Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 24 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981"

1

Wolf, L. A. "America Held Hostage: The Iran Hostage Crisis of 1979-1981 and U.S.-Iranian Relations." OAH Magazine of History 20, no. 3 (May 1, 2006): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/20.3.27.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Shannon, Matthew K. "“The Fate of Freedom Here”." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23784253.7.2.001.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract In November 1979, shortly after the seizure of the American embassy in Tehran, the Jimmy Carter administration introduced Section 214.5 to Title 8 of the U.S. Code of Federal Regulations (8 C.F.R. §214.5). It initiated the Iranian Control Program, which screened Iranian students in the United States and fanned the flames of anti-Iranianism. The domestic response to an international crisis endangered the basic human right to the security of person; civil liberties and the constitutional guarantee of equal protection before the law; and the rights of immigrants, refugees, and asylees. In response to this tripartite challenge, Iranian students and their American allies mobilized against Section 214.5. This article finds that the hostage crisis threatened the fate of freedom in the United States and, in the process, generated new forms of rights advocacy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Ishaque, Waseem, Syed Jawad Shah, and Aman Ullah. "IRANIAN NUCLEAR DEAL: CHALLENGES FOR REGIONAL AND GLOBAL STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).01.

Full text

Abstract:

Reza Shah Pahlavi laid the foundations of the Iranian nuclear quest in the 1950s by getting nuclear assistance under reciprocal arrangements in the US-sponsored Atom for Peace program. Iran is a signatory of the NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) since 1970, and by their perspective, all protocols under NPT have fully complied. The 1979 revolution in Iran proved a watershed in relations with the USA due to the hostage crisis and increased hostility, which resulted in economic sanctions and isolation. However, Iran covertly pursued its nuclear program, which remained the subject of international debate until the nuclear deal of 2015 aimed at limiting Irans nuclear capability for the lifting of sanctions and breaking isolation. On 16 January 2016, in response to Irans compliance with the provisions of the nuclear deal, all nuclear-related sanctions were lifted. President Trump since taking over office has repeatedly criticized the agreement and decertified it unilaterally. This article analyses implications on regional and global strategic management.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Hadi, Salah Mahdi, and Noor Abdul-Ilah Ajrash. "Iraq and the mutual accumulation strategy between the international and regional powers: The United States of America and Iran are a model." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 21 (September 28, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i21.236.

Full text

Abstract:

The rules of (mutual accumulation strategy) overshadow the history of the crisis relations between the United States of America and Iran four decades ago, and if we recall that, we will notice several collision joints between the two parties, starting with the hostage crisis of the American embassy in Iran from 4/11/1979 to 20 / 1/1981 AD, to the "Marines" attempt to storm this embassy in an operation called "Eagle Claw" on 4/24/1980 AD, to the tanker war in the eighties of the last century, to the exchange of downing drones in 2019, and finally what happened between the United States The United States and Iran from the moment targeting (Qassem Soleimani), commander of the "Quds Force" on 1/3/2020, until the Iranian missile response and targeting of the American forces in the two "Ain al-Assad" bases in Anbar province, and the "Harir" base in Arbil province on 1/8/ 2020 AD, all of this falls within the context of (mutual accumulation strategy) between the two parties, without going to a comprehensive confrontation through war or a knockout, because the logic of war or comprehensive confrontation is outside the political and military mindsets of the two parties, and the meaning of all of this is that turmoil forms the basis of the relationship between the states The The United States and Iran, because the turmoil and the limited clash with it through mutual strikes, do not necessarily lead to an open clash.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Noth, Gregory. "Rethinking the Carter Doctrine and its Geopolitical Implications." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.2.3.

Full text

Abstract:

This article combines insights from constructivism with historical analysis to argue that the US military engagement in the Gulf, beginning in the 1980s, was primarily driven by the changed roles of two actors: Iran after the Islamic Revolution and the United States attempting to regain its role as a global superpower following the Vietnam War. It argues that the year 1979 constitutes what constructivists deem a “critical juncture,” in which America’s response to three events—the Iranian Revolution/hostage crisis; the siege of Mecca’s Grand Mosque; and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan—helped to redefine the Gulf’s security architecture and made the region more insecure. It ends with a close examination of US participation in the Iran–Iraq War and the long-term implications of the Carter Doctrine’s changing logic.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Kliuchnyk, Ruslan. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ECONOMY OF IRAN UNDER SANCTIONS." Academic Review 2, no. 55 (2021): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5354-2021-2-55-9.

Full text

Abstract:

The article provides an attempt at complex analysis of the development of Iran`s economy under the sanctions imposed by the USA and other countries. Some background issues in the development of the modern Iranian regime have been considered. The role of the Iranian Revolution in the relations between Iran and the Western world has been analyzed. A brief historic overview of anti-Iranian sanctions has been given. The Iran hostage crisis in 1979 has been mentioned among the first events that lead to sanctions. According to the 1981 Algiers Accords, the USA promised to remove the freeze on Iranian assets and trade sanctions on Iran. Special attention has been paid to the nuclear program of Iran. The Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant has been considered as a successful example of Iran’s nuclear program development. The point of view of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the President of Iran in 2005-2013, as well as opinions of other Iranian officials about nuclear energy have been considered. Also, the attitude of American officials to Iran (e.g. inclusion of Iran to the list of rogue states) has been considered. Iran is one of the few countries in the world that are able to construct nuclear weapons. So, the Western countries including the USA are trying to prevent Iran from achieving this, even though Iranian officials deny any military use of nuclear energy. The importance of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action signed in 2015 has been underlined. The sceptical attitude of the President of the USA Donald Trump (2017-2021) to CLARIFY Iran’s professions of peace OR plans for peaceful engagement with Iran? has been noted. The Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act has been given as an example of anti-Iranian policy. The cases of attacks on tankers of Iran and other countries in the recent years have been mentioned. The example of the Shetab electronic banking clearance and automated payments system used in Iran and other countries is noted. It is mentioned that Iran’s automotive industry is comparatively successful. It is proved that the country’s economy has in general grown accustomed to the international sanctions. The importance of Iran`s political and economic cooperation with Russia, Syria, North Korea and other countries has been underlined. All of these countries are ruled by extremely authoritarian regimes. Attention is paid to the comparatively closed economic system of Iran that makes its complex study more difficult than it would otherwise be. The article has been written with the use of different scientific methods and the most up-to-date sources. It is of interest for researchers, students and other people who are interested in international economic relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Mahwish Hafeez. "India-Iran Relations: Challenges and Opportunities." Strategic Studies 39, no. 3 (November 5, 2019): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.03.00103.

Full text

Abstract:

Besides geographic proximity, India and Iran share a historic relationship that has its mark even today. However, despite these historic ties, both India and Iran have not been able to take this relationship to the desired level. Although several factors account for this failure, the biggest being the prevailing hostility between the US and Iran. Throughout the Cold War era, both Tehran and Washington were close allies. However, this situation completely changed following the Iranian revolution and the 1979 hostage crisis. This sudden change between the US and Iran had an impact on Iran’s relationship with the rest of the world. Since India is aspiring to become a global economic power, it is imperative for India to ensure a continuous supply of energy resources. This necessity for energy resources has compelled India to maintain some level of cooperation with Iran despite the US pressure. Thus, New Delhi finds itself walking a tight rope balancing its relationship with energy-rich Iran and the world’s dominant power, the US.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Fiaz, Kamran, Ahsan Riaz, and Muqarrab Akbar. "Sectarianism and Its Impacts on Social Tolerance: A Case Study of University Students of South Punjab." Global Sociological Review VII, no. I (March 30, 2022): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2022(vii-i).07.

Full text

Abstract:

1979 unveiled political events of the Iranian Revolution, the siege of Mecca, and the Afghan war that entirely shaped the political dynamics of the Muslim world, including the struggle for regional influence between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Issues like sectarianism, insurgency, humanitarian crisis, violation of women's rights, and uprisings in different parts of the Muslim world ensued. The paper is an attempt to understand the radical legacy of 1979: its impact on social tolerance and the sectarian rift between Shias and Sunnis in Pakistan. The data was collected through questionnaires from the students of public and private sector universities of South Punjab in Pakistan. A quantitative analysis of the data gauged the students' tolerance for the opposite sect and their perception of external influences on the sectarian divide in the country. The study revealed that students in the universities of Southern Punjab are not generally hostile to their out-of-sect social connections. It is recommended that students be made aware of issues like sectarianism in Pakistan and the role of regional politics to prevent them from falling prey to extremism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

"The Formative Years of the Iran–United States Claims Tribunal." Nordic Journal of International Law 66, no. 1 (1997): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718109720295094.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractAfter the seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran on 4 November 1979 and the taking of 52 American citizens as hostages, and after President Carter in retaliation froze Iranian assets in the United States banks, at home and overseas, valued at some 12 billion dollars, the grave crisis was not finally settled until 19 January 1981, after 444 days. The hostages were released and arrangements were made for the free transfer of the frozen Iranian assets. The settlement also provided for the establishment of an Arbitral Tribunal at the Hague for the solution of a wide range of specified claims. An ``insider'' tries in this article to describe the complex and burdensome building up and organisation of the largest and most important international arbitration to date.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Fotouhi, Sanaz. "An Analysis of Literary Representations of Iranian Men in Diasporic Iranian Literature." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 11, no. 1 (February 3, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/portal.v11i1.3284.

Full text

Abstract:

Middle Eastern Muslim men have been historically subjected to stereotypical representations in the West. Although these men are categorically hypervisible for Western audiences as a similar type, among them Iranian men in particular, have been subject to a specific kind of marginalization. Following the 1979 Islamic revolution and the American hostage crisis in Iran, Iranian men and masculinity have become hypervisible as violent and religiously fanatic. While Western discourses of representation contributed greatly to the construction and representation of this specific kind of masculinity which marginalized and stigmatized Iranian men, Iranians themselves, have played a significant role in reaffirming this view. Ironically, contributing most to the reinforcement of this discourse has been Iranian women’s narratives in English in the West, in the form of memoirs and fictional accounts. These popular accounts have played a significant part in marginalizing and emphasizing a hypervisible and stereotypical representation of Iranian men. This paper considers the representation of Iranian men and masculinity as presented through Iranian women’s narratives in the West in English. By drawing on specific narratives and accounts, it examines how socio-political and historical contexts both in the West and in Iran, have led to Iranian women’s representation of Iranian men hypervisibly. Then, through an examination of some narratives by Iranian men, this paper examines how such representations have led to emphasizing the discourse of exclusion and otherness of Iranian men in the West, hampering the actual smooth integration of diasporic Iranian men into their adopted homes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981"

1

Apinyavesporn, Suteera. "President Carter, US foreign policy and the Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981 /." [St.Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17058.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Grouya, Theodore C. "The weight of decision : an analysis of the Iran rescue mission attempt." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114565.

Full text

Abstract:

The takeover of the American embassy in Teheran by militant students on November 4, 1979 precipitated an international crisis involving the United States, Iran, and a host of other nations. Ultimately, pressures connected with the crisis led President Carter to authorize a military mission which at tempted to rescue the hostages on April 24, 1980. This thesis will at tempt to examine those pressures and to evaluate the way in which they influenced Carter's momentous decision.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Landsberg, Carel Martin. "An analysis of Iranian negotiating style as evidenced from the 1979 US hostage crisis and the Iran-EU nuclear negotiations from 2003 to 2006." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27048.

Full text

Abstract:

The intention of this research is to analyse the process and methodology of the Iranian negotiating style. The research is mainly premised on Putnam’s two-level game metaphor (1988) and the “ultimate decision making unit” of Hermann et al. (1987), the purpose being to identify key leadership units, individuals, and formal and informal networks in Iran. The study further takes cognisance of key elements of the Iranian national character, which naturally impacts directly on what Iran considers to be a suitable negotiating style. It provides an overview of how the 1979 revolution changed Iranian diplomacy and how it forced international political theorists to take note of the cultural-religious dimension, ignored until then as elements of international politics and theory. Two case studies, deal respectively with the US hostage crisis (1979-1981), and the Iran-E3/EU nuclear negotiations, between 2003 and 2006. The analysis shows how Iran assumed the character of a revolutionary country and how its new religiously driven diplomacy is evolving. The study finally identifies and illustrates the active deployment of Shî’a negotiation doctrine as the basis of Iranian diplomacy and the use of techniques such as taqiyyah, tanfih and khod’eh. A model for negotiations with Iran is developed using key elements of the research. AFRIKAANS : Die studie fokus op Iranese onderhandelingstyl en - metodiek. Twee teorieë, naamlik Putnam (1988) se “twee-ledige interaktiewe onderhandelingsproses” en Hermann et al. (1987) se leierskapsmodel, is gebruik om Iran se gefragmenteerde leierselite asook die staat se formele en informele netwerke wat ‘n sleutelrol vervul in onderhandeling te identifiseer. Bykomend hiertoe is ‘n analise gemaak van faktore soos kultuur en godsdiens wat onderliggend is aan Iran se “nasionale karakter” en dus ’n direkte invloed uitoefen op Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Die studie wys ook hoe die 1979 rewolusie ‘n verandering gebring het deur godsdiens en kultuur tot gelykwaardige dimensies van die internationale politiek te verhoog nadat dit voorheen heeltemal geïgnoreer is. Dit bly egter vreemd vir die Weste. Die studie slaag daarin om deur middel van twee navorsingsondersoeke rakende Iran se oorname van die VSA ambassade in Tehran tussen 1979 en 1981) en die Iran-E3/EU kernonderhandelings tussen 2003 en 2006 die fokus te plaas op die identifisering en ontwikkeling van ‘n Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Tegnieke soos taqiyyah, tanfih en khod’eh wat die basis van Iran se diplomatieke onderhandellingstyl vorm, word vervolgens bespreek terwyl ‘n model vir onderhandelinge met Iran ook ontwikkel is uit die gegewens wat verkry is uit die navorsing.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981"

1

Freeing the hostages: Reexamining U.S.-Iranian negotiations and Soviet policy, 1979-1981. Pittsburgh, Penn: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

John, Graves. Falstaff chez Khomeini: Un Américain otage des Iraniens raconte. Paris: Editions Tirésias, 1994.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

The Iranian rescue mission: Why it failed. Annapolis, Md: Naval Institute Press, 1985.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Hinchman, James F. Preliminary inquiry into alleged 1980 negotiations to delay release of Iranian hostages until after November election: Statement of James F. Hinchman, general counsel, before the Committee on Rules, House of Representatives. [Washington, D.C.]: The Office, 1991.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Hinchman, James F. Preliminary inquiry into alleged 1980 negotiations to delay release of Iranian hostages until after November election: Statement for the record of James F. Hinchman, General Counsel, before the Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. General Accounting Office, 1991.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East. United States-Iranian relations: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, November 9, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East. United States-Iranian relations: Hearing before the Subcommittees on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, November 9, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

United States-Iranian relations: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, November 9, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East. United States-Iranian relations: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, November 9, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East. United States-Iranian relations: Hearing before the Subcommittees on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session, November 9, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981"

1

Ali, Luman. "Britain and the Fallout of the US Embassy Hostage Crisis." In British Diplomacy and the Iranian Revolution, 1978-1981, 179–210. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94406-7_8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Hiro, Dilip. "Iran’s Second Revolution; A Millennial Challenge to the House of Saud." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 71–92. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0005.

Full text

Abstract:

Having overthrown the pro-Washington Shah, Khomeini set out to purge the Iranian state and society of American influence. He was aided by the surprise occupation of the United States Embassy in Tehran in November 1979 by militant students. The capture of secret CIA reports on the Middle East by the Iranian occupiers gave credibility to the regime’s description of the Embassy as a “nest of spies,” and created a rationale for taking 52 US diplomats as hostage. The crisis lasted 444 days and ended with Ronald Reagan’s inauguration as president in January 1981 after his defeat of the incumbent Jimmy Carter, a Democrat. Quite independently, Saudi King Khalid faced an unprecedented challenge to the legitimacy of the House of Saud when on the eve of .the Islamic New Year of 1400 – 20 November 1979 – hundreds of armed militant Wahhabis, led by Juheiman al Utaiba seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca. Utaiba called for the overthrow of the royal family for deviating from Wahhabism. Aided by the American and French intelligence agencies and Pakistani soldiers, the government regained control of the Grand Mosque. It then took remedial action by imposing strict Wahhabi rules on the social-cultural life of citizens.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

vanden Heuvel, William. "The Carter Presidency and the United Nations." In Hope and History, 126–61. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738173.003.0006.

Full text

Abstract:

This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's transformation from a little-known Georgia governor to the Democratic nominee. After Carter's election, he was appointed Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva. He became Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in New York in late 1979. His tenure in New York coincided with the Iranian hostage crisis, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and increasing tensions in the Middle East. He discusses the marginalisation of the UN in the approach to the 2003 Iraq War, as well as his work with Senator Ted Kennedy and President Bill Clinton on UN issues. The accompanying speech argues for the importance of the UN in the international order and America's responsibility to support it, despite hostility from Congress and neo-conservatives.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

"The U.S.-Iran Hostage Crisis, 1979–1981." In Terminate Terrorism, 109–48. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315631660-12.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!