To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Iraqi poet.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Iraqi poet'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Iraqi poet.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Al-Athari, Lamees. ""This rhythm does not please me" : women protest war in Dunya Mikhail's poetry." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/865.
Full text
2
Gray, Chase W. "Petrocapitalism in Iraqi Kurdistan: Leveraging Oil and Gas Firms in Post-War Iraq." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/337.
Full textAbstract:
In the absence of a continued military presence in Iraq, the United States must use alternative means to achieve its foreign policy goals. Stated goals include maintaining influence, increasing stability in Iraq, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, and ensuring Iraq's territorial integrity. This paper suggests leveraging the power of American oil and gas firms operating in Iraqi Kurdistan given the relative ineffectiveness of the embassy in Baghdad and the hostility many Iraqis exhibit toward American diplomats. It first outlines American policy toward Iraqi Kurdistan from the end of the Gulf War to the present. Next it provides a brief overview of the current state of affairs in Iraqi politics and Iraq's oil and gas industry. Then the paper describes four specific ways in which supporting American oil and gas firms in Iraqi Kurdistan can help the United States achieve its foreign policy goals. First, it can check undue Shi'a centralization of power and keep Iraq from drifting too far into the Iranian sphere. Second, it can strengthen the Kurdish bargaining position with Baghdad and push Iraq toward resolving the status of Kirkuk and enacting a comprehensive hydrocarbons law. Third, oil and gas extraction through profit sharing contracts (PSCs) rather than technical services agreements (TSAs) would promote foreign direct investment and spur economic growth. Finally, private sector oil and gas companies could be a critical component in maintaining American influence with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Government of Iraq (GOI) through their strong local ties. The last chapter is devoted to policy prescriptions for achieving the aforementioned goals.
3
Erturk, Sait. "Reintegration of the Iraqi military in post-conflict era." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FErturk.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Vali Nasr, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-134) Also available online.
4
Farag, George. "Diaspora and transitional administration Shiite Iraqi diaspora and the administration of post-Saddam Hussein Iraq /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Full text
5
Saeed, Jabbar H. "Iraqi perspectives on post-invasion Iraq : a study of Iraqi views on the state of human rights, security, economy, democracy and sovereignty, 2003-2009." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/33467.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this study is to make an overall assessment of US policies in Iraq from the Iraqi perspective, taking the year 2003 as the launching point. That year witnessed the beginning of a chain of major events in the country’s history; the first was the decision by the US to wage war on Iraq on the 19th March, 2003, while the second was the collapse of Saddam’s regime on the 9th April, 2003. Concurrently, the country came under US and UK occupation according to UN Resolution 1483. This thesis seeks to explore the different views expressed by Iraqis regarding US policies towards Iraq subsequent to 2003, and to offer an analytical argument on the matter. Five major issues are examined closely, including: human rights, security, sovereignty, democracy and the economy; we believe problems surrounding these issues in the post-war period have had an adverse effect on the well-being of Iraqi society, thus they provide the central argument of this thesis. The primary source for the study is data collected from the Iraqi elite and the general public. The three areas in which the fieldwork for the study was carried out were Baghdad Fallujah and Unbar. Two main techniques have been applied in order to achieve the objective of this study. The results of the research suggest that Iraqis are of the view that economic factors are primarily the motive behind the invasion of Iraq given the natural abundance of oil resources in the nation. Iraqis are also of the opinion that, contrary to US claims of protecting human rights and democracy in Iraq, their hidden agenda was the security of the United States and Israel in the region.
6
Maţoi, Ecaterina-Elena C. [Verfasser]. "Challenges of State-Building in Iraq : The Case of the Iraqi Army in Post-Saddam Era / Ecaterina-Elena C. Matoi." Bern : Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1228748721/34.
Full text
7
Angeli, Nicolle C. "Adherence to Psychotherapy for Post-Traumatic Stress in Veterans of Military Combat in Afghanistan (Operation Enduring Freedom) and Iraq (Operation Iraqi Freedom)." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/psych_diss/82.
Full textAbstract:
Elucidating factors associated with adherence to treatment for physical and mental health conditions is important, given well-documented associations between non-adherence and poor treatment outcomes. Researchers have worked to identify such factors; however, most studies focus on adherence to medical, rather than, psychological treatments. Clarifying variables that predict adherence to psychotherapy is particularly important for individuals with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), for whom treatment, which typically involves exposure to trauma-related stimuli and imagery, can be aversive. It may consequently be associated with high nonadherence rates, even though studies indicate that greater adherence to PTSD treatment relates to better treatment outcomes. Research needs to identify factors that increase or decrease the likelihood that affected individuals will enter and complete therapy. Although several studies to date have examined adherence to treatment for PTSD, this literature is limited on several fronts. First, studies on psychotherapy adherence have identified few consistent predictors of treatment adherence. Second, adherence to psychotherapy is rarely a central focus of treatment-related research; more typically, researchers treat adherence as secondary in importance to treatment outcomes. Third, little research on psychotherapy adherence has been theoretically driven. Fourth, little adherence research has focused on combat veterans with PTSD, who tend to have particularly poor treatment outcomes. Especially lacking is knowledge about predictors of adherence in veterans who have recently returned from combat; most research focuses on veterans of the Vietnam War, many of whom were initially traumatized decades earlier. The study tested the hypothesis that elevated reports of a specific type of PTSD symptom--avoidance/emotional numbing-- predicted poorer adherence to treatment in 160 veterans who received psychotherapy. No significant associations between avoidance and emotional numbing symptoms and adherence were found. However, emotional numbing was negatively related to psychotherapy adherence. Other variables typically related to PTSD and treatment outcomes were found to be important predictors of psychotherapy adherence and completion/noncompletion of therapy.
8
Al-Baldawi, Hassan. "The right to freedom of peaceful assembly in post-invasion Iraq." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184530.
Full text
9
Hadhum, Haider S. "The media in transition : the rise of an 'independent' press in Post-Invasion Iraq and the American role in shaping the Iraqi press 2003-2005." Thesis, City University London, 2012. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1730/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis covers the situation of the Iraqi press landscape after the toppling of Saddam’s regime on the 9th of April 2003. In particular, it attempts to disclose American interventions in the work of the Iraqi press in the period 2003-2006. It examines three main aspects of these interventions, as briefly summarized below: press legislation; planning and construction of new press entities; and attempts to influence pro-American press coverage following the invasion. Within a few weeks of the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraq witnessed the launch of many newspapers, after many decades of government oppression and censorship. The phenomenal mushrooming of Iraqi local newspapers was used by the U.S government as an indication of success in democratizing a country in which the local press had suffered from the oppression of different military governments, and finally of Saddam Hussein and his notorious son Uday. However, this thesis shows that the flood of newspapers caused anarchy in the press market. As a result there was confusion among many readers about the credibility of the new press, because of the lack of professionalism in its coverage. - The existing, laws active in Iraq restricted the freedom of the press, and there was a need to establish a new legal framework for the media. The U.S Army’s first reforms abolished several articles of the press laws. This study shows, however, that these reforms had questionable practical effect. The reforms abolished laws relating to the Ba’ath regime and Saddam Hussein, which were in fact already redundant, given the collapse of the regime. Meanwhile other articles in the Iraqi penal code, prescribing measures to punish newspapers, journalists or editors, were left intact when they should have been changed or cancelled. In addition, the Coalition Provisional Authority added an article that gave the head of the CPA the right to close or to punish any media entity if they violated certain conditions. - The thesis shows that the Americans’ early plans to shape the Iraqi press were mostly motivated by the need to create a press friendly to the American occupation, and to confront anti American messages or campaigns. The Department of Defense handled the early plans to “build” such media entities, but the Pentagon was not successful, as the main contractor was oriented more towards information control, and lacked experience in building media organizations. As a result of this the U.S plans for the Iraqi media in general stumbled, and did not make the expected progress. - American intervention in the Iraqi press was not limited to attempts to create an official “friendly” press, but extended into persistent efforts to influence the local “independent” press. This thesis uses evidence based on original interviews with leading figures from the Iraqi press to build up a detailed picture of these attempts. Different American military units or institutions used different procedures to pass messages that were directed to helping polish the image of the American soldiers, and at the same time demonize their “enemies”. One of these procedures was to create friendly “independent” newspapers, covering certain events that would show the U.S Army as helping to establish new public services. The other favoured procedure was to bribe local journalists to cover such events and publish them in existing newspapers, or to pay newspapers to publish articles written by American soldiers and then translated into Arabic.
10
Moody, Janice Lynn, and Ron Robinson. "Operation Iraqi freedom and mental health of Vietnam veterans." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2920.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to provide a clear conceptualization of how Vietnam veterans who have previously been diagnosed with PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder) respond and cope with the emotional and psychological effects presented by the present war in Iraq.
11
Al, Shamrani Ali. "The Iraqi opposition movement in the post Gulf War era 1990-1996." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2001. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-iraqi-opposition-movement-in-the-post-gulf-war-era-19901996(e6b1dcaa-682b-4a3e-99e9-78acb40d64fc).html.
Full text
12
Gutzwiller, Ryan. "Realpolitik and Iran's Post-Saddam strategy for Iraq /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FGutzwiller.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Vali Nasr, James Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82). Also available online.
13
Gutzwiller, Ryan R. "Realpolitik and Iran's post-Saddam strategy for Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1581.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited<br>Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq.<br>Major, United States Marine Corps
14
Goldenziel, Jill Iris. "Aid, Agency, and the Malleability of International Law: The Post-2003 Iraqi Refugee Crisis." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10630.
Full textAbstract:
Why do states tolerate large numbers of refugees? This dissertation offers an answer to this puzzle by examining changes in policy responses by the international community toward Iraqis displaced after the U.S. invasion of 2003. From 2003-2006, Jordan, Syria, and Egypt remained quiet about the growing humanitarian needs of displaced Iraqis. From 2007-2010, these countries abruptly shifted policy to claim that they were hosting millions of Iraqis, and to allow Iraqis greater access to public goods and humanitarian assistance. I argue that this policy shift occurred because of new opportunities to extract strategic rents from the international community in the form of foreign aid and development assistance tied to the presence of refugees. I also explain how and why the UN Refugee Agency facilitated host country behavior during these two time periods, even in contradiction with its mandate under international law. I ground my argument in more than 100 interviews with UN Agency officials, NGO workers, government officials, and Iraqi refugees conducted in Jordan, Syria, and Egypt and at the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters in Geneva between 2007 and 2010. I also utilize research in the archives of relevant newspapers, national departments of statistics, and the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters. Previous political science literature largely conceives of refugees as a burden on state infrastructure, or as a potential security risk. This dissertation challenges this literature by suggesting that, under some conditions, states may derive political and economic benefits from the presence of refugees, explaining why they tolerate displaced populations. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of how authoritarian regimes adapt to new opportunities for strategic rents. This dissertation also explores how an international organization can operate as both a principal and an agent, constrained by the preferences of its member or donor countries, yet autonomously advancing its own interests while shaping the political environment in which it operates. I show how the malleability of international refugee law has helped actors to manipulate humanitarian assistance for their own gain. Finally, this dissertation explores how the destabilization of Iraq affected international relations within a region that has been forever changed.<br>Government
15
Smith, James J. "U.S. Post- conflict integration policy of militias in Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FSmith%5FJames.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 12, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-110). Also available in print.
16
Lockhart, Paul G. "Geopolitics, Borders, and Federalism: Challenges for Post-War Iraq." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1443.
Full textAbstract:
The fall of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I enabled the victorious Western powers to implement the Sykes-Picot Treaty and reshape the geopolitical structure of the Middle East. The imposition of arbitrary borders on the Middle East region, specifically the state of Iraq, would lead to significant conflicts over the course of the 20th century. In 2003, a US-led invasion would further compound the instability and sectarian conflict within Iraq by completely dismantling the state. In the years after the invasion, the United States has been directly involved unsuccessfully in trying to rebuild and stabilize the state of Iraq.
The goal of this study is to propose and analyze four options for the future geopolitical structure of Iraq that, by design, could maintain the current geopolitical borders and possibly contribute to stability in the Middle East. A qualitative approach that examines the benefits of different models of government is used to identify themes that may apply to the state of Iraq, Because adoption of any of the proposed options depends on choices that must be made by the Iraqi government, this thesis presents only a theoretical argument about the country’s likely future.
It is my contention that the most likely route to achieving long-term political stability within Iraq is implementation of a federalist model of government that resembles the Swiss model. The Swiss model provides a framework to create ethnic tolerance through specific power devolution, internal cooperation, and conflict resolution between the different tribal and ethnic groups within each region, and external cooperation and adjudication of issues between the regions and the central government.
This study’s results show that the different options analyzed all have positive and negative characteristics. The three-region Swiss model provided an exceptional framework and addressed a number of Iraq’s problems, but elements of the other models could be implemented into the three-region model to create a more stable state. Further analysis is needed to determine the best model of government to stabilize Iraq.
17
Malik, Hamdi. "Media, gender and domestic relations in post-Saddam Iraq." Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5102/.
Full textAbstract:
The regime change of 2003 transformed the media environment in Iraq from one that was strictly limited and monopolised by the state, to one without any restrictions imposed by state agencies. Gender culture and ‘family values’ have especially been contested as a consequence of the transformation of access to the media. The common assumption is that sexualised media content, and also the increasingly privatised nature of media technologies, are contributing towards the transformation of gender culture, with worries that Iraqi women in particular are turning into Western women and becoming estranged from their genuine Iraqi identity. The aim of this research is to investigate the nature of the evolving relationship between media and gender culture in post-Saddam Iraq. The importance of this investigation lies in the fact that since 2003, most research on Iraq has focused on war. This is also true of studies on gender relations. This research, however, focuses on other developments that happened as a result of the regime change, paving the way for struggles over many issues, including gender culture and Iraqi identity. The project was carried out using the qualitative method of semi-structured interviews. The interviews were carried out in Baghdad and Erbil, giving a perspective of the urban middle class Iraqi Arabs and Kurds on the subject. The research demonstrates that although the media provides windows for Iraqi women to distance themselves from prevalent patriarchal rules that control their sexuality, the ‘realities’ of local life have not allowed for the ‘Westernisation’ of gender relations in post-Saddam Iraq. Since the media is viewed as a threat to the sexual honour, an important element of Iraqi gender culture, there is a tendency to reassert this notion in the processes of the redefinition of the cultural identity of Iraqi people that was triggered by the 2003 war. This thesis offers new insights into gender relations in post-Saddam Iraq, focussing especially on the update on media in this period, and how this relates to the constitution of Iraqi identity and gender relations in families. It also offers a re-working of the concept of ‘honour’; one that embeds this into an analysis of Iraq’s hegemonic masculine system.
18
Regan, Charlotte Louise. "Post-9/11 US civil-military relations and control of military strategy during Operation Iraqi Freedom." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8yv5q/post-9-11-us-civil-military-relations-and-control-of-military-strategy-during-operation-iraqi-freedom.
Full textAbstract:
Current understanding of the post-9/11 US civil-military power relationship is clouded by the existence of various competing propositions as to whether civilian policymakers, military leaders or a combination of both have had the greatest influence in determining military strategy in Iraq. Motivated by the empirical and theoretical deficiencies of the post-9/11 US civil-military relations literature, this thesis traces the evolution of the shifting power relationship between civilian policymakers and military leaders in the formulation and implementation of US military strategy during Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and explores the circumstances within which different balances of civil-military power occur. Using the policymaking process as an analytical framework, OIF is deconstructed into a series of decision points from 2001 to 2008 and the relative balance of civil-military power is identified at each according to one of five variations: Civilian Dominance; Shared Dominance Civilian; Shared Dominance; Shared Dominance Military; or Military Dominance. Using both qualitative and quantitative research methods, the thesis tests and explores the importance of six independent variables in explaining variations in the relative balance of civil-military power: civil-military preference divergence; civilian assertiveness; military assertiveness; civilian unity; military unity; and information advantage. In presenting a comprehensive analysis of civil-military power relations throughout OIF, the thesis offers a more nuanced response to the question of who controls US military strategy and demonstrates which independent variables hold the greatest potential for explaining variations in the relative balance of civil-military power. Analysis of the relationships between the dependent and independent variables reveals associations of varying strengths, thereby both confirming and challenging a number of the assumptions contained within the existing literature. By rooting contemporary research in the broader study of US civil-military relations, the thesis provides empirical clarity to the post-9/11 period as well as offering theoretical insight into the civil-military relationship beyond the limits of OIF.
19
Al-Shammery, H. "Improving the school building delivery process in post conflict Iraq." Thesis, University of Salford, 2017. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/44440/.
Full textAbstract:
School building delivery process has been affected by the prolonged armed conflicts that took place in Iraq. This effect has been demonstrated in delay or cancellation of delivering schools which impacts the children’s education and safety. Iraq was subject to a number of wars that have left its infrastructure destroyed and Iraqi people devastated with the absence of peace, safety and police authority. In the post-conflict time when re-building the country starts, priority is given to re-building schools and reforming the educational system. This is because good educational system initiates peace, safety and prosperity in the country. Moreover, education diminishes racism and conflicts and eliminates the causes for which conflicts take place. Education also helps to spread the culture of accepting others whatever their religion, race and class are; it also provides a safe environment for the children where they are protected from the consequences of the war such as gangs, military militia and abduction. Therefore, the focus of this study is school building delivery process in post-conflict Iraq. The study aims to evaluate and make recommendations for the school building delivery process in post-conflict Iraq. The evaluation of the process is carried out through identifying the strengths, challenges and recommendations of the school building delivery process. The study adopted a multiple case study as the research strategy. The stakeholders from both the government and the Ministry of Education were responders for the study. The use of a multiple-case study has allowed the researcher to ensure precision and validity. Semi-structured interviews were adopted as a data collection method as it is one of the methods of data collection that yield in-depth description and thorough explanation of the topic under investigation. The findings show the school building delivery process has manifested some strengths in post-conflict Iraq such as it reflects Iraqi people’s desire and willingness to re-build their country, restore peace and safety to the people, and establish the first step in building democratic Iraq. However, the process has also been found to have some challenges related to the consequences of the prolonged armed conflict such as the absence of law and police and court authority, dearth of funds, the culture that dominates the Iraqi society and shapes its people’s relationships and behaviour, and the hierarchal patterns that overshadow work and the relationships between departments and employees. The findings have also revealed that there is a lack of interaction between department and the government and the Ministry of Education; the matter which is deemed to affect the school building delivery process. The study contribution to the literature of school building delivery process is significant because there is a scarcity in covering this topic in Iraq and in the Arab World in general. The other study contribution is that the phenomenon of school building delivery has not discussed in this way which focuses on the stages of school building delivery and the factors that impact this process. The study has also linked the challenges that a school building delivery process is facing in post-conflict Iraq to the political, economic, social and cultural factors that play the greatest role in making this process what it is. The study has made recommendations that are derived from the features of the school building delivery process gaps and complexities. The study has assumed that by changing the environment where schools are built and delivered, Iraq can extend the change to cover different areas such as hospital building delivery process, for example. These recommendations are based on the assumptions that when a war-torn society starts by making change in education, it can achieve the change in the whole society.
20
Ktaileh, Deema. "Donors' Conditionality in Post-Conflict Peaacebuilding: The Case of Iraq." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-57060.
Full textAbstract:
Post-conflict peacebuilding in Iraq started in 2003 following the military invasion by the Coalition of Willing forces. Since 2003, numerous actors have involved themselves in Iraq’s peacebuilding including governments, NGOs, the UN and the international financial institutions. Also, various activities and actions have been implemented in the humanitarian, political and economic domains. Today, all the indicators show that the country still faces the challenges of conflict, chaos as well as weak social and economic development. Many scholars attribute that to the deteriorating security conditions, which raises the questions of why does the country still face insecurity and why has peace not been consolidated? This research examines the impact of donors’ conditionality on post-conflict peacebuilding in Iraq. As the liberal peace is the basis of contemporary practice of peacebuilding, this research draws on the liberal peace theory as a point of departure. The Liberal peace is used as theoretical lenses in order to understand donors’ strategies and arguments in the context of Iraq, according to two main themes, political and economic transition. Overall, this research finds that the donors’ policy packages focused on how to build liberal democratic and a free market state. Donors, primarily the US, aimed at enhancing their control over the political process and formed the political structures according to their interests foremost and not according to the public will. The local community has not been adequately engaged or consulted. Also, transforming Iraq into a free-market economy by relying on the private sector to stimulate economic growth and restricting the role of the state while the country faces security problems has led to weak outcomes in all social and economic sectors.
21
Mistaffa, Jalal Hasan. "Ethnofederalism in post-2003 Iraq : alternative explanations of political instability." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3353.
Full textAbstract:
Political instability in post-2003 Iraq is easy to detect even by a non-specialist observer. Nevertheless, why Iraq has become politically unstable is a question that has received controversial and sometimes contradictory responses. Partial ethnofederalism is the adopted political system in post-2003 Iraq which several scholars believe causes political instability and threatens the integrity of states. Accordingly, the charge is that ethnofederalism formalizes antagonistic minority identities and empowers them with institutional capabilities. By extension, identity formalization and institutional empowerment make the minorities move towards secession. Thus, the question addressed in this dissertation is to what extent partial ethnofederalism really can be held responsible for political instability in post-2003 Iraq? This dissertation defends partial ethnofederalism against its critics and argues that, far from being the root cause of political instability in Iraq, it has in fact ensured that instability has not turned into disintegration. Three defenses are paramount and constitute the bulk of my argument in support of ethnofederalism in Iraq. The first defense criticizes the critics’ method of approaching ethnofederalism in which they consider it as an independent variable (causing the disintegration of states) rather than a dependent variable (the outcome of ethnic elite negotiations). Considered as a dependent variable in post-2003 Iraq, ethnofederalism was the only viable option. They second defense investigates the history of Iraq and argues that whenever the central governments adopted an ethnic form of autonomy, political stability prevailed and, conversely, whenever the central government rescinded such autonomy arrangements political instability followed. The third defense originates from the question of: if ethnofederalism is not responsible for instability, then what can explain its existence in Iraq? To answer this query, an alternative explanation is offered. I argue that two other factors majorly contributed to the existing political instability in Iraq that are not ethnofederal in nature, namely insufficient legitimacy of the processes that led to re-establishment of the state and deficiencies found in both the processes and structures of some state institutions.
22
Alali, Awf. "Using technology to support the professional development of Iraqi ESL teachers in the post-invasion context." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20590/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out to explore the status of the professional development of the Iraqi EFL teachers in post-invasion Iraq. English language teaching in Iraq has witnessed a huge transition period after the invasion and a new English language curriculum was introduced as a result. The introduction of the new English language curriculum has, therefore, brought huge challenges for the EFL teachers. EFL teachers are in the middle of a challenging transitional period as far as their professional development is concerned due to the absence of in-service training. The new curriculum is significantly different from the old one because it contains a lot of communicative activities and technology based tasks that Iraqi teachers are not used to. They seem to be following the old professional development style and training that is stuck in their minds from the period prior to the American invasion of the country (although nothing available at the moment) which has now become unsuitable for the new curriculum that requires more up to date methods in teachers’ training and development. From 2003 access to technology and the Internet became available in Iraq, but learning through the Internet has not been applied yet in the education sector. As there is currently a lack of in-service training for Iraqi EFL teachers, this study investigates whether teachers in the ‘new’ Iraq consider it feasible to use technological tools as a platform for teachers’ professional development. Using a thematic perspective, the study investigated the perceptions, understandings and responses to status of teachers’ PD in a complex and chaotic setting in one province in Iraq. Data were generated through multiple qualitative interviews carried out over five research phases. What has emerged from the findings of this study is that the teachers’ professional development process currently remains in a state of chaos as a result of the political changes in the country following the American invasion in 2003 and the educational changes that followed. The data shows how English teachers in one city have responded to the idea of using technology for their PD purposes. It suggests that use of the now widely available aces of technology, and particularly the Internet, might provide a solution to the lack of more formal PD provision.
23
McAfee, Heather, and Heather McAfee. "Identity-Making and 'Home': Resettlement of Post-2003 Iraqi Refugees in Portland, Oregon and Austin, Texas." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12563.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines post-2003 Iraqi refugee narratives of identity in the United States and the intricacies constituting the establishment of 'home' in the country that remains an occupying force within their native land. The project provides insight into the lived experiences, feelings of belonging, and resettlement of Iraqis in two U.S. cities. I draw on interviews focused on the resettlement experiences and expectations of Iraqis currently living the Pacific Northwest city of Portland, Oregon and how that may compare to constructs of identity and conceptualizations of home in the southwestern city of Austin, Texas. I employ work by geographers and the growing body of literature on diaspora, refugee studies, and resettlement in other related disciplines to frame important and challenging questions about refugee identity, home-making, and sense of belonging.
24
Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquo<br>s self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process.
The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
25
Maye, Diane L. "Switching sides| Political power, alignment, and alliances in post-Saddam Iraq." Thesis, George Mason University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10027447.
Full textAbstract:
<p>The removal of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist regime in Iraq gave rise to a plethora of non-state actors, sub-state political factions, warring ethnic groups, and terrorist organizations all seeking to fill the political power vacuum. Using theories from academic literature on coalition building, neorealism, behavioral science, sociology, as well as complexity theory, this research project will use the U.S. and coalition intervention in Iraq to frame a within-case comparative historical analysis of how power was distributed within Iraq after the U.S.-led invasion and the complex interplay between shifting alignments and alliances between political factions, militant groups and occupation forces. This study argues that political factions will make alignments and alliances based on agent-based considerations in their formative stages and will quickly gravitate toward the authority of a charismatic leader. Over time, these political factions become institutionalized and behave in accordance with what neorealist political theory would predict. </p>
26
Henrizi, Annika [Verfasser], and Buckley-Zistel [Akademischer Betreuer]. "Gendered Agency in (post-) conflict spaces. The engagement of Iraqi Women in NGOs / Annika Henrizi ; Betreuer: Buckley-Zistel." Marburg : Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1185068848/34.
Full text
27
Al-Roubaiy, Najwan Saaed. "Post-migration stress among adult male Iraqi refugees and its implications for counselling and psychotherapy : a qualitative study." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28535.
Full textAbstract:
This three-phase study explores how counselling and psychotherapy can address the post-migration stress that adult male Iraqi refugees can experience in later stages of exile (defined in this study as having lived in Sweden for a minimum of five years). In Phase 1 the exile-related experiences of ten Iraqi refugee men were explored with specific emphasis on social support, acculturation, racial discrimination, and support systems. In Phase 2 the counselling experiences of ten adult male Iraqi refugee ex-counselling clients were explored. In Phase 3 the views of eight professionals were explored regarding their experiences of counselling Iraqi refugee men. The adult male Iraqi refugee participants in Phase 1 and Phase 2 were individually interviewed using semi-structured interviewing. The twenty interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). In Phase 3, the findings from Phase 1 and Phase 2 were used to design two focus group interviews using four mental health professionals in each group. The two focus group interviews were also analysed using IPA. The main findings of Phase 1 were that Iraqi refugee men expressed feeling disempowered, racially discriminated against, and marginalised by society. The main findings of Phase 2 were that adult male Iraqi refugee ex-counselling clients expressed a reluctance to disclose to therapists issues pertaining to their ethnic minority status and experienced racial microaggressions from therapists. The main findings of Phase 3 were that professionals described avoiding and struggling with cultural issues. Another main finding of Phase 3 was that in spite of client feedback revolving around the need for practical help and the experience of post-migration stress, professionals emphasised pre-migration trauma in discussing their views on counselling this client group. Based on the findings of this three-phase study, a pluralistic counselling approach is proposed to address the different post-migration stressors that adult male Iraqi refugees can experience in later stages of exile in Sweden and perhaps other Western countries.
28
Bridoux, J. F. "U.S. Power and Post-Conflict Reconstruction : The Cases of Japan and Iraq." Thesis, University of Kent, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499719.
Full text
29
Rourke, Kellie. "Resisting Democratic Transition Through Terrorism: A Case Study of Post Saddam-Hussein Iraq." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3575.
Full textAbstract:
Democracy building operations in foreign nations in Iraq and Afghanistan have been met with resistance and at great cost in terms of dollars and lives. Reducing these costs requires understanding why individuals choose to resist the transition to democracy, yet current research in the field does not address the issues of a previously nonviolent population turning to terrorism to resist transition to democracy. The purpose of this single case study was to use rational choice theory and Crenshaw's 3 levels of causation to understand what factors influenced members of the Sunni sect to resist democratic transition following the 2003 invasion of U.S. forces. Data for this study consisted of secondary data, including transcripts of interviews with 15 Sunni Iraqis who once supported or showed neutrality for a democratic government but then resisted transition through terrorism. Data were deductively coded according to Crenshaw's 3 levels of causation and then subjected to thematic analysis. Findings revealed that the primary factor that led individuals to support terrorism against the transitioning government was political, in that Sunni participants felt that after the democratic transition, the government excluded them from participation in the development of the new government to include constitutional development and elections. Findings also showed that religion, specifically being Sunni, impacted the decision to resort to resistance through terrorism. The study concluded with recommendations to the U.S. government and military forces that highlight planning and execution considerations to address during similar democracy building operations for success in the future.
30
Hausknecht, Natalie J. "Resolving the defacto statehood dilemma in Iraq : evolving sovereignty norms and post-modern federalism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3623.
Full textAbstract:
Through a case study of Iraq, this dissertation examines one manifestation of the increasingly prevalent phenomenon in struggling de jure states of the establishment of alternative forms of political sovereignty embodied by defacto states. Tracing Iraq's failed state-building endeavor to the adoption of an ill-suited Weberian model of state-building that idealized order and centralization to the exclusion of Iraq's Kurdish minority, it argues that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society. The result has been continual coups, instability, and civil conflict that ultimately defined Iraq's modern history. Using this framework, the contention is defended that democracy cannot survive in Iraq without the preservation of its federal character, which alone guarantees the social, economic, political, and coercive dispersal of power necessary to maintain a free expression of Iraq's diverse interests. By restricting the responsibilities and obligations of the central state to more manageable tasks while dually creating a mechanism for a minority buy-in, federal institutions have pulled previously contentious social sources of power into legitimate state institutions and laid the foundation for a genuine, inclusive state-building process that will eventually benefit all Iraqis. While recognizing that this model is still contested by some leaders in Baghdad, the dissertation traces the path of the two key outstanding issues left unresolved --the exploitation of Iraq's vast natural resources and the territorial delineation of its disputed internal boundaries-- to argue for a resolution that will bolster Iraqi federalism without sacrificing the hope of greater unity.
31
Al-Anaibi, Faris Kareem Mohammad. "The rights of victims of violence by non-state actors in Iraq post-2003." Thesis, Durham University, 2018. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12706/.
Full textAbstract:
Violence and victimisation in Iraq is a long story and, in recent times, specifically in the aftermath of the 2003 controversial occupation of the country by the United States and its allies, and the atrocities committed by so-called ISIS, the situation has escalated to a horrific extent. Ethno-sectarian violence, bombings, armed conflict and enforced disappearances have demonstrated the complete absence of any effective reaction by the state, and this has undermined efforts at consolidation by the Iraqi state and its legal system following the downfall of the previous oppressive regime in 2003. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqi citizens have become victims of violence by non-state actors, largely due to the failure of the 2003-transition process and the flawed constitution and divisive ethno-sectarian system. This fuelled political conflict, widespread corruption, insurgency, terrorism, and extremism, paralysing the Iraqi state and its criminal justice system. This thesis claims that the Iraqi state has failed to provide redress for non-state violence. It further argues, based on international human rights’ instruments, that the state owes positive duties to citizens to protect them from such violence. The thesis will be argue that one method – but not in isolation - of gradually addressing the failings of the Iraqi state would be for Iraqi citizens themselves to take ‘substantive steps’ to ‘establish a healthy civil society reflecting social contract principles.’ Such steps can and should be taken with the support of governmental bodies and other authorities, as part of a genuine and inclusive transitional justice programme in which accountability, truth recovery, reparations, legislative and institutional reform, and reconciliation will be vital, if any future stability and peaceful coexistence is to be established, especially after the ISIS conflict. Despite being a very lengthy task, at present the security situation is gradually improving following the defeat of ISIS. The foregoing steps are arguably also essential for the consolidation of the state and its institutions over the rule of law, in which respect for and protection of the human rights of citizens is the primary objective. This will be imperative in restoring citizens’ trust, confidence, and hope that the Iraqi state and its criminal justice system will gradually honour their positive obligations.
32
Collins, Sean T. "Post-Deployment Health Assessment in United States Service Members after Iraq Deployment: A Dissertation." eScholarship@UMMS, 2009. https://escholarship.umassmed.edu/gsn_diss/16.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to identify health and emotional-related issues of service members after a deployment to Iraq. Secondary data analysis and a cross-sectional descriptive design, were used to analyze data from the Department of Defense Post Deployment Health Assessment (PDHA) database. The cognitive appraisal model of stress and coping (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984) guided this study. Several statistical techniques were used including: frequency distributions cross tab evaluations, factor analysis, reliability calculations, regression analysis and tests for mediation.
The study sample included 510, 352 service members (49,998 females, 460,349 males) with a mean age of 29 years. The sample represented all components and branches of the military. Of the total sample, 51.9% (n=264,777) saw wounded, killed or dead individuals and 22.1% (n=112,620) discharged their weapon in combat. Environmental exposures were an important source of stress. Exposures to sand and dust were the largest complaint (89.8% of the sample). Multiple physical symptoms were identified and 40% of the sample reported four or more symptoms (e.g. diarrhea, back pain, headache, fatigue). PTSD symptoms were identified in 11.8% (n = 60,200) and depressive symptoms in 26.5%, (n=123,808) of participants. Results of the study indicated that age, gender, rank, race/ethnicity, military component and branch were important predictors of emotional and health-related concerns in this sample. Appraisal variables (danger of being killed and exposure concerns) mediated the relationship between immediate (physical and depressive symptoms) and long term outcomes (health perception, PTSD symptoms) for the majority of the analyses; supporting the study hypothesis. However, length of deployment did not have a significant impact on stress-related outcomes in this study. Implications for practice, policy and future research are discussed.
33
Braim, Kadhim Magdid. "Managing cultural tourism in a post-conflict region : the Kurdistan Federal Region of Iraq." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/48705/.
Full textAbstract:
During any period marked by conflict, potential investors (domestic and foreign) are reluctant to invest in the tourism sector of a country or region, owing to weak investor protection and the general climate of instability, in parallel with the lack of comprehensive planning for the tourism industry. Moreover, after a period of conflict, major challenges have to be faced in rebuilding the social, cultural, educational, service and economic infrastructure. Thus, the tourism industry in conflict and post-conflict areas often suffers a number of challenges, in the form of poor infrastructure, low investment and a lack of proper tourism management planning, or, poor implementation. In the case of the Kurdistan Federal Region of Iraq (KFR), conflict caused major challenges to heritage protection and consequently to the development of cultural tourism. The region was subject to ethnic conflict between the Iraqi government and Kurdish opposition, in particular the armed conflict in 1961 to 2003. There was lack investment in transport infrastructure. The absence of essential facilities such as motorways, rail networks and airports severely restricted the development of a tourism industry from 1991 (the year in which Kurdish autonomy in the region was achieved) to 2005 (when the KFR was officially recognised in Iraq's Constitution of 2005) and continued until 2006. Thereafter, the tourism industry recorded an increase of approximately 700% from 2007 to 2013, after the building of two international airports and thousands of miles of motorways in the KFR. However, so far, in the KFR, no consideration has been given to the conservation of cultural heritage, either as a legacy to the nation or in terms of its potential use to develop tourism. This underdevelopment is attributable to a number of problems, but notably the conflict, which led to the lack of an integrated tourism policy, lack of knowledge on how to protect heritage assets, poor infrastructure and low investment. The preservation of heritage assets has been discussed in the literature, but mostly the focus is on preservation of resources in the context of sustainable tourism (often in the context of over-utilization), and there is a lack of studies undertaken to investigate how post-conflict issues affect the protection of heritage assets, that is, what the potential challenges are to the conservation of heritage assets in post-conflict countries, and how these challenges impact on the future potential for cultural tourism development. This thesis investigates how post-conflict issues affect heritage protection and cultural tourism, in terms of both planning and management, by exploring heritage protection and cultural tourism in the KFR as an example of both a post-conflict area and a new autonomous region. It suggests solutions and makes recommendations for the development of successful, competitive and sustainable cultural heritage tourism in the KFR. The results show that the KFR is rich in cultural resources, but currently not enough governmental consideration is given to cultural heritage conservation. The managerial issues caused by lack of legislation and poor government administration, in parallel with some other challenges, notably a lack of funding, are the core barriers to investment in heritage protection in the KFR, and consequently creating major problems to the development of cultural tourism. Other issues include: a lack of investment and poor implementation, a negative destination image and marketing difficulties. The findings will help decision makers to develop a strategy for cultural protection and to establish a proper cultural tourism policy in the KFR through recommendations to government. The findings will also be of interest to other post-conflict nations and regions. The thesis reports data from a series of focus groups and in-depth interviews conducted in 2015 and 2017.
34
Dick, Eric. "The elite press, the Bush administration, and Iraq ideology confines scrutiny in the Post and the Times /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4274.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (May 26, 2006) Includes bibliographical references.
35
Chastain, William, and William Chastain. "The Iraq War and the Post Vietnam Narrative: Culture and Change in the U.S. Army, 2005-2007." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12371.
Full textAbstract:
The Iraq War was an era of crisis and change within the U.S. Army. The failure of
the army to adapt to the war revealed the obsolescence of post Vietnam army culture.
Innovation experiences in the war were directionless and a new intellectual framework was
required to deal with warfare that the army had long disliked: counterinsurgency. Major
organizational change was accomplished by a coalition of generals led by Generals David
Petraeus, Jack Keane, and Ray Odierno. These officers established a new intellectual
framework with FM 3-24, Counterinsurgency. They challenged institutional military
orthodoxy in Washington by proposing a renewed commitment to victory. Finally, they
demonstrated the efficacy of counterinsurgency theory through a military campaign that
“proved” FM 3-24. This major, yet limited, change in service culture fractured the
consensus of the post Vietnam narrative and initiated an ongoing reinterpretation of the
army’s philosophy of war.
36
Al-Mizory, Arsalan Haji Issa. "Towards a new understanding of the right of self-determination in the post-colonial context : the case of the Iraqi Kurdistan region." Thesis, Bangor University, 2015. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/towards-a-new-understanding-of-the-right-of-selfdetermination-in-the-postcolonial-context--the-case-of-the-iraqi-kurdistan-region(923b1484-b3bf-4fbf-9e97-7ab6264d8af5).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis discusses the meaning of the right to self-determination in its historical and contemporary perspective, and examines the different options available for the accommodation of contested self-determination claims. Arguably, the creation of new States and secession are amongst the most significant and controversial issues pertaining to self-determination beyond the colonial context. Detailing these implications in relation to the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (IKR), the thesis argues that even if secession is one mechanism to resolve self-determination disputes, this does not do away with the need to continue exploring a new conflict settlement approach as an alternative to extremist secession. The proposed ‘Remedial Earned Sovereignty’ (RES) approach affords a way of assessing post-colonial breakaway movements in their different manifestations. A new entity may come into being lawfully through negotiated and consensual constitutional processes. The RES approach allows another layer of consideration to be added that goes beyond the superficiality of pure ‘legality’, by delving into the legitimacy of the new entity. It will argue that legitimacy is a second layer of essential consideration, and it involves a deeper and more holistic level of analysis. Significantly, the thesis will argue for a need to look at the circumstances that led to the secession and State creation, and also at how the entity has conducted itself, and how it has organised itself internally. It demonstrates that outside the colonial context the emergence of a new State is not a matter of meeting the statehood criteria, but rather a politically realised legal status. Accordingly, in order to navigate through these considerations of legality and legitimacy, a set of guidelines for States in assessing how to deal with entities coming into existence because of secession have been suggested. This is dubbed a ‘Remedial Approach to Post-Colonial External Self Determination’. The thesis will then apply and refine the remedial approach to post-colonial external self-determination in the cases of Kosovo, Quebec and South Sudan, and ultimately test the finalised hypothesis idea on the IKR. This Thesis is based on the situation up to October 2014.
37
Kolbe, Jarla. "Civil Society & Peace Building – two debated Concepts in the Post-Conflict Environment of Iraq." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29086.
Full text
38
Gannon, Richard K. "Recapturing U.S. grand strategy shaping Iraq success with post-conflict lessons from Europe and Japan /." Norfolk : Joint Forces Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487211.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2008.<br>Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Sep 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.
39
Qaas, Said, and Akon Baker. "Power-sharing mechanism in post conflict countries : A comparative case study of Iraq and Somalia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104381.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extend consociationalism has been adopted in post-war, post-conflict countries that suffer from deep division within their societies. Despite criticisms on whether the mechanism is beneficial in less democratic societies, the tool is strongly recommended for divided multi-ethnic societies as an attempt to solve the tension between conflicted actors. The aim of this thesis is to explore what we can learn from the Somalian and Iraqi experience, both of which have adopted this mechanism. To be able to answer these questions our primary research question guiding this thesis is: How does power sharing exhibit the advantages that it is claimed to have for peaceful democratic post-conflict development in Iraq and Somalia? This thesis is hinged on two theories, Consociationalism theory and Path Dependency theory. An abductive method as structured focused comparison has been used. The data collection was done by purposive sampling method, using primary sources of data. Structured interviews were carried out with six key informants from Somalia and six from Iraq, representing a unique perspective of the clans and ethnicities in each country. To triangulate the data, secondary sources were conducted as empirical data. The study established that consociationalism as a power- sharing mechanism has increased identity conflicts, raised sectarian values in Iraq and empowered clannism in Somalia. The study also showed that consociationalism as a power-sharing tool has not been fully adopted in either of the two countries, rather a semi-consociationalism has been practiced. This has resulted into the exclusion of marginalized groups such as young people, women and minorities in both countries. The mechanism has led to the post-conflict elite perceiving themselves as heroes of the new system rather than finding a solution for common interest in post-conflict reconstruction. Furthermore, factors such as security gap, presence of extremist groups, corruption and external interventions have impacted the efforts of consolidating peace and development in Iraq and Somalia.
40
Farry, Stephen A. "Mission impossible : the United Nations' peace and security activities in the post Cold War era." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322850.
Full text
41
Kimball, Brian M. "Developing and implementing a biblical plan to remediate the effects of post-combat stress among select veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom stationed at MCRD Parris Island." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2007. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p054-0276.
Full text
42
McKay, Terrence Penn. "Minding the gap : filling the public security gap in post-war societies." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7264.
Full text
43
Al, Shammari Adhraa. "'History engraved on his shoulder' : a comparative study of the influence of British First World War poetry on post-1980 Iraqi war poetry." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/5475.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to compare British war poetry of the First World War with Iraqi poetry from the mid-20th century with special reference to Iraqi war poetry of the 1980’s Iraq-Iran War and the period that followed it. It will also investigate the influence of the designated British war poetry on the chosen body of Iraqi poetry. Through the comparison of sample poems the study presents, firstly, the direct influence of the British poetry of the Great War and its translation which formed the seeds of a more radical movement in Iraqi poetry during the 1980’s Iran/Iraq War and the period that followed it. The study also presents a comparison of the works of British and Iraqi civilian poets during and after the war time and their contribution in setting the ground for the younger generation to create more subversive poetic forms with special reference to women as influential characters and inspirations in their works. The moment of the 1980’s war marks the break with the clear direct influence of British war poetry and starts another phase of the comparison of a universal bond of similar reactions, conscious and unconscious expression reflecting the lives of the combatant group of men first and then of poets sharing a devastating war reality. The study reveals a remarkable, more radical change of poetic forms in Iraqi poetry between the time of the first seeds planted by the influence of translations from European poetry until the time of the Iran/Iraq war and the Gulf War in 1991 and the rise of the new nihilistic generation of the 1990s subverting war, politics and cultural life through their innovation in prose poem writing and its significance as an alternative space for their political and social subversion.
44
Henry, Drew A. "Democracy in a Post-Castro Cuba /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FHenry.pdf.
Full text
45
Al, Abasey Nidham Gabbar T. "Reformist framework of the foreign investment environment in the post-conflict : critical appraisal of Iraq case." Thesis, Bangor University, 2014. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/reformist-framework-of-the-foreign-investment-environment-in-the-postconflict--critical-appraisal-of-iraq-case(292c8280-905c-4748-8c5b-66afb766e864).html.
Full text
46
Milton, Sansom. "The neglected pillar of recovery : a study of higher education in post-war Iraq and Libya." Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5207/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that higher education systems in post-conflict states have the potential to contribute towards more effective post-war reconstruction and recovery. However, while the role of Higher Education in Development was emphasised in the post-WWII era, the specific experience of higher education in post-conflict contexts has escaped the attention of both academics and policy-makers engaged in reconstruction. Furthermore, donor policy attention has not been placed upon utilising the resources of higher education in post-war recovery. The overall aim is therefore to address this gap in the literature by providing global analysis of higher education in post-war recovery. Firstly, a theoretical framework of the relationship between higher education and recovery was constructed in terms of the functions that higher education can perform in contributing to recovery, the features of the post-war environment that hinder or enable higher education, and various policy options available to post-conflict higher education. Secondly, two case-studies of Iraq and Libya were examined to explore the relationship between higher education and post-war recovery. Principally through interviews with academics and policy-makers from case-study countries, the thesis reveals a range of perspectives and voices on higher education during post-conflict recovery and transition. The thesis concludes that higher education should be conceptualised as an important pillar of recovery; the capacity of domestic higher education sectors in post-conflict contexts is an often under-recognised and under-utilised resource of considerable potential value that can connect to a wide range of reconstruction and recovery processes and effectively drive post-conflict recovery and transitions. Given the under-theorised and under-studied nature of higher education and post-conflict recovery the thesis operates in a theory-building mode and offers what is to date the first attempt to construct a global theorisation.
47
Herber, Lori B. "A content analysis of Iraq War reportage in German and American newspapers." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318616.
Full textAbstract:
On March 19, 2003, the United States military led a "pre-emptive" strike on Iraq, thrusting media into a heightened responsibility to keep the American public informed. By May 1, 2003, President George W. Bush had officially declared the war over, but at the time of this study, Spring 2005, violence prevailed in Iraq.Throughout the Iraq War, different styles of print media coverage appeared between the United States and German presses – reflective of each country's stance on the Iraq war. As influenced by numerous factors, U.S. and German newspapers covered the Iraq conflict in different ways. Several predictions resulted from considerations of nationality and political stance on the Iraq war.To assess the accuracy of those predictions, a content analysis was conducted. Two independent variables were named--the German newspaper, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) and the U.S. newspaper, the Washington Post.The results gleaned from the analysis were examined with a chi-square, and most were found to be significant: As hypothesized, both U.S. and German newspapers overwhelmingly featured official sources. This meant that the media did not fulfill its watchdog function, but instead, allowed officials to frame the story of war.Although each country was viewing the war through official sources, those sources accentuated different aspects of the war and often carried strong positive or negative tones. The Washington Post carried more neutral sources, whereas the Frankfurt Allgemeine Zeitung carried more negative sources. With a clear sentiment against the war, German newspapers more often featured sources who weren't active players in the war and non-American, non-Iraqi sources in their articles, thus attempting to offer more balanced reporting. This study may offer an explanation as to why the United States and Germany shared such opposing opinions about the Iraq War–each country's citizens experienced the news from different perspectives.<br>Department of Journalism
48
Sray, Karen L. "Accessing the power within the challenge of gender and cultural identity to post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490818.
Full text
49
McClelland, Mark Jonathan Lamdin. "The unbridling of virtue : neoconservatism between the Cold War and the Iraq War." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3615/.
Full textAbstract:
During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention.
50
Tsukayama, John K. "By any means necessary : an interpretive phenomenological analysis study of post 9/11 American abusive violence in Iraq." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4510.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers. Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival. Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.