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Journal articles on the topic 'Iranian Constitutionalism'
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1
Arjomand, Saïd Amir. "The 1906-07 Iranian Constitution and the Constitutional Debate on Islam." Journal of Persianate Studies 5, no. 2 (2012): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341242.
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Abstract After a brief sketch of the historical background, the mutual impact of Islam and constitutionalism is examined by looking closely at the process of constitution-making in the broad context of the constitutional politics of Iran between 1905 and 1911. The modification of modern constitutional concepts under the impact of Shiʿi Islam and through its custodians in the course of the reception of Western constitutionalism in this period is followed by an analysis of the impact of modern political ideas on Islam. The analysis is based on the texts of the Fundamental Law of 1906 and its 1907 Supplement, and on the contemporary tracts for and against constitutionalism from opposite Islamic viewpoints. Our detailed examination of these sources indicates no presumption that a constitution had to be based on Islam. Nor was there any notion of ‘the Islamic state,’ the slogan of the Islamic revolution of 1979. For the constitutionalists and anti-constitutionalist pamphleteers of the first decade of the twentieth century alike, the counterpart to the constitutional government was not the Islamic state but the autocratic monarchy of ‘the king of Islam.’
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HajianPour, Hamid, and Mehdi Khaksarkahangi. "The Role and Impact of the Bazaar of Tehran on the First Constitutional Parliament." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p239.
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According to the Iranian Constitutional Constitution, the parliament was considered as the foundation of Constitutionalism and was supposed to realize the most important goal of the Constitutionalists, namely controlling the absolute power of the Shah through defining a recognized law and supervising its enforcement. Such a process took place in Iran and Constitutional Revolution was a product of it. The present paper is trying to investigate the role and impacts of Tehran’s Bazaar (market) on the first Constitutionalist parliament. In doing so, after fully describing the context of the study, the required data is gathered through descriptive – analytical approach. The findings of this study show that members of the Tehran’s Bazaar is in line with the different social groups, by pressuring the Shah of Iran forced him to acknowledge their demands and played a considerable role in establishing the first Constitutional parliament of the country.
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soltani, naser. "Akhund Khorasani and Discovering the Commen denominater in Iranian Constitutionalism." Journal of Law Research 22, no. 87 (November 1, 2019): 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29252/lawresearch.22.87.225.
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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran." Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (October 17, 2015): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.
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Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.
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Volkov, Denis V. "The evil genius of Iranian constitutionalism? ‘Bloody Shapshal’ at the Qajar court." Middle Eastern Studies 56, no. 4 (March 23, 2020): 535–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2020.1739655.
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Asim, Muhammad, Muhammad Akram Zaheer, and Yasmin Roofi. "Constitutional Economics under an Official Thought to be Divinely Guided: Implication on Islamic Republic of Iran." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 10, no. 101 (June 2020): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.101.15.
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Constitutional economics is an interdisciplinary subject of constitutionalism and economics where political government tries to constitutionalize the economic activities within the state. Although, every political government tries to deal with all the economic aspects during constitutional engineering but, in theocratic states, the supreme religious institution performs the respective task because of having an official thought to be divinely guided. This study comprehensively describes the concept of Vilayat-e-Faqih (introduced by the Imam Khomeni) in Iran, by which, the entire political system including the economic and financial affairs of Iran has become the subjects of Supreme Leader and his Guardian Council. Similarly, articles 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31 of the Iranian constitution emphasize upon economic rights of the nation in general. On the other hand, articles 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 and 48 of the constitution define Iranian economic infrastructure, which is comprised of state, corporate and private sectors.At the same time, articles from 100 to 106 of the constitution focus on the power and authorities of“the councils” at the town, city, district and provincial levels. Moreover,this study also provides constitutional economic analysis of article 05, articles 107 to 112, article 150,and article 176 that exhibits hegemony of Supreme Leader (in consultation with Guardian Council and Revolutionary Guards)regarding looking after, controlling and directing all the economic activities within the state. Furthermore, the study also investigates how and why each constitutional provision is the subject of the post of Supreme Leader (also called Vilayat-e-Faqīh; considered to be divinely guided).
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Cronin, Stephanie. "An experiment in military modernization: constitutionalism, political reform and the Iranian Gendarmerie, 1910–21." Middle Eastern Studies 32, no. 3 (July 1996): 106–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209608701121.
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Najmabadi, Afsaneh. "“Is our name remembered?”: Writing the history of Iranian constitutionalism as if women and gender mattered." Iranian Studies 29, no. 1-2 (March 1996): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869608701844.
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Baburin, Sergey N. "THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GREAT IRANIAN REVOLUTION FOR THE MODERN WORLD: SPIRITUAL AND VALUE DIMENSION OF CONSTITUTIONALISM." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (Jurisprudence), no. 3 (2019): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-6794-2019-3-116-130.
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Atamaz, Serpil. "Constitutionalism as a solution to despotism and imperialism: the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in the Ottoman-Turkish press." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 4 (February 7, 2019): 557–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1566123.
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Tourage, Mahdi. "The Eighth Biennial Conference of the International Society for Iranian Studies." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1323.
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The Eighth Biennial Conference of the International Society for IranianStudies (ISIS), the largest international gathering of scholars in the field, washeld in Santa Monica, CA, on 27-30 May 2010. There were sixty-four panels,each with three to four presenters addressing topics ranging from literature,Shi`ism and Sufism, to modernity, politics, women and gender. Amongthe ones that I found most interesting were “Women’s Worlds in Qajar Iran,”“Engagements with Reason: Shi`ism and Iran’s Intellectual Culture,” “PersianLiterary and Cinematic Representations of a Society in Transition,”“Shi’i Modernity, Constitutionalism, Elections, and Factional Politics,”“Reconstructing the Forgotten Female: Women in the Realm of the Shahnama,”“Zones of Exploration: Society, Literature, and Film,” “Re-ReadingIranian Shi`ism: International and Transnational Connections and Influence,”“The Politics of the Possible in Iran,” “Women’s Issues in ModernIran (in Persian),” “Discourses on Self And Other,” and “Sufism: Poetry andPractice.”Also featured were classical Persian music presentations and additionalroundtable discussions. One telling example of often overlooked aspects ofIranian society was “‘Waking Up the Colours: Candour and Allegory inWomen’s Rap Texts,” a paper on Iranian women’s rap music. Presenter GaiBray, an ethnomusicologist, argued that unlike the common conception ofrap as direct language, Iranian female rappers often use allegory to deal withdifficult subject matters, such as rape and prostitution. In another memorablepaper Babak Rahimi (University of California, San Diego) argued thatBushehr’s commemoration of Ashura serves to solidify communal identity.The ritual ends by burning the stage upon which the performances tookplace, signifying a communal act of creative destruction through which newidentities are reconstructed via building new ritual sites ...
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Borbor, Dariush. "A Comparative Overview of the Iranian Constitutions of 1906-07 and 1979." Iran and the Caucasus 10, no. 2 (2006): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338406780345943.
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AbstractThe history and the essential and important articles of the constitutional laws of Iran and its immediate neighbours are elucidated and compared. The article includes an analytical comparison of the 1906-07 and 1979 Constitutions of Iran. A brief analytical synoptic overview of world constitutions is also presented in order to obtain a balanced view of the process of constitutionalism and popular suffrage for men and women.In 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran became the first country in the world to include a declaration for the preservation of the environment in its Constitution.Having compared the 1906-7 Constitution of Iran with a good number of others, it is very evident that the transformation of an autocratic monarchy into a constitutional one was in itself a great leap forward, at a time, when most of the world still lived under dictatorship.In Iran, a number of civil institutions have played their role for a whole century thanks to the 1906-07 Constitution, though far from perfect, nevertheless more or less accepted and functioning. These include a hundred years of direct parliamentary elections, and several years of presidential, municipal and other popular suffrage.The propagation of the 1906-07 Constitutional Movement of Iran has been paramount; it had greatly influenced the awakening of many other peoples of the neighbouring and regional countries. The 1908 re-institution of parliament in the Ottoman Empire, the 1911 Chinese Revolution, and the 1917 Revolution in Tzarist Russia were undoubtedly influenced by the Constitutional Movement of Iran.
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Abedinifard, Mostafa. "Iran's “Self-Deprecating Modernity”: Toward Decolonizing Collective Self-Critique." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 3 (May 12, 2021): 406–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000131.
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AbstractExtant studies of Iranian nationalism accentuate the self-aggrandizing side of Iranian modernity, mainly achieved through, and informing, a process of otherizing certain non-Persians/Iranians, particularly the Arabs. I argue that equally important to understanding Iranian modernity is its lesser recognized, shameful and self-demeaning face, as manifested through a simultaneous 19th-century discourse, which I call “self-deprecating modernity.” This was an often self-ridiculing and shame-inducing, sometimes satirical, discourse featuring an emotion-driven and self-Orientalizing framework that developed out of many mid-nineteenth-century Iranian modernists’ obsessions with Europe's gaze; with self-surveillance; and with the perceived humiliation of Iranians through the ridiculing laughter of Other (especially European) nations at Iran's and Iranians’ expense. To explore this discourse, I re-examine the works of three pre-constitutionalist thinkers and writers within the broader sociopolitical context of late Qajar Iran, surveying their perspectives on shame, embarrassment, and ridiculing laughter, and showing how they were significantly informed by, while also helping to form, self-deprecating modernity. Given the strong, self-colonizing presumptions of this discourse, I conclude the article with a stress on the importance of re-exploring collective self-critical practices in modern Iranian history, culture, and literature with an eye toward decolonizing self-criticism.
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Safitri, Dian Maya. "What Went Wrong with the Veil? A Comparative Analysis of the Discourse of the Veil in France, Iran, and Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 48, no. 1 (June 18, 2010): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2010.481.81-100.
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This paper attempts to discuss several current issues about the veil. Three countries are selected, namely France, Iran, and Indonesia, due to their different policies and perspectives concerning the veil. Using discourse analysis, this paper examines the violation of human rights, particularly those of Muslim women, by the ban of the veil in France and the obligation to wear it in Iran. Finally, inspired by the theoretical work of Gramsci, this paper analyzes how the terms “secular” and “religious“ are used by the state to justify their hegemony over certain minority groups. Moreover, this paper offers the “correct concept of secularism” as that entails civic reason, constitutionalism, and human-rights based citizenship, and proposed by An-Na’im as the best avenue to safeguard the problem of human rights in France and Iran. The remainder of this paper discusses Indonesia, the largest Moslem country in the world, that is, in fact, “a secular country” based on Pancasila, which respects religious freedom, including for women to wear the veil or not. It also opens full, equal, and fair access for all Indonesian women, regardless of their ethnicity and religious affiliation, to compete in the workforce and to pursue education. The author’s intention is to clarify false stereotypes about the veil, to enlighten readers about abuse of power by both French and Iranian governments in violating the rights of women on the issue of veil, and to inform readers --using the case of Indonesia as an example-- about the importance of state neutrality in supporting the rights of freedom of and from religion.
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Bandžović, Sead. "Transformation of the State and Law in Iran after the Iranian Revolutionin 1979." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.146.
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With the overthrow of the regime of Reza Pahlavi in 1979, the Iranian revolution ended the existence of the 2,500-year-old Persian Empire and built the Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The revolution was the product of three independent social structures that merged at one point. One was the structure of constitutionalism that grew out of a century-long struggle for democracy supported by modernists; the second was Islamism as a movement to set Sharia law as the primary law supported by rural elements in society in response to Western urban elites and accepted by merchants; and the third is the nationalist structure, driven by rage fueled by Iran's long subordination to European powers. The basic principle of the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed by the new constitution from 1979, is the positioning of God as the supreme bearer of people's sovereignty and people who are only marginal representatives of his power on Earth. Ayatollah Homenini, the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian state, in this regard created a thesis about the Islamic State as a political representation, created on the basis of the people's will, in order to enforce God's laws. In practice, such system meant setting up Sharia (religious) laws as the only source of law in regulating social, legal and other relations within the community. A dichotomy has been created in the management of the state, so there are two groups of authorities. The first, the conciliar, consists of the Supreme leader, the Council of Guardians (Shora-ye Negahban-e Qanun-e assassi), the Council of Experts (Majles-e Khobragan Rahbari) and the Judgment Council. The task of these councils is to oversee the activities of all levels of government in order to preserve the unity, sovereignty and integrity of the Iranian political system. The conciliar government supervises and advises the republican part of the government, ie. its legislative, executive and judicial aspects. In addition to conciliar government, there is a republican government that creates laws and political decisions in accordance with religious teachings and under the supervision of theocratic political institutions. All laws and court decisions must be based on the principles of the Qur'an, and their proper interpretation requires an understanding of religious principles. On the basis of the constitution, a special High Judicial Council was established, which amended the pre-revolutionary laws (criminal, commercial, civil and procedural), thus creating the so-called “Transitional law”. The biggest changes affected the area of criminal law, where the principle of talion revenge was introduced (“an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”) and the strict punishment of extramarital relations and same-sex relationships. In the domain of marital and family law, a man is given a number of rights, thus putting the woman, as a marital partner, in a more unequal position. Husbands were facilitated in divorce, temporary marriages with more than one woman were allowed, while on the other hand women were allowed the right to divorce only if it was explicitly allowed by her husband during the marriage. The revolution also introduced new sources in the regulation of legal relations. Thus, by an order of the Supreme Judicial Council of 23 August 1982, judges were ordered to use direct authoritative Islamic texts or sources on which to base their judgments in resolving disputes. Judges are required by this Order to address the Council of Guardians of the Constitution if they cannot determine with certainty whether a regulation is in accordance with Sharia law or not. If the judge does not know which law to apply, he must contact the Office of Ayatollah Khomeini for further instructions. In addition to the internal one, the revolution caused radical changes in the foreign policy field, positioning Iran as an important participant in numerous international processes at the regional and global level.
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Baseri, Babak. "IRANIAN’S CONSTITUTIONALISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS." JOURNAL OF SHARIAH LAW RESEARCH 4, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jslr.vol4no1.3.
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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. "The Political Thought of Mirzā Aqā Khān Kermāni, The Father of Persian National Liberalism." Oriente Moderno 94, no. 1 (July 2, 2014): 148–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340043.
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The second half of the nineteenth century is one of the most important periods for the evolution of political thought in Persia. Notable intellectuals started to develop a critical perception of the social, economic and political issues, giving life to a new current of thought which became known as the constitutionalist movement of Iran. Mirzā Aqā Khān Kermāni (1853-1896) is one of the most important thinkers of this time who, in numerous books and articles, puts forward constitutionalist and nationalist ideas for the first time in Iranian contemporary history. This article will examine his political thought, highlighting how Kermāni, after being in contact with the liberal and constitutional ideas of western thinkers and also after a new revision of his own Persian history and philosophy, was able to work out a new way of thinking which contributed to creating the ideological basis for a modern concept of Nationalism in Iran and for the first attempt at secularization of Iranian society. This article shows how the Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906 (mashrūṭeh) was in fact partially the fruit of ideas of this first generation of secular thinkers such as Kermāni, who were able to spread a new civil concept of the state which separated religion from politics, by introducing the rule of law and limiting the absolute power of the monarch.
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Cole, Juan R. I. "Iranian Millenarianism and Demorcratic Thought in the 19th Century." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800001392.
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Between 1905 and 1911, Iranians were engaged in a protracted struggle over whether a constitutionalist regime would replace royal absolutism.1 Little in Iran's political culture before 1905 had hinted at this conflict before it broke out, and for the past thirty years historians have been seeking this genealogy for it. Most have searched among the papers of officials and diplomats, often examining unpublished or posthumously published manuscripts with little or no contemporary circulation, at least before the revolution,2 but we might get closer to its context if we look at what was going on outside the governmental elite. Here I will explore the growth of belief in representative government within an Iranian millenarian movement, the Bahai faith, in the last third of the 19th century, as an example of how the new ideas circulated that led to the conflict.3 Historians have noted a link between millenarianism and democratic or populist thought elsewhere, after all; for instance they have long recognized the importance of chiliastic ideas in e English Revolution of the 17th century. The republicanism of American dissidents and revolutionaries was also sometimes tinged with a civil millennialism. The Bahais of Iran, too, combined democratic rhetoric with millenarian imagery in the generation before the Constitutional Revolution.4
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Mirabian Tabar, Mehdi. "Divine vs. Human Law: The Quarrel between the Anti- and Pro-Constitutionalist Jurists in Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1906." Religions 12, no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 630. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080630.
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This study investigated the quarrel between the pro-and anti-constitutionalist jurists following the establishment of the first National Consultative Assembly (Majlis) in Iran and the drafting of the first constitution in 1906. A group of shi῾ite jurists launched an attack on Majlis, in addition to the ideas of human legislation, freedom, and equality, by considering the Islamic Sharī῾a law to be a set of perfect and impeccable laws. In response to these oppositions, the pro-constitutional jurists argued in favor of the constitutional movement. In this paper, it is argued that the quarrel could be considered as evidence for the perennial tension between the divine and human law in Islam. It appears that examining this conflict may shed light on incidents shaping the history of contemporary Iran.
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Kazemi Koohbanani, Hamta, Atefeh Zarei, and Nasrolah Erfani. "Measuring the librarians’ quality of working life in the Iranian public libraries." Library Management ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (August 12, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lm-11-2018-0089.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify the librarians’ quality of working life (QWL) in the Iranian public libraries. Design/methodology/approach The present study is an applied research in terms of purpose and an analytical survey in terms of data collection and analysis method. The Walton standard questionnaire was used as the data collection tool. The statistical population of this research consists of librarians in the Iranian public libraries. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used in order to analyze the data. Findings The findings showed that the dimensions of organizational social integration, constitutionalism in the organization and the capacity for human development are at a good level; the dimensions of the environment opportunity for continued growth and security and safe and healthy work are at a moderate level. Finally, the dimensions of fair and adequate payment, social relevance of work life and total life space are at a weak level are shown. Originality/value The findings of the confirmed hypothesis indicated that the librarians at the Iranian public libraries have a desirable (high) QWL.
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Yasini, Ali, Aliasghar Hayat, Tahereh Yasini, and Ayatallah Saadattalab. "The Relationship Between Quality of Work Life and Job Motivation Among Iranian High School Teachers." Malaysian Management Journal, March 1, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/mmj.15.2011.8974.
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This study examines the relationship between EFL teachers’ quality of work life (QWL) and their job motivation. 126 Iranian EFL teachers currently working in high schools of Tehran were administered two questionnaires that assessed their motivation and quality of work life. Participants’ motivation to teach was assessed using a questionnaire developed by Noe & Bachhuber (1990) which includes three major subscales: career insight (8 items), career identity (5 items), and career resilience (13 items). In addition this study used Walton’s (1973) widely used quality of work life questionnaire. This 29-item questionnaire includes eight subscales: adequate and fair compensation (4 items), safe and healthy working (3 items), continued growth and security (3 items), constitutionalism in the work organization (5 items), the social relevance of work life (3 items), total life space (4 items), social integration in the work organization (4 items), and human progress capabilities (3 items). The results revealed that Iranian EFL teachers experience medium to low levels of motivation and QWL. In addition, a significant relationship was found between QWL categories and job motivation. Further, the best QWL predictors for teacher motivation were identified. The findings of this study are hoped to serve as a reference for principals and educational decision-makers in bringing about higher levels of motivation for language teachers.
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"Erratum." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 4 (November 1995): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800062711.
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Mansour Bonakdarian, “Iranian Constitutional Exiles and British Foreign-Policy Dissenters, 1908–9, ” IJMES, 27, 2 (May 1995).On page 179, I erroneously mention Yahya Dawlatabadi as one of the Iranian constitutionalist exiles who arrived in England in 1908. In fact, Dawlatabadi did not visit England until the summer of 1909, after the abdication of Muhammad ʿAli Shah, where he met with E. G. Browne and other critics of Lord Grey. His name should therefore be omitted from the list of the exiles who reached England by late summer of 1908. By the time I noticed this error, proofs had already been returned to the journal and it could not be corrected. Although this oversight does not undermine the interpretation advanced by the article, I do wish to apologize for any confusion it might cause.
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Imran, Khadeeja. "Water Sharing Issues in Pakistan: Impacts on Inter-Provincial Relations." Journal of Development and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 947—959. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/jdss.2021(2-iv)74.
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This study is an attempt to highlight the cultural implication of CPEC on Pak-China relations, how it will align two nations culturally, and what steps were taken by the governments of two states to bring the people closer. After the establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China, the cultural aspect of relations between the two states also moved forward. The flow of cultural delegations intensified after the 2010, because this year was celebrated as the ‘Pak-China Friendship Year’. This dimension of relations further cemented between the two states with the signing of CPEC in April 2015. CPEC will not only bring economic prosperity in Pakistan but it will also bring two states culturally closer. The roads and other communication link under this project will become source of cultural flow between the two states.