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1

İPEK, FATİH OĞUZHAN. "From the Invasion to the October Protests: Iraq’s Search for Stability Caught in U.S.-Iran Crossfire." Insight Turkey 26, Spring 2024 (2024): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2024262.17.

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Iraq was a significant regional power during the Saddam Hussein regime, especially in his first years of reign. However, the Gulf Wars and the end of the Cold War almost wiped-out Iraq’s military and political capabilities in the region. Beginning with Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the country was smothered under harsh UN sanctions and invasive weapons inspections. Ironically, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq gave a huge room for Iranian influence on Iraqi politics, which harbored a U.S.-Iranian battle for influence. The U.S.-Iran competence and successive Iraqi governments’ failure to deliv
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HERRING, ERIC. "Between Iraq and a hard place: a critique of the British government's case for UN economic sanctions." Review of International Studies 28, no. 1 (2002): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502000396.

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In this article I outline the case made by the British government for UN economic sanctions on Iraq, and indicate many of the silences in, and counters to, it. When these silences and counters are taken into consideration, the British government's denial of any share of the responsibility for the devastation of Iraqi society becomes unsustainable. Iraqis have had their human rights violated on a vast scale not only by the regime but also by UN economic sanctions which have exacerbated the effects of the UN coalition's bombing of Iraq in 1991.
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Joffe, George. "Middle Eastern views of the Gulf conflict and its aftermath." Review of International Studies 19, no. 2 (1993): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500119023.

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There can be little doubt that the conflict between the UN-authorized and US-led Multinational Coalition and Iraq at the start of 1991, as a result of the Iraqi Ba'athist regime's decision in August 1990 to invade and annex Kuwait, has produced profound changes in the political and diplomatic environment of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as in Mashriqi and Maghribi political attitudes. The new atmosphere of confidence amongst the governments and peoples of the Arab states of the Gulf is clear evidence of these changes, as is the dejection felt in capitals such as Amman, Sanaa and Tu
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ARMSTRONG, DAVID, and THEO FARRELL. "Force and Legitimacy in World Politics: Introduction." Review of International Studies 31, S1 (2005): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006893.

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This volume was produced in the context of the crisis of legitimacy that occasioned the 2003 Iraq War. As is well known, a bitter feud broke out in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) over the legality of using force against Iraq. The US government justified going to war in the context of a new doctrine of preventive use of force for self-defence – a doctrine that was soon named after President George W. Bush. The British government anchored its case for war in two previous UNSC resolutions; res. 678 which originally authorised use of force against Iraq in the 1990–91 Gulf War, and res.
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5

Ali, Othman. "A Modern History of the Kurds, 3d rev. ed." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1642.

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This extensive survey of the Kurds’ history is divided into five sections:“The Kurds in the Age of Tribe and Empire,” “Incorporating the Kurds,”“Ethno-nationalism in Iran,” “Ethno-nationalism in Iraq,” and “Ethnonationalismin Turkey.” An introduction on Kurdish identity and social formation, as well as four appendices discussing the Treaty of Sèvres and theKurds of Syria, Lebanon, and Caucasia, are also included. David McDowall,a noted British specialist on Middle Eastern minority affairs and anacknowledged expert on Kurdish studies, has extensively revised the 1996second edition of his book.
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ENTESSAR, NADER. "MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq: A Political Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (2001): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.

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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict betwe
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7

Glennon, Michael J. "The Constitution and Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter." American Journal of International Law 85, no. 1 (1991): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203559.

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Does Security Council Resolution 678, read in conjunction with the United Nations Charter, confer authority on the President under United States domestic law to introduce the United States Armed Forces into hostilities? The operative part of the resolution provides that the Security Council:1.Demands that Iraq comply fully with resolution 660(1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions, and decides, while maintaining all its decisions, to allow Iraq one final opportunity, as a pause of goodwill, to do so;2.Authorizes Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait, unless Iraq on or
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8

Orchard, Phil. "Regime-Induced Displacement and Decision-Making Within the United Nations Security Council: The Cases of Northern Iraq, Kosovo, and Darfur." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 1 (2010): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x12602515137455.

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AbstractRegime-Induced Displacement – when governments deliberately use coercive tactics to cause mass displacement – is an increasing phenomenon. It is a problem for the international community because these situations challenge the ability of international and non-governmental organisations to provide the displaced with basic levels of protection and assistance. Yet even while these crises frequently cross the threshold envisioned in the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, the Security Council has generally avoided direct interventions, as the ongoing crisis in Darfur demonstrates. Thi
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Wróblewski, Bartosz. "Haszymidzkie Królestwo Jordanii w konfrontacji z ideologią panarabską (1946–1999). Z badań nad stabilnością polityczną monarchii arabskich." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 4 (2022): 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.26.

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Since early 1950s military coups were a frequent phenomenon in the Arab world. In consequence of that a lot of monarchies fell and they were replaced with republics. In fact, however, the politics became dominated by violence and the regimes quickly became oppressive dictatorships. The new governments made use of the pan-Arab ideology to legitimize their authority (which aimed at uniting Arabs from Morocco to Iraq). The small Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan became an important place of confrontation between the pan-Arab ideology and the monarchy, with its traditional legitimization of power. Since
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.

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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
 The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
 In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity
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Yeşilbursa, Behçet Kemal. "The Kurdish Question in Iraq (1958-1963)." Vakanüvis - Uluslararası Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 10, no. 1 (2025): 1296–324. https://doi.org/10.24186/vakanuvis.1636327.

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In Iraq, the Kurdish minority was promised a certain measure of autonomy, especially in education. However, tardiness on the part of the Government and revolts by the Kurds prevented it from being put into effect. In Iran, the Kurds managed to attain a degree of autonomy in the Mahabad area with Soviet aid during the Second World War but lost it again when Soviet troops withdrew. Turkish attempts to assimilate the Kurds were not successful and led to periodic revolts. The Kurdish minority in Syria was not an important political factor. After the 1958 Revolution, Qasim initially found it diplom
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Dekker, Guido den, and Ramses A. Wessel. "Military Enforcement of Arms Control in Iraq." Leiden Journal of International Law 11, no. 3 (1998): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156598000363.

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The effects of the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait are felt strongly up to the present day. On numerous occasions, the inspection teams of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) have encountered serious problems and opposition by the Iraqi government when verifying the non-production of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Among the many legal questions raised by the Iraqi-Kuwait war's aftermath, a fundamental issue is whether – in the absence of an explicit Security Council decision – compliance by Iraq with its obligations may be enforced by military means. In this article, this question is addres
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Ahram, Ariel I. "DEVELOPMENT, COUNTERINSURGENCY, AND THE DESTRUCTION OF THE IRAQI MARSHES." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 3 (2015): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000495.

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AbstractFollowing the 1990–91 Gulf War and the subsequent March 1991 uprising, the Iraqi government launched a brutal counterinsurgency campaign in the marshes of southern Mesopotamia. Alongside mass killing and forced population resettlement, the state used hydrological infrastructure to divert water from the wetlands, permanently desiccating the area. Using newly available Iraqi government archives, this paper argues that the destruction of the marshes was the result of a complex interplay between sectarianism, development planning, and security imperatives. Inhabited by peripatetic Marsh Ar
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van Bergeijk, Peter A. G. "Sanctions Against the Russian War on Ukraine: Lessons from History and Current Prospects." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 4 (2022): 571–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022023.

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This article studies the case of the sanctions against the Russian war on the Ukraine in 2022 against the background of four major and well-documented historical sanction episodes: (1) the anti-Apartheid sanctions of the 1980s, (2) the sanctions against the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait in 1990, (3) the sanctions against Iranian nuclear capabilities and (4) the US and EU sanctions against the Russian annexation of the Crimea. Two cases (South Africa and Iran) have a comparatively low probability of success based on pre-sanction trade linkage between sender and target and the target’s regime type
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15

Lillich, Richard B., and David J. Bederman. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Iran Claims." American Journal of International Law 91, no. 3 (1997): 436–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954182.

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The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission (Commission or FCSC) was granted jurisdiction to determine the validity and amounts of certain claims by U.S. nationals against Iran by the Iran Claims Act and the 1990 Settlement Agreement (lump sum settlement) between the United States and Iran. The Iran Claims Act, a 1985 statute enacted in anticipation of the lump sum agreement settling U.S. “small claims” against Iran, required the Commission to apply: (1)the terms of any settlement agreement [lump sum settlement];(2)the relevant provisions of the Declarations of the Government of the Democratic an
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Sassoon, Joseph, and Michael Brill. "The North Iraq Dataset (NIDS) files: Northern Iraq under Bathist rule, 1968‐911." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 14, no. 1 (2020): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00021_1.

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The first archival collection from Saddam Hussein’s regime to receive the attention of researchers in the early 1990s was the large number of documents secured by Iraqi Kurdish rebels in the March 1991 uprising. The documents have been referred to variously as the Iraqi secret police files, the Anfal files, the North Iraq records, and are today known as the North Iraq Dataset (NIDS). In addition to being the first of several collections of Bath-era documents removed from Iraq by the US military as a result of the 1991 and 2003 wars, the NIDS was also the first collection returned to the countr
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17

Bettauer, Ronald J. "The United Nations Compensation Commission— Developments Since October 1992." American Journal of International Law 89, no. 2 (1995): 416–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204215.

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Paragraph 16 of Security Council Resolution 687 (April 3, 1991) reaffirmed that “Iraq … is liable under international law for any direct loss, damage, … or injury to foreign Governments, nationals and corporations, as a result of Iraq’s unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait.” This resolution and Security Council Resolution 692 (May 20, 1991) established the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) to administer a system to provide compensation for claims for which Iraq is liable under paragraph 16. The Commission has a Governing Council, composed of the members of the Security Counci
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18

Bishop, Elizabeth. "Politics of Cinema in Hashemite Iraq." Oriente Moderno 93, no. 1 (2013): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340004.

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Abstract Hashemite Iraq was better integrated into the global cinema that other Arab countries. Baghdad audiences loved film noir, and the US succeeded in displacing the UK as a source of newsreels, as well. During the Cold War’s first decade, Hollywood continued to pump inexpensive productions and aged celluloid through Iraq, including films made under US government contracts. Local viewers responded thoughtfully to such films, engaging themes such as responsibility and guilt. Against this general background, specific allegations that testing of weapons delivery systems for germ warfare conti
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19

Al-Jourani, Haider Sobkhi Afat. "Iraq's Perception of Kuwaiti Foreign Policy Decision-Making after 2003 "." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, no. 9 (2017): 231–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/tjfps.v1i9.120.

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Kuwait is significant to Iraq due to its association with the events of 1990/1991 and 2003, both of which had a negative impact on Iraq and its circumstances throughout the preceding period. One of the crucial points that necessitates examination and study is the Kuwaiti perspective towards Iraq, which shapes Kuwait's foreign policy towards Iraq. This is the subject matter addressed in this research.
 After 2003, Iraq started to perceive the Kuwaiti foreign policy decision-maker and its influence on the bilateral relations between the two countries. There was an increasing focus on develo
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20

Yasmine Mohamed Mahmoud and Youssef Sami Farhan. "Political Situation in Deir Ezzor City Under the British Rule 1919-1920." Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 33 (May 16, 2023): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v33i.412.

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The population in Deir Ezzor suffered from misbehavior, management and dealings with the British. Which prompted them to launch a massive revolution against them, led by Ramadan Shalash. Which was sent by the Arab government in Damascus. The men of the Iraqi Al-Ahed Association tried to take advantage of the people's grievances and their hatred of the British rule in order to rid them of that rule and set off towards Iraq to get rid of their occupation. Ramadan Shalash was extremely hostile and hateful to the British. Together with his men, he was able to destroy Britain's reputation. Thus, th
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21

Duelfer, Charles A., and Stephen Benedict Dyson. "Chronic Misperception and International Conflict: The U.S.-Iraq Experience." International Security 36, no. 1 (2011): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00045.

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Why did the United States and Iraq find themselves in full-scale conflict with each other in 1990–91 and 2003, and in almost constant low-level hostilities during the years in-between? The situation was neither inevitable nor one that either side, in full possession of all the relevant information about the other, would have purposely engineered: in short, a classic instance of chronic misperception. A combination of the psychological literature on perception and its pathologies with the almost unique firsthand access of one of the authors to the decisionmakers on both sides—the former deputy
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Bibi, Fozia, and Lubna Abid Ali. "Linkage Between US invasion of Iraq, Arab Spring and Emergence of Daesh: Beginning of New Era for Iran." Global International Relations Review V, no. II (2022): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-ii).08.

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The role of Iran is essential to analyze the politics of the Middle East. Post 9/11 few events such as the USA invasion of Iraq, the Arab spring and the emergence of Daesh has altered the traditional power structure of the region and also enhanced the role of Iran in the politics of the region. This study analyzes the role of domestic and structural factors in the shaping of the foreign policy behavior of Iran. Iraq remained a strong power under Saddam till the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Though, the US invasion ended a dictatorship but failed to provide stability, peace and a unified g
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Tymowski, Andrzej W. "Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 4 (2019): 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.

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This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.
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FAWCETT, LOUISE. "Down but not out? The Kurds in international politics." Review of International Studies 27, no. 1 (2001): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500011098.

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The capacity of the Kurds—a scattered, divided and stateless people—to make headline news never ceases to astonish. Perhaps most sensational were the extraordinary events early in 1999 which accompanied the seizure in Kenya and subsequent extradition to Turkey of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the Kurdish Workers Party, with its now familiar acronym, the PKK. Ocalan's arrest, and his sentencing to death by a Turkish court in June 1999, are only the most recent in a series of Kurdish-related events that have captured the imagination of the international public. The post-Cold War period alone has wi
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Afrimadona, Afrimadona. "Power and Legitimacy in International Politics: Britain and Germany’s Responses to the U.S.’s Wars Against Iraq in 1991 and 2003." Global South Review 1, no. 1 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.28816.

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The paper evaluates the constructivist claim that legitimacy embedded in a country’s foreign policy shapes the responses of other countries’ foreign policy. I test the claim using four cases of Britain’s and Germany’s responses to US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003. The choice of US’s invasion in Iraq in 1991 and 2003 was made on the ground that the latter was regarded as utterly illegitimate due to a lack of UN’s authorization. Thus, both cases reveal a variation in the extent of legitimacy (positive versus negative cases). My observation of Britain’s and Germany’s foreign policy response
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Ahmad, Paiman Ramazan. "The Politics of Oil in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 17, no. 3 (2018): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2018.3.1.

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This research is aimed at identifying the role of petroleum revenues in the Kurdistan Region for better economic efficiency and sovereignty of the Kurdistan Region in the future. This study identifies some root causes of deficiency of revenue usage generally, as well as specific causes in the Kurdistan Region. Further, the study looks at the various factors that affect oil production in the Kurdistan Region and compares it to the Federal Government. This study seeks to show how the Kurdistan Region generates the oil reserves regionally, despite the difficulties it encounters with the Federal G
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27

Makieva, E. G. "Iranian press abroad before the 1905-1911 revolution: influence on society and politics." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 1 (March 25, 2025): 28–33. https://doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2025-1-28-33.

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This article is dedicated to the study of Iranian periodicals published by émigrés abroad that played a significant role in Iran’s political and social development on the eve of the 1905–1911 revolution. Amid growing public discontent caused by economic difficulties, political instability, and foreign influence, these publications became essential channels for spreading revolutionary ideas and criticizing the government. The foreign Iranian press served several functions: it informed about political and social issues, offered alternative views on the country’s development, and fostered nationa
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Bell, Paul. "Cracking the Nut in Iraq." Defence Strategic Communications 13 (February 15, 2024): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30966/2018.riga.13.5.

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In May 2023 I listened to two of Britain’s most prominent political commentators, Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart, interviewing a former high-ranking government official, Jonathan Powell, for their Leading podcast—a spinoff from their highly successful podcast The Rest Is Politics. After thirty minutes, the subject of Iraq came up. All three had been closely involved in the 2003 invasion: Powell as chief of staff to then prime minister Tony Blair, and Campbell as Blair’s director of communications and strategy. Both had been in the thick of policy- and decision-making at the highest level o
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Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.

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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relations
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Vedeneev, Il'ya. "The Kurdish Problem in the Modern Politics of Iraq, Syria and Turkey: a Comprehensive Analysis." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2023, no. 4 (2023): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2023-8-4-411-424.

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Currently, the Middle East is undergoing significant changes, often due to a mixture of global and regional factors. The study is devoted to the current policies in the Middle East, in the ethnogeographic area of Kurdistan. The study researches numerous parties (political entities) of the Kurds of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, considers the events that took place in Kurdistan in 2022 and 2023. The central government of Iraq receives new levers of pressure on the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomy. At the same time, the Turkish leadership refuses to resume oil exports. Although the government of Rece
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Lerner, Natan. "Ethnic Rights in a Changing World." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 1 (1992): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000203x.

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Few periods in world history have been so crucial regarding the organization of international life as the last year (August 1990 - September 1991). The President of the now only leading superpower may have been too hasty and may have used too loose language when referring to a ‘new world order’, at the initial stages of the Iraq crisis. But the changes that took place since, in global politics and distribution of power are profound and far-reaching and may affect the legal structure of mankind.
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Rumman, E. Cissy Abu. "Theodore H. McNelly." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (2008): 888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508231288.

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Theodore H. McNelly, professor emeritus, department of government and politics at the University of Maryland, College Park, passed away in February 2008 at the age of 88. Professor Emeritus McNelly was born on December 27, 1919, and received his Ph.D. in 1952 at Columbia University. McNelly joined the faculty in the department of government and politics at Maryland in the fall of 1953 as a lecturer, was promoted to professor in 1967, and retired in 1991.
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Tamm, Marek. "In search of lost time: Memory politics in Estonia, 1991-2011." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 4 (2013): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747504.

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This article analyzes memory politics during the first 20 years (1991-2011) of the newly independent Estonia. Memory politics is understood as a politics endeavoring to shape the society's collective memory and establish notions of what is and is not to be remembered of the past, employing to this end both legislative means and practical measures. The paper presents one possible scheme for analyzing Estonian memory politics and limits its treatment in two important ways. Firstly, the focus is on national memory politics, that is the decisions of the parliament, government, and president orient
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Alahmad, Nida. "The Politics of Oil and State Survival in Iraq (1991-2003): Beyond the Rentier Thesis." Constellations 14, no. 4 (2007): 586–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2007.00467.x.

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Schayegh, Cyrus. "“SEEING LIKE A STATE”: AN ESSAY ON THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF MODERN IRAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 1 (2010): 61a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380999081x.

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This essay argues that with the rise of the autocratic Pahlavi dynasty (1921–79), the state started to cast a long shadow over the historiography of modern Iran. Drawing on dynastic nationalism, modernization policies, and repression, the Pahlavi shahs and their bureaucratic elites produced an image of an all-powerful state completely detached from society. Scholars often reflexively replicated this top-down perspective. The resulting methodological statism, a metanarrative of state action as the inevitable ultimate reference point of all things Iranian, has reified our understanding of the mo
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Dai, Yamao. "Foreign Impacts Revisited: Islamists’ Struggles in Post-War Iraq." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0007.

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AbstractA great number of scholarship has been devoted to examining the impacts of domestic politics to foreign policies. Many studies have also examined the impacts of international politics to domestic politics, focusing on democracy-building or constructing political institutions within the framework of the state-building. However, such scholarship has not focused enough on the impacts of international politics to opposition forces and their relationship to political conflict in the post-conflict era. In countries that have experienced regime change, the formerly exiled opposition forces th
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Mukhammad, Nakhro Ismael. "Russian-Iraqi relations in the field of energy." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2023): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2023.4.40535.

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With President Vladimir Putin coming to power, Russia has emerged as an influential force in international politics, especially in its desire to end unipolarism and reduce US hegemony over the Middle East most notably, Iraq sought to consolidate relations with it because of its importance in Russia's strategy, Iraq has the fifth largest crude oil reserves in the world, and is considered one of Russia's most important producers and exporters. It is one of Russia's competitors in the oil market. The openness of the Iraq government was not particularly open to the United States, seeking to divers
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Heaton, Paul. "Oil for What?—Illicit Iraqi Oil Contracts and the U.N. Security Council." Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 4 (2005): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533005775196741.

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The Oil-For-Food program was established by United Nations Security Council Resolution 986 in 1995 as a means of providing humanitarian relief to Iraq, which had been under U.N. economic sanctions since the Persian Gulf War in 1991. After the invasion of Iraq, considerable evidence emerged suggesting that Saddam Hussein was able to subvert the Oil-For-Food program to obtain hard currency as well as items on the United Nation's prohibited transfer list. In this paper, I use recently available data to examine how the Iraqi government used illicit contracts for underpriced oil to reward supporter
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Sharef Qadir, Karwan. "The 1991 Gulf War and the role of the Allied Air Force in destroying Iraq." Journal of University of Raparin 11, no. 5 (2024): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(5).paper9.

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When the Iraqi army invaded Kuwait, it quickly followed by a strong international reaction, each one of the United States and its allies in the West and the Gulf countries expressed their opposition and disapproval to this act of Iraq. Not only the aforementioned countries but also some of those countries that considered themselves friends of Iraq like the former Soviet Union condemned this aggressive act of Iraq. Hence, to prevent Iraq from taking further actions to attack some other Gulf countries, the United States began to send troops to Saudi Arabia. Along with the military preparations,
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Lateef, Bewar, and Jungmin Seo. "Iraq since 2003: Reflections on 20 Years of Political Change." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 22, no. 1 (2023): 27–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2023.22.1.27.

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Twenty years ago, U.S. forces invaded Iraq in March 2003, under claims that Saddam Hussain owned weapons of mass destruction. The fall of the Baath regime had been a distant hope for many in Iraq, who believed the regime would survive for many more years. The invasion produced winners and losers, and Iraq was unprepared for what would unfold in the following years. This paper investigates the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, considering how and why U.S. forces changed Iraq's political fabric and the whole region. The article explores the different factions within Iraq and their attitude
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Arvanitakis, James. "Redefining the political moment." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2011): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i2.2184.

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On 16 February 2003, more than half a million people gathered in Sydney, Australia, as part of a global anti-war protest aimed at stopping the impending invasion of Iraq by the then US Administration. It is difficult to estimate how many millions marched on the coordinated protest, but it was by far the largest mobilization of a generation. Walking and chanting on the streets of Sydney that day, it seemed that a political moment was upon us. In a culture that rarely embraces large scale activism, millions around Australian demanded to be heard. The message was clear: if you do not hear us, we
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Oktay, Sibel. "Chamber of opportunities: Legislative politics and coalition security policy." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 1 (2018): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117745680.

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This article adopts a ‘party-political’ approach to studying legislative influence on security policy-making. It argues that legislative logrolling constitutes a key mechanism for the government to secure votes in parliament while facilitating the opposition to advance its own interests, especially when the government requires parliament’s consent for security policy. The article investigates legislative logrolling in the context of weak executives, specifically looking at minority coalitions and majority coalitions with ideological and policy divergences. Logrolling is critical for these type
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Fitzgibbon, Jacqueline. "Justifying Jihad: US politics, propaganda and the Afghan Mujahedeen, 1979-1989." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2011 (January 1, 2011): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2011.14.

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‘I believe that our public diplomacy represents a powerful force, perhaps the most powerful force at our disposal, for shaping the history of the world.’ (Ronald Reagan) The Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation began in 1979 and culminated in the withdrawal of Soviet forces a decade later and was, many believe, instrumental in the disintegration of the Soviet Union shortly after. The administration of President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), many influential members of Congress and vocal right-wing groups, wholeheartedly supported the anti-government and anti-Soviet resistance efforts of the
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Abdullah Ismael, Najmaddin, and Mahdi Muhammad Qader. "The effect of political factors on agricultural land ownership and grain crops in Erbil Governorate 1975-1991." Journal of University of Raparin 11, no. 3 (2024): 522–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(3).paper22.

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This research is entitled the impact of political factors on the ownership of agricultural land and cereal crops in Erbil province in 1975-1991. During the research, the agricultural situation in Erbil province was of special importance for economic development. These include the industrial and commercial sectors, as agricultural products have become an important resource used as raw materials in the industrial sector, in addition to agricultural activities and products have affected the movement and trade processes and exchange. Whether in domestic or foreign trade. Ownership of agricultural
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Maglakelidze, David. "PRECONDITIONS AND CAUSES OF THE MARCH 2003 US INVASION OF IRAQ." European Historical Studies, no. 30 (2025): 115–31. https://doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2025.30.8.

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This article analyzes the preconditions and causes of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003. The author examines the policies of the administrations of G. H. W. Bush (1989–1993) and W. Clinton (1993–2001) towards Iraq, as well as those of G. W. Bush up to the beginning of the invasion (2001 – March 2003). The political causes behind George W. Bush’s decision to overthrow Saddam Hussein’s government are addressed, and significant attention is given to the preconditions of the invasion, which had been developing over the decade following the Gulf War (1990–1991). The article aims to examine th
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Flyagin, Artem. "POSTCAREER OF RUSSIAN GOVERNORS 1991‒2020: MAIN DIRECTIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-120-128.

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The author collected and analyzed the biographies of all heads of the Russian regions who held their posts from 1991 to 2020. The main focus of this work was the careers of former heads of regions after their end of term. Information about the post-career of regional heads was found in 268 cases. The most popular directions of the post-governor career were federal government and business. Regional administration is much less popular, and local administration are almost not represented. In most cases, the governorship was a springboard in one's career. An analysis of changes in the main directi
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WAY, CHRISTOPHER. "Central Banks, Partisan Politics, and Macroeconomic Outcomes." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 196–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033002002.

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What are the implications of the trend toward granting central bank independence for partisan theories of the macroeconomy? The conventional view is that parties of the Left and Right strive to achieve distinctive macroeconomic outcomes when in government. However, when faced with an independent central bank, parties of the Left may prove unable to produce their preferred partisan outcomes, whereas Right parties may be privileged in their ability to pursue their goals. Moreover, granting the central bank independence can be expected to have differing effects depending on whether Left or Right
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Almezory, Huda. "The Crises of Political System in Iraq Since 2005." Academic Journal of Nawroz University 13, no. 1 (2024): 1145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25007/ajnu.v13n1a1036.

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The political system in Iraq post 2005 is unstable due to several reasons; first, the influence of ethno-sectarian, religion, and tribal affiliations on the Iraqi politics. Second, violating the constitution by branches of government in general and executive power in particular. The researcher has utilized the most relevant literature for collecting all the data which are belong to this study in order to investigate the causes and effects behind the crises of political system since-2005. This study has applied instability theory for analyzing data. After analyzing the existing data with result
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Ashraf, Abida. "Emerging Discourses, Changing Perspectives: Iraq in Oscar Documentary Films." CINEJ Cinema Journal 8, no. 2 (2020): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2020.247.

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Documentary film has become an important tool to seek information. This study shows how documentaries are projecting skepticism and sarcasm of Iraqi people due to volatile, uncertain complex, and ambiguous (VUCA) conditions. The fims discussed in this study consists of Oscar-winning and Oscar-nominated documentary films from 2003 to 2011 with a total of 45 films. The year 2003 is selected for its demarcation of U.S.-led invasion of Iraq which started in March 2003 and toppled over the government of Saddam Hussein. The year 2011 denotes the end with the departure of US troops in 2011. Through t
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Mahmod, Hoshman A., and Arez A. Abdullah. "An Examination of The U.S. Military Intervention Against the Islamic State in Iraq." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v4n1y2021.pp21-27.

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This article focuses on the politics of U.S. intervention against the Islamic State. In the last two decades after the 9\11, the U.S. intervened in many countries in different ways. For example, the U.S. forces and its allies fully intervened in Afghanistan in 2001 and in Iraq in 2003. After the dynamic changes in the Middle East and the era of Arab spring the intervention has changed in different way. Especially when the terrorist organizations rose the U.S. has repeated the same way used in the Kosovo war (1999) against the Islamic State, which has not fully intervened. U.S. public opinion p
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