Relevant bibliographies by topics / Iranian Nuclear Crisis

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Iranian Nuclear Crisis'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Iranian Nuclear Crisis"

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Berger, Andrea. "The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: A Memoir." RUSI Journal 157, no. 5 (October 2012): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.733127.

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Katz, Mark N. "Putin, Ahmadinejad and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." Middle East Policy 13, no. 4 (December 2006): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2006.00274.x.

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Farhadi, Parisa, and Arash Reisinezhad. "Media, security and the Iranian nuclear crisis." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00032_1.

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Iran’s controversial Nuclear Crisis (INC) has attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on its evolution and impact on international security and Middle Eastern politics, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of the role of media in framing the INC. The present article gives a new frame on media power in issues related to international conflicts. It traces how CNN and Fox News, as the major US media broadcasting news channels, covered sequential phases of the INC. The article also tracks down the roles of these channels in securitizing the INC and framing it as a threat to international peace. Last but not least, it explains how these media channels construct and consolidate the discourse of Iranophobia.
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Harris, Benjamin. "Coercive Diplomacy and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." International Negotiation 26, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 218–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10008.

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Abstract Coercive diplomacy was utilized by a coalition of the United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia, China and Germany (collectively known as the P5+1) to negotiate an end to the Iranian nuclear crisis from 2002–2013. Eventually, this approach culminated in the Geneva interim agreement and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in November 2013 and October 2015, respectively. This article charts the course of the P5+1’s coercive diplomacy efforts against Iran and demonstrates that coercive diplomacy pressured Iran to a point where the cost of continued resistance was too high to continue enduring. It shows that a combination of factors succeeded after 11 years of a coercive diplomacy strategy. These findings will have implications for policymaking and academia, as it is a rare illustration of successful, coalitional coercive diplomacy.
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Swarts, Jonathan. "The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: Avoiding Worst-Case Outcomes." European Legacy 18, no. 6 (October 2013): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2013.816155.

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Steiner, Andrea Quirino, Marcelo de Almeida Medeiros, and Rafael Mesquita de Souza Lima. "From Tegucigalpa to Teheran: Brazil's diplomacy as an emerging Western country." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, no. 1 (2014): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400103.

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This paper reviews Brazil's pursuit for international insertion by: discussing its search for new partners; presenting an overview of the historical, cultural, and political features that render it the most Western of the emerging nations; and analyzing its participation in the management of two major international crises, the Honduran constitutional crisis and the Iranian nuclear crisis.
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Djallil, Lounnas. "China and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis: Between Ambiguities and Interests." European Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (2011): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805811x616138.

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AbstractThis article analyses, the complex relationship between Tehran, Beijing and Washington on the Iranian nuclear issue. Indeed, China's policy towards Iran has often been described as ambiguous, in supporting Washington, on the one hand, while protecting Tehran, on the other hand. In this article, we argue that, in fact, Beijing policy vis-a-vis Tehran depends on the state of its relationships with Washington. Indeed, a closer analysis shows that China is using Iran as a bargaining chip with the United States on, among others, two key security issues, i.e., Taiwan and the oil supply. The guarantee of a secured oil supply from the Middle-East in addition to a comprehensive policy of the US with regard to Chinese security interests in Taiwan as well as the use of smart sanctions against Tehran, which would thus take into account, to a certain extent, Beijing economic interests in Iran, are, indeed, the guarantee of Beijing's support to the US policy towards Iran.
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Sauer, Tom. "Coercive diplomacy by the EU: the Iranian nuclear weapons crisis." Third World Quarterly 28, no. 3 (April 2007): 613–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590701200620.

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Biswas, Samprity, and Suryasekhar Chakraborty. "Russo-Iranian Relations in the Light of Putin’s Foreign Policy and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 23, no. 2 (September 22, 2019): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598419864905.

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Historically, Russia and Iran have shared a complex relationship that continues to color the contours of their present bilateral dealings. The complicated patterns of cooperation and conflict between them have been determined by a host of domestic and external factors on both sides, most pronouncedly manifested by their respective relationship with the USA. This article attempts to analyze Russia’s relationship with Iran in the geopolitical setting of the post-Cold War period. The aim of the article is to see how this bilateral relationship has evolved over time, exploring the underlying changes and continuities, from the Yeltsin period to the Putin era, in which Russia’s foreign policy has come to be characterized by an assertive fervor. Russia, under President Putin, has been pushed further toward the globalist end as the USA has attempted to consolidate Western values and institutions, at times to the extent of ignoring and undermining the principles of international law. It is within this broader context that this article will analyze the extent to which Russia’s disillusionment with the USA has played a role in pushing Russia toward adopting a pragmatic and flexible approach from time to time vis-à-vis Iran, in general, and the Iranian nuclear crisis, in particular. The article argues that Russia’s active involvement in minimizing the impact of sanctions on Iran and its method of dealing with Iran, through dialogue rather than force, is not only driven by Russia’s economic interests in the region, but is also a dependent variable of the larger Russia–USA rivalry at the systemic level characterized by both geopolitical competitions and ideational contestations over norms, beliefs, and practices of global governance.
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Işıksal, Hüseyin, and Ghadir Golkarian. "Ortadoğu’nun Sonlandırılamayan Sorunu: Hatemi’den Ruhani’ye İran’ın Nükleer Enerji Siyaseti / The Unresolved Problem of the Middle East: Iran’s Nuclear Energy Policy from Khatami to Rouhani." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v8i2.2002.

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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article examines Iran’s nuclear energy policy, which is one of the most important issues in the Middle East. In addition to the work written on this subject, it aims to contribute to the literature in terms of the nuclear energy policies of the three Iranian leaders during the nuclear crisis period, namely Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Hassan Rouhani. In this respect, the article initially explains why Iran’s nuclear energy policy is important. Then, in order to emphasize the double standards that stand at the core of the subject, the background of the Iranian nuclear program and the reasons behind the Iranian energy policy after the 1979 Islamic Revolution are examined. As the destination point of these discussions, the periods under Khatami, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani are examined in order to reveal the differences and similarities between the nuclear energy policies of the Iranian leaders.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu makale, Ortadoğu’daki en önemli sorunlardan biri olan İran’ın nükleer enerji siyasetini incelemektedir. Bu konuda yazılan çalışmalara ek olarak, nükleer kriz döneminin üç lideri, Muhammet Hatemi, Mahmut Ahmedinejat ve Hasan Ruhani’nin nükleer enerji siyasetinin analizi ile ilgili literatürün geliştirilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda makale öncelikle İran’ın nükleer enerji siyasetinin neden önemli olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. Daha sonra konunun özünde olan çifte standart vurgusunu öne çıkarmak için İran nükleer programının temeli ve 1979 İslam Devrimi sonrası İran enerji siyaseti ve nükleer enerji kapasitesi geliştirme nedenleri irdelenmiştir. Bu tartışmaların varış noktası olarak son bölümde Hatemi, Ahmedinejat ve Ruhani dönemleri ayrı ayrı incelenmiş ve nükleer enerji siyasetleri arasındaki fark ve benzerlikler ortaya konulmuştur.</p>
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Iranian Nuclear Crisis"

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Uzmez, Sena. "Iranian Nuclear Crisis And Its Impact On Us-iranian Relations Between 1953-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612879/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT IRANIAN NUCLEAR CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON US-IRANIAN RELATIONS BETWEEN 1953-2008 Ü
zmez, Sena M.S., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ö
zlem Tü
r December 2010, 101 pages This thesis analyzes the U.S.-Iran relations in accordance with Iranian Nuclear Crisis from a historical perspective. Analyzing the U.S.-Iran relations since 1953 until 2008, it is possible to see that as the two countries&rsquo
perceptions towards each other change, their policies towards the nuclear issue change, too. While nuclear developments were not a threat for the two states that were close allies during the Shah Era, the perceptions totally changed after the Islamic Revolution. However, even if US and Iran started to perceive each other as a threat, nuclear issue lost its importance because of Khomeini&rsquo
s approach in this period. With the September 11, 2001 attacks, the American approach has changed not only regarding the Middle East, but also regarding the nuclear issue in Iran. The Nuclear Crisis that started in 2002 by the announcement of secret nuclear centrals escalated to its peak with the election of Ahmedinejad as the president. Different historical facts that were experienced at different periods shaped perceptions of two nations towards each other. As these perceptions change towards each other, their perceptions regarding the nuclear issue and their policies have changed, too. In this study, how these two nations&rsquo
perceptions towards each other were shaped and their approaches regarding the nuclear issue influenced by the historical events will be examined and analyzed.
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Hagström, Johanna. "The EU’s involvement in the Iranian nuclear crisis : A normative experiment." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314141.

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Beaulieu-Brossard, Philippe. "'Bomb', 'sanction', or engage'? : the theory/political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis from the American perspective (1998-2014)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6085.

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This thesis argues that the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice has reached a dead-end in IR. Most scholars taking part in this debate based their claims on meta-theoretical assumptions, which explains the inability to settle the debate. This logic not only discouraged empirical enquiries, but also undermined reflexivity. Instead, this thesis calls for the translation of these meta-theoretical assumptions into a methodology and into methods to produce empirical knowledge by which to explore the relationships between Theory and political practice on specific issues. To this end, the thesis investigates relationships between American IR academic discourse and senior officials discourse and their effects on US foreign policy towards Iran between 1998 and 2014. The thesis provides a typology to map and to assess the gaps in the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice in IR. This typology is composed of four ideal-types: Theory to political practice, Theory vs. political practice, Theory as political practice and practice to political practice. The thesis also translates meta-theoretical assumptions drawn from Wittgenstein and Foucault into a methodology to generate empirical knowledge on specific relationships between Theory and political practice. This methodology enables to trace an evolving system of thoughts expressed in the Theory and political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis and to expose what this system does to US society and foreign policy. Three elements compose this system: the certainty of democratic teleology, the certainty of uncertainty and the certainty of smart power. The thesis claims that IR knowledge production on Iran mostly acted as symbolic knowledge morphing uncertainties about Iran into certainties for US governmental power. Only then could senior officials produce a judgement against Iran and implement disciplinary measures in the form of sanctions, covert actions, and military threats.
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Coffey, Darina. "Let's get into the legalities : examining and analysing the international legal position of Iran in the context of the Iranian nuclear crisis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7932/.

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This thesis focusses on the assessing the legality of the responses of the IAEA, the UN Security Council and certain member states to the Iranian nuclear crisis from 2006 to 2015. The purpose of this thesis is to highlight the fact that the Iranian situation was primarily a legal dispute, encompassing various complex legal questions which were largely side-stepped in the handling of the crisis. This thesis examines the mandates of the IAEA and Council to make the case that in numerous instances both engaged in ultra vires actions in their handling of the Iranian issue. This thesis examines the referral of the case by the IAEA to the Council and the resulting enforcement measures, their compatibility with the strictures of the Charter and the Council’s powers. Unilateral sanctions imposed by the US and EU are analysed as countermeasures and their legality as such is assessed, as are the legal issues associated with forcible counter-proliferation measures of surgical strike and cyber-attack. Reflecting on the 2016 outcome, this thesis concludes that Iranian nuclear crisis was prolonged and exacerbated by the failure to treat the situation as a legal, rather than purely political issue.
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Khalifa, Ayoub. "Analyse du discours onusien : le dialogue autour du nucléaire iranien (2005-2015)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0017.

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Notre recherche, ancrée dans les Sciences du Langage, s’inscrit dans une démarche interdisciplinaire basée essentiellement sur l’Analyse de Discours. Elle articule Traitement Automatique des Langues, Lexicométrie, Sociologie, Sémantique Argumentative et Rhétorique aristotélicienne. Il s'agit d'étudier le discours onusien sur la crise nucléaire iranienne pendant les dix années entre 2005 et 2015. Une étude basée sur l’Analyse de Discours, est menée sur un corpus clos et prédéfini afin de discerner les différents procédés linguistiques et discursifs qui commandent le discours. Il s’agit également d’appréhender les enjeux et les origines juridiques et politiques de cette crise diplomatique. Notre défi majeur est ainsi de saisir le discours sous ses multiples dimensions, linguistiques, discursives, politiques et juridiques. Au moyen de quels procédés discursifs l’Organisation des Nations-Unies construit, représente-elle son identité et vise à « maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales » ? Quel rôle jouent les systèmes de valeurs de l’Organisation dans l’argumentation, la construction de son identité, ainsi que dans la légitimation des politiques adoptées ? Comment le discours opère par sa normativité au profit de l’argumentation dans le discours, et vient en renfort des mesures adoptées par les différents organes des Nations-Unies ? Telles sont les interrogations auxquelles nous répondons dans ce travail. L’appréhension des incidences linguistiques et discussives se réalise à la lumière des données politiques et juridiques qui constituent un cadre interprétatif à l’analyse. L’objectif est d’identifier la construction d’une identité onusienne à travers des notions de valeurs, par des mécanismes discursifs
Our research, rooted in the Language Sciences, is part of an interdisciplinary approach based essentially on Critical Discourse Analysis. The study articulates Naturel Language Processing, Lexicometry, Argumentative Semantics and Aristotelian Rhetoric. It is a question of studying the United Nations discourse on the Iranian nuclear crisis during the ten years between 2005 and 2015. The study is conducted on a closed and predefined corpus, in order to discern the various linguistic and discursive processes that command the discourse. It is also a question of apprehending the stakes as well as the legal and political origins of this diplomatic crisis. Our major challenge is to understand the discourse in its multiple dimensions, linguistic, discursive, political and legal. By what discourse processes does the UN build, represent its identity and aims at « maintaining international peace and security »? What role does the Organization's value system play in argumentation, in the construction of its identity, as well as in the legitimacy of the policies adopted? How the discourse operates, through its normativity in favor of the argumentation, with a view to further reinforcement of the measures adopted by the various organisms of the United Nations? These are the questions we respond in this thesis. The apprehension of linguistic and discursive impacts is realized in the light of the political and legal data that constitute an interpretive framework for the analysis. The objective is to identify the construction of the United Nations identity through notions of values, by discursive mechanisms
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Landsberg, Carel Martin. "An analysis of Iranian negotiating style as evidenced from the 1979 US hostage crisis and the Iran-EU nuclear negotiations from 2003 to 2006." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27048.

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The intention of this research is to analyse the process and methodology of the Iranian negotiating style. The research is mainly premised on Putnam’s two-level game metaphor (1988) and the “ultimate decision making unit” of Hermann et al. (1987), the purpose being to identify key leadership units, individuals, and formal and informal networks in Iran. The study further takes cognisance of key elements of the Iranian national character, which naturally impacts directly on what Iran considers to be a suitable negotiating style. It provides an overview of how the 1979 revolution changed Iranian diplomacy and how it forced international political theorists to take note of the cultural-religious dimension, ignored until then as elements of international politics and theory. Two case studies, deal respectively with the US hostage crisis (1979-1981), and the Iran-E3/EU nuclear negotiations, between 2003 and 2006. The analysis shows how Iran assumed the character of a revolutionary country and how its new religiously driven diplomacy is evolving. The study finally identifies and illustrates the active deployment of Shî’a negotiation doctrine as the basis of Iranian diplomacy and the use of techniques such as taqiyyah, tanfih and khod’eh. A model for negotiations with Iran is developed using key elements of the research. AFRIKAANS : Die studie fokus op Iranese onderhandelingstyl en - metodiek. Twee teorieë, naamlik Putnam (1988) se “twee-ledige interaktiewe onderhandelingsproses” en Hermann et al. (1987) se leierskapsmodel, is gebruik om Iran se gefragmenteerde leierselite asook die staat se formele en informele netwerke wat ‘n sleutelrol vervul in onderhandeling te identifiseer. Bykomend hiertoe is ‘n analise gemaak van faktore soos kultuur en godsdiens wat onderliggend is aan Iran se “nasionale karakter” en dus ’n direkte invloed uitoefen op Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Die studie wys ook hoe die 1979 rewolusie ‘n verandering gebring het deur godsdiens en kultuur tot gelykwaardige dimensies van die internationale politiek te verhoog nadat dit voorheen heeltemal geïgnoreer is. Dit bly egter vreemd vir die Weste. Die studie slaag daarin om deur middel van twee navorsingsondersoeke rakende Iran se oorname van die VSA ambassade in Tehran tussen 1979 en 1981) en die Iran-E3/EU kernonderhandelings tussen 2003 en 2006 die fokus te plaas op die identifisering en ontwikkeling van ‘n Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Tegnieke soos taqiyyah, tanfih en khod’eh wat die basis van Iran se diplomatieke onderhandellingstyl vorm, word vervolgens bespreek terwyl ‘n model vir onderhandelinge met Iran ook ontwikkel is uit die gegewens wat verkry is uit die navorsing.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
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Books on the topic "Iranian Nuclear Crisis"

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The Iranian nuclear crisis: A memoir. Washington, D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2012.

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International Institute for Strategic Studies., ed. The Iranian nuclear crisis: Avoiding worst-case outcomes. Oxford: Routledge for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008.

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United, States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism Nonproliferation and Trade. Iranian nuclear crisis: Latest developments and next steps : joint hearing before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade and the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, March 15, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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The Iranian Nuclear Crisis. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203717691.

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Tagma, Halit M. E., and Lenze Jr Jr. Understanding and Explaining the Iranian Nuclear 'Crisis': Theoretical Approaches. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2020.

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Brossard. Power of International Relations in the Iranian Nuclear Crisis. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Iranian Nuclear Crisis"

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"Can Iran’s Capability Be Kept Non-Weaponised? Fallback proposals 58 Assessing the risks 66." In The Iranian Nuclear Crisis, 55–72. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203717691-8.

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"Western Strategy So Far Denial of supply 27 Demand-side strategies 31 Sanctions and pressure 33 Is the strategy working? 44 The time factor 48." In The Iranian Nuclear Crisis, 25–54. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203717691-7.

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"Introduction." In The Iranian Nuclear Crisis, 5–8. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203717691-5.

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"Framing the Problem: Iran’s Pursuit of Fissile Material Iran’s uranium enrichment: a unifying concern for the West 11 Seeking a weapons capability 12 Sensitive technologies 19 No enrichment: a consistent transatlantic objective 23." In The Iranian Nuclear Crisis, 9–24. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203717691-6.

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"Practicing Radical Geopolitics: Logics of Power and the Iranian Nuclear “Crisis”." In Geographies of Peace and Armed Conflict, 45–51. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203723340-8.

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Hurst, Steven. "The 1980s: Developing Hostility and the Origins of the Islamic Republic’s Nuclear Programme." In The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme, 62–91. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748682638.003.0003.

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Chronologically, Chapter Two focuses on the 1980s, but the main theme of the chapter is the development of mutual antipathy between Iran and the United States. This development is traced through an examination of their interactions from the 1953 coup to the Iran-Iraq War. The chapter emphasizes how the experiences of the 1953 coup in Iran, the Iranian Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis and the Iran-Iraq War contributed to the development of a profound and widespread mutual hostility between the two countries that would subsequently come to act as a major constraint on policy-makers on both sides. The chapter also examines the origins of the IRI's nuclear programme and its connection to the emerging conflict with the USA.
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Hurst, Steven. "2009–15: Obama and the Road to the JCPOA." In The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme, 190–245. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748682638.003.0006.

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Obama introduced significant changes to US policy that brought ambitions more effectively into line with the means available to achieve them. He secured more effective multilateral cooperation from key states, which in turn enabled him to impose more effective coercion. Of equal importance, however, was his abandonment of the demand that Iran give up the fuel cycle. That decision was driven by his recognition that continued enrichment was non-negotiable as far as Tehran was concerned and his fear that the alternative to acknowledging that would be military conflict. There would have been no JCPOA, however, without parallel changes inside Iran. After eight years of dominance by Iranian hard liners, the 2013 election saw Hassan Rouhani returned to office. Obama's concession on enrichment created the political space for him to pursue a negotiated solution while Iran's economic problems and growing legitimacy crisis persuaded the Supreme Leader to support him in doing so. A nuclear agreement was finally reached as a result of smarter diplomacy on the part of the USA, the exhaustion of coercive options short of war, and domestic political changes on both sides, but especially in Iran.
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Kasten, Lukas, and Laleh Gomari-Luksch. "An Eye for an Eye: Bargaining Theory, Mistrust, and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." In Iran, die Bombe und das Streben nach Sicherheit, 225–48. Nomos, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845249957_225.

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Hiro, Dilip. "Iran’s Nuclear Saga; And Iraq Averts an Inter-Sectarian War." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 201–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0011.

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Alarmed by the news in August 2002 that Iran was hiding a uranium enrichment facility from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Riyadh strengthened its ties with Pakistan, a declared nuclear power. With the election of radical conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as Iran’s president in 2005, the issue of Tehran’s nuclear program turned into a crisis which was referred to the United Nations Security Council. This reassured Riyadh. On the other hand, it refused to face the reality that once the US, as the occupying power in Iraq, had introduced free and fair elections in post-Saddam Hussein era, the long-suppressed Shia majority would gain power through elections. This happened in late 2005. The alienated Sunni militants, forming Al Qaida in Mesopotamia, bombed a sacred Shia shrine in Samarra in February 2006, and triggered low-intensity warfare between Shias and Sunnis. Washington and Baghdad worked jointly to dampen sectarian violence, and succeeded by buying Sunni tribal leaders’ loyalties with cash. In his secret cable to the State Department in September 2009, the US ambassador in Baghdad conceded that Iran’s influence in Iraq was pervasive. In other words, the balance of power in the Saudi-Iranian Cold War had shifted in Tehran’s favor.
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