumed the premiership. On the other hand, the influx of Iranian students to American campuses spawned debates outside of traditional foreign policymaking communities about international relations, human rights, and development that were quite different from those that took place in the halls of power in Washington or Tehran. What emerged was a coalition of progressive American and Iranian internationalists that rejected the shah's authoritarian model of development, challenged the American assumptions that propelled U.S. ascendance in the Persian Gulf region, and called for the realization of civil and political rights in Iran. These educational networks made the American-Iranian relationship at once the most intimate and volatile of the cold war era. In the end, I argue that international education produced more friction than harmony as proponents of authoritarian development and progressive internationalists negotiated the acceptable boundaries for the exercise of state power.
Temple University--Theses
Mason, Robert. "Economic factors in Middle East foreign policies : the case of oil and gas exporters with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3838.
Full textSanati, Reza. "OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1149.
Full textGarlitz, Richard P. "Academic Ambassadors in the Middle East: The University Contract Program in Turkey and Iran, 1950-1970." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1224727953.
Full textFeizi, Hiva. "Discourse, Affinity and Attraction| A Case Study of Iran's Soft Power Strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of South Florida, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10787971.
Full textThis dissertation is a case study of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s approach to soft power with a focus on Iran’s use of soft power in Afghanistan. This dissertation is unique as it a delves into the diverse conceptual prescriptions on soft power, especially from a non-Western perspective. Studies of soft power in the current International Relations discipline ignore the implicit widespread liberal democratic bias in the current understanding of the concept. This dissertation argues that there are certain ontological assumptions lying deep within the soft power model first proposed by Joseph Nye (1990) that make it difficult to use as a model for studying non-Western states. This stems from Nye’s consideration that sources of attraction, essential in wielding soft power, as universal and equivalent to Western liberal values. Nye does not consider how the sources of attraction that he identifies are biased towards a Western notion of values, culture, policies and institutions. This has led to a disregard of the use of soft power by non-Western states. Thus, the aim of this study is to address the western-centric limitation of Nye’s concept by offering a reconceptualization that can be applied in studying the soft power of states that do not necessarily adhere to the same universal norms.
By applying Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis framework, this dissertation examines Iran’s soft power strategy in Afghanistan between 2007 and 2017, in order to enhance its influence. Iran’s soft power application relies on what that the author calls ‘affinity’, whereby audience-oriented and localized resources of attraction are identified in the target population and are subsequently discursively cultivated. Attraction build through the ‘affinity’ process is different than Western states’ use of attraction and application of soft power.
This dissertation highlights how Iran has created an affinity node centered on a ‘sense of brotherhood’ with its Afghanistan audience. It also shows that the strength of this narrative is in Iran’s ability to create an emotional connection that is embedded in commonalities between the two countries’ in terms of culture, historical legacy, and common language. The analysis presented shows the affinity node of brotherhood appears in over 20 speeches and statements targeted at the Afghan population by the Iranian supreme leader and successive Iranian presidents in recent decades. The notion of brotherhood provides Iran the emotional linkage, the affinity node, to connect with its Afghan audience.
The affinity that Iran establishes with Afghanistan allows Iran to articulate its foreign policy objectives by showing how Iranian influence benefits the Afghan population and appeals to existing Afghan values. In addition, this dissertation finds that Iran devotes considerable resources to the development of these discourses in Afghanistan through the various institutions that in charge of Iran’s public diplomacy activities. The focus of these activities is mainly in the realm of culture, education, and language, leveraging the common ties between Iran and their Afghan audience.
Lastly, the findings of this study indicate that Iran’s approach to soft power is strategically calculated. Iran makes explicit use of soft power that is different from the original notion of soft power as it was formulated by Nye. Iran’s actions show that sources of attraction do not have to be universal, attraction is contextual in its appeal, based on each target audience and can be constructed through discourses. Thus, as Laclau and Mouffe (1985) would say, Iran’s articulation of an antagonistic discourse challenges the hegemonic discourses that are associated with the Western evaluation of soft power.
Volkov, Denis Vladimirovich. "Oriental studies and foreign policy : Russian/Soviet 'Iranology' and Russo-Iranian relations in late Imperial Russia and the early USSR." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/oriental-studies-and-foreign-policy-russiansoviet-iranology-and-russoiranian-relations-in-late-imperial-russia-and-the-early-ussr(8e28977b-999b-419c-8721-b20f22e9b76a).html.
Full textAmanatidis-Saadé, George. "Yazdgird I - He Who Maintains Peace in His Dominion: Re-examining the Rise and Fall of Romano-Iranian Relations in the Early Fifth Century." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39075.
Full textAkseki, Emin. "Oman'." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611979/index.pdf.
Full texts foreign policy between 1970 and 2008 is examined. The main question of this thesis is what the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy are. In order to identify the main characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy its determinants are analyzed by looking at its three interacting environments: domestic, regional and international. In other words, the impacts of these three environments on Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy conceptions, behaviors and decisions are discussed. While examining Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy, special attention is exerted to its foreign policy towards Iran which is the most influential regional power in the Gulf. It is observed that Oman&rsquo
s foreign policy towards Iran is the best telling example of how Oman balances the benefits and constraints of the three environments. Keywords: Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy, Characteristics of Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy, Domestic, Regional and International Environments, Oman&rsquo
s Foreign Policy Towards Iran.
Seyfi, Siamak. "Le tourisme iranien à l'épreuve des sanctions internationales : les mécanismes de résilience touristique dans un contexte politique en transition." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H093.
Full textDespite the growing use of sanctions as an increasingly popular foreign policy tool in the contemporary international relations landscape, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Few countries have suffered as many sanctions as Iran. The country has been subjected to long and severe sanctions for nearly forty years. The Iranian nuclear agreement of 2015 allowed a rebound of the Iranian tourism. However, the US unilateral withdrawal of 2018 has brutally put an end to hopes for rapid development. From the analysis of the tourist consequences of the sanctions against Iran, and within the framework of an emerging geopolitics, this thesis proposes a double approach of these relations. The first analyzes the literature of sanctions in tourism, showing the different impacts of sanctions on the tourist ecosystem defining the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. This first approach is complemented by the analysis of interviews with key actors in Iran to decipher the constraints of sanctions for Iranian tourism professionals. The second focuses on understanding the adaptation mechanisms of other sanctioned destinations (Cuba, Russia and Turkey) to address the tourism consequences of sanctions. Overall, this work deepens the understanding of the relationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism, provides an analysis of the effects of international sanctions on destinations and studies the phenomena of tourism resilience
Reisinezhad, Arash. "Geopolitical Account of Iran's Ties with Non-State Actors under the Shah: 1958-1979." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3196.
Full textAlghunaim, Ghadah. "Conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran: An Examination of Critical Factors Inhibiting their Positive Roles in the Middle East." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/19.
Full textBeaulieu-Brossard, Philippe. "'Bomb', 'sanction', or engage'? : the theory/political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis from the American perspective (1998-2014)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6085.
Full textYusifov, Shahin. "La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.
Full textThe collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)
Nocetti, Julien. "La Russie de Vladimir Poutine au Moyen-Orient : analyses d'une ambition de "retour" (2000-2013)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCF007.
Full textA highly and recurrent belligerent region, the Middle East represents a “South” which is often neglected in the study of Russian foreign policy. However, Moscow’s policy in the Middle East constitutes a particularly relevant indicator of the dynamics, assets, and limits of the Russian power. In our study period (2000-2013) the pursuit of “rational” objectives – the maximization of the state’s security within an international system perceived as anarchic – does not exclude an identity quest which enlightens the way Russia sees itself in the world, often in opposition to the West. Our research thus questions the reinvestment of the Middle East by Vladimir Putin’s Russia by addressing both the domestic and external rationales of Russian policy there. Once elected president in 2000, Vladimir Putin faced the twofold challenge of preventing an ethnic and religious polarization of the Russian population, and of improving Russia’s image in the Arab-Muslim world after the two wars fought in Chechnya. On the other side, the Middle East remains the traditional area for asserting Russia’s power. Through the main security issues in the region, Moscow mainly gauges the Middle East with regard to the West, most notable the United States, while betting, since the world financial crisis and the Georgia war in 2008, an inexorable decline of the American power. Since 2011, the “Arab Spring” uprisings have revealed a conservative by instinct and a cautious in its execution Russian policy, made of maneuvers and compromises if necessary and favoring tactic partnerships to constraining alliances
Nel, Coligny. "United States policy and nuclear non-proliferation: a preliminary comparison of the Bush and Obama administrations' approaches." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4129.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The United States of America (USA) has a new president in the White House - a president whose rhetoric appears to distance himself from the policies of the previous administration. This also appears to hold true for his approach with regard to nuclear nonproliferation. The overarching research aim of this study is to explore whether the Obama administration’s policy with regard to nuclear non-proliferation will differ significantly from that of the Bush administration. The broader subject of nuclear non-proliferation will be subdivided into three themes, namely: disarmament, proliferation by non-nuclear states and nuclear terrorism. In order to sketch the international context within which the USA’s policy must be viewed, an overview of the nuclear non-proliferation regime is provided. This will be followed by an exploration of disarmament, proliferation by nonnuclear states (with Iran and North Korea as case studies) and nuclear terrorism. In each case, a comparison between the Bush administration and the Obama administration’s policies will be done. Finally, an analysis will be done of the main similarities and differences between the two administrations’ approaches, with a focus on the use of hard, soft and smart power. The study concludes that the primary difference between the Bush and Obama administration’s approaches is that Bush pursued only one policy option (hard power) at a time, while Obama intends to use many different policy options (smart power) at the same time, with a focus on increasing the use of soft power. This sort of pragmatism may just be what the USA needs right now in order to address the problem of nuclear proliferation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigte State van Amerika (VSA) het ‘n nuwe president in die Withuis – ‘n president wie se uitsprake hom van die beleide van die vorige administrasie blyk te distansieer. Dit wil ook voorkom asof dit van toepassing is op sy benadering tot kernwapen versperring. Die oorhoofse navorsingsdoelwit van hierdie studie is om te ondersoek of die Obama administrasie se beleid ten opsigte van kernwapen versperring aansienlik van die van die Bush administrasie gaan verskil. Die breër onderwerp van kernwapen versperring kan in drie temas opgedeel word, naamlik: ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate, en kernwapen terrorisme. Ten einde die internasionale konteks te skets waarin die VSA se beleid moet geskied, begin die studie met ‘n oorsig van die kernwapen versperring regime. Dit word gevolg deur ‘n ondersoek van onderskeidelik ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate (met Iran en Noord-Korea as gevallestudies) en kernwapen terrorisme. By elkeen van die drie temas word ‘n vergelyking tussen die Bush administrasie en die Obama adminstrasie se beleide getref. Laastens word ‘n analise van die hoof verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee administrasies se benaderings onderneem, met die klem op die gebruik van harde, sagte en slim mag. Die bevinding van die studie is dat die hoof verskille tussen die Bush en Obama administrasies se benaderings behels dat Bush slegs een beleidsopsie (harde mag) op ‘n slag nagevolg het, terwyl Obama beoog om terselfdertyd van verskillende beleidsopsies (slim mag) gebruik te maak, met veral ‘n fokus op ‘n toename in die gebruik van sagte mag. Die soort pragmatisme mag dalk net wees wat die VSA tans nodig het om die probleem van kernwapen proliferasie aan te spreek.
Sadoon, Hajar Bashir Kalari. "From foreign relation to foreign policy : transformation of the Kurdish de facto state into an independent foreign policy actor." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32229.
Full textAnlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
Full texts self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
Gasimova, Esmira. "La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG014.
Full textThis thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh
Koszel, Bodgan. "Polens Engagement in der euroatlantischen Zone nach dem Irak-Krieg." Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/962/.
Full textMost authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
Teklegiorgis, Gedion T. "U.S. victory in the first Gulf War : implication for the future of United States foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FTeklegiorgis.pdf.
Full textThesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas K. ; Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on February 2, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available in print.
Risse, Thomas. "Die unipolare Weltordnung - Ein soziales Konstrukt : ein Kommentar zu den Kommentaren." Universität Potsdam, 2003. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/963/.
Full textMost authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
LaCoco, Kimberly. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq: An Evaluation of Motivating Factors." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9842/.
Full textMcFall, Shawn. "Foreign Policy by Fiat: An Examination of the United States Decision Making Process on Iraq from 1990-1998." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1906.
Full text