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1

Redmond, Joan. "Religion, civility and the ‘British’ of Ireland in the 1641 Irish rebellion." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 167 (May 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.27.

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AbstractThis article examines the 1641 Irish rebellion through a neglected manuscript account from 1643, written by Henry Jones and three of his 1641 deposition colleagues. The ‘Treatise’ offers important insights into the rebellion, but also advances a broader understanding of the significance of the early modern efforts to civilise Ireland and the impact of these schemes, especially plantation, on the kind of conflict that erupted in the 1640s. It is an evaluation that brings together both the long pre-history of the rebellion, and what eventually unfolded, offering new perspectives into a crucial and contested debate within modern historiography. The ‘Treatise’ also presents the opportunity to interrogate the position of the settler community, and their careful construction and presentation of a religiously- and culturally-driven improvement of the country. While it was a period of crisis, the rebellion offered an important opportunity to reflect on the wider project of Irish conversion and civility. It was a moment of creation and self-creation, as the emerging ‘British’ community not only digested the shock of the rebellion, but sought to fashion narratives that underlined their moral claims to Ireland on the grounds of true religion and civility.
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2

McAreavey, Naomi. "Building bridges? Remembering the 1641 rebellion in Northern Ireland." Memory Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2018): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017736841.

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This essay explores the changing place of the 1641 rebellion in the memory cultures of Ulster loyalist communities before and after the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Focusing on the loyalist centres of Portadown and West Belfast, I show that commemorative activities particularly flourished during periods of crisis in these communities as they moved (or were moved) towards compromise. The 1641 Depositions Project has argued that the ‘memory’ of 1641 must be replaced by ‘history’. The potential for the transformation or dissolution of loyalist memories depends on the willingness of these communities to forget a long-established element of the expression of a ‘besieged’ Ulster Protestant identity, which in turn depends on their investment in the peace process. Nascent attempts to accommodate the history and memory of 1641 in post-conflict Northern Ireland suggest that perhaps the fledgling peace is not yet secure enough for such divisive memories to disappear.
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3

Langley, Chris R. "Sheltering under the Covenant: The National Covenant, Orthodoxy and the Irish Rebellion, 1638–1644." Scottish Historical Review 96, no. 2 (October 2017): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2017.0333.

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The Irish rebellion of October 1641 drove large numbers of clerical migrants across the Irish Sea to Scotland. These ministers brought news of protestantism's plight in Ireland, petitions for charitable aid and, in many cases, requests to work as preachers in Scotland. Historians have long recognised the social and religious links between Ireland and Scotland in the mid-seventeenth century and have seen these men as part of a wider effort to establish presbyterianism across Britain and Ireland. Such an argument fails to understand the complexity of mid-seventeenth-century presbyterianism. This paper explores these petitions for work and the less-than-enthusiastic response of ecclesiastical authorities in Scotland. Rather than automatically embracing Irish ministers as fellow presbyterians, the covenanted kirk leadership was aware that the infant presbyterian congregations in Ireland had followed a very different course to their own. Rather than fellow sufferers for Christ's cause, or part of a wider covenanted network, kirk leaders needed to assess Irish ministers for their godly credentials.
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4

Gibney, John. "Protestant interests? The 1641 rebellion and state formation in early modern Ireland." Historical Research 84, no. 223 (January 12, 2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2009.00536.x.

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5

STEWART, LAURA A. M. "ENGLISH FUNDING OF THE SCOTTISH ARMIES IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1640–1648." Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 573–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09007468.

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ABSTRACTThe rebellion against Charles I's authority that began in Edinburgh in 1637 involved the Scots in successive invasions of England and armed intervention in Ireland. Historians have almost universally taken a negative view of Scottish involvement in these wars, because it has been assumed that the Scottish political leadership sacrificed all other considerations in order to pursue an unrealistic religious crusade. This article suggests that aspects of the Anglo-Scottish relationship need to be reappraised. Using estimates of English payments to the Scots during the 1640s, it will be argued that the Scottish leadership made pragmatic political decisions based on a practical appreciation of the country's military and fiscal capacity. Substantial payouts from the English parliament enabled the Scottish parliamentary regime to engage in military and diplomatic activities that the country could not otherwise have afforded. The 1643 treaty that brought the Scots into the English Civil War on the side of parliament contrasts favourably with the 1647 Engagement in support of the king. It will be shown that, although the English parliament did not honour all of its obligations to the Scots, it does not automatically follow that the alliance was a failure in financial terms.
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6

Arnold, L. J. "The Irish court of claims of 1663." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034453.

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The modification of the Cromwellian land settlement in Ireland which followed the restoration of the Stuart monarchy in 1660 was regulated by two acts of parliament, one familiarly known as the act of settlement of 1662, the other as the act of explanation of 1665. They became the principal legal instruments upon which land ownership in the country was to rest for two centuries.The act of settlement was the statutory version, with the major addition of a preamble, of the so-called ‘Gracious declaration’ of 30 November 1660, a royal proclamation which enunciated the broad principles upon which the settlement was to be based. In its statutory form these principles were: the vesting in the king, as trustee for the purposes of the act, of all land confiscated since 23 October 1641 as a consequence of the rebellion, with the general exception of the land held on that date by the church and Trinity College, Dublin; the general confirmation to the adventurers and Cromwellian soldiers of the land they held on 7 May 1659; and the restoration of various classes of dispossessed proprietors, chiefly those catholics who could prove, before the commissioners appointed to execute the terms of the act, that they were innocent of having participated in the rebellion. Those found innocent were to be restored to their estates immediately without having to wait until the Cromwellian planters had first been ‘reprised’ (i.e. compensated) with land of equal value.
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7

Cope, Joseph. "Fashioning victims: Dr. Henry Jones and the plight of Irish Protestants, 1642." Historical Research 74, no. 186 (November 1, 2001): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00133.

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Abstract This article explores Dr. Henry Jones's work in conveying first-hand testimony on the Irish rising to English audiences in 1642. It compares Jones's Remonstrance of Diverse Remarkable Passages Concerning the Church and Kingdom of Ireland with the archival materials from which he drew his information. In order to persuade the English parliament and the English people to support charitable projects for Ireland's poor, Jones needed to portray the victims of the rising in a positive light. The resulting image of deserving war victims was broadly sympathetic but in fact reflected a distorted view of the experiences of those despoiled in the rebellion.
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8

Noonan, Kathleen M. "“Martyrs in Flames”: Sir John Temple and the Conception of the Irish in English Martyrologies." Albion 36, no. 2 (2004): 223–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054214.

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In the violence over Protestant marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1990s much of the debate centered on two towns, Portadown and Drumcree. Students of seventeenth-century Irish history will note that those towns were sites of some of the most infamous stories of rebel atrocities in the 1641 uprising. The continuity of such images reinforces the notion that ethnic and religious conflicts are immutable and perhaps inevitable. A certain fatalism surrounds the acrimony of Arab and Jew, Muslim and Christian, English and Irish arising from the conviction that such conflicts have raged, as if unchanging, over centuries. However, when viewed over time, the struggles between such groups are dynamic rather than static and have helped construct how each group sees the other and how it identifies itself. In the dynamism surrounding Anglo-Irish relations a number of important turning points can be identified. One of the most important is of course the seventeenth century, particularly the 1641 uprising. More than thirty years ago W. D. Love noted how for three centuries Irish historiography and Anglo-Irish intercourse had been molded by the events of the mid-seventeenth century and had compelled historians to support or deny the charges made by each side about the events of the 1640s. In trying to understand the searing nature of those events, and how they came to frame political as well as historical debates from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, a number of historians have noted the importance of Sir John Temple and his propagan distic piece, The Irish Rebellion. Temple's work offered not just an interpretation of the 1641 uprising but a portrait of the two peoples, English and Irish, as basically and permanently incompatible—a thesis that has had remarkable staying power. Published in 1646, Temple's work was a departure from the Tudor and early Stuart canon on Ireland. While Temple borrowed much from earlier commentators such as Edmund Spenser and Sir John Davies, his analysis differed from them and set out in a new direction by defining the Irish as ethnically distinct. Spenser and Davies suggested that the problem of Ireland arose not from the land, or even its people (although Spenser devoted considerable discussion to the ways Irish customs undermined English success), but from foolhardy or poorly executed English policy. Even though the late Tudor and early Stuart commentators saw the Irish as barbaric, the Irish were thought to be amenable to the benefits of English culture and rule, although their reformation might require draconian measures. Even the divisive issue of religion was not thought insurmountable. Davies and Spenser argued that a religious reformation begun after peace and stability had been secured in Ireland would succeed. In contrast, Temple viewed the 1641 revolt as conclusive evidence that the Irish were irredeemable and posed a deadly threat to England and its people.
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McAreavey, Naomi. "Female alliances in Cromwellian Ireland: the social and political network of Elizabeth Butler, marchioness of Ormonde." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 167 (May 2021): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.26.

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AbstractElizabeth Butler, marchioness of Ormonde, came to prominence during the middle years of the seventeenth century as a result of her care of Protestant refugees in the aftermath of the 1641 rebellion; her royalist exile in Caen; her successful claim to a portion of the confiscated Ormonde estate; and her subsequent retirement to Dunmore in County Kilkenny. Her letters from the 1650s and 1660 provide valuable insight on her role as an influential Irish royalist, and specifically reveal the importance of women in the social and political network that supported her through this tumultuous period. Prominent among the women in her network include the anonymous ‘JH’, a kinswoman who acted as Ormonde's intelligencer and spy in Cromwell's court in London in the early 1650s; Katherine, Lady Ranelagh, an acquaintance who wielded significant influence with the Cromwellian administration in Dublin and acted as Ormonde's intermediary in the mid 1650s; a group of pre-eminent British noblewomen from prominent royalist families with whom Ormonde maintained a relationship of mutual support from the 1650s into the 1660s; and finally Anne Hume, Ormonde's friend, confidante and long-serving waiting gentlewoman, who acted as her agent and messenger as Ormonde prepared for the Restoration in May 1660. Offering a more granular examination of Ormonde's activities during the 1650s than has been undertaken to date, this article shows that women were of primary importance to Ormonde's survival and indeed thriving through the Interregnum. More broadly, it indicates that female alliances were key to women's political agency in Cromwellian Ireland and that women were central to royalist political activity during the Interregnum.
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NOONAN, KATHLEEN M. "‘THE CRUELL PRESSURE OF AN ENRAGED, BARBAROUS PEOPLE’: IRISH AND ENGLISH IDENTITY IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY POLICY AND PROPAGANDA." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9700767x.

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Seventeenth-century English men and women, caught in the upheaval of the Civil War, sought to understand what it was to be English and sought to grasp England's proper role in the world. One of the ways in which they did this was through their encounters with other people. The Irish had a long history of interaction with the English, but in the middle of the seventeenth century their role in defining Englishness became acute. Late Tudor and early Jacobean commentaries on Ireland had stressed the superiority of English culture while acknowledging some virtues of Ireland and its people that would make it amenable to beneficial transformation by the English. In the middle of the century, occasioned by the events of the 1641 uprising, this ameliorative view of the Irish gave way to the view that English and Irish were incompatible. Earlier studies have emphasized the role of religion in the discordant relationship between the two peoples in the seventeenth century. This essay maintains that the shift in attitude had as much to do with ethnicity as it did with religion and considers the central role of John Temple and his treatise The Irish rebellion in changing English attitudes on both a national and local level. The study suggests that Temple's view became the dominant one for more than 200 years because of the demographic changes within the Irish community in London and puritan concerns about a godly community that occurred at the time Temple set forth his ideas.
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11

Mcareavey, Naomi. "The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory. John Gibney. History of Ireland and the Irish Diaspora. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013. xii + 230 pp. $29.95." Renaissance Quarterly 68, no. 1 (2015): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/681360.

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12

Cope, Joseph. "Eamon Darcy. The Irish Rebellion of 1641 and the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Royal Historical Society Studies in History new series. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell and Brewer, 2013. Pp. 226. $90.00 (cloth). - John Gibney. The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory. History of Ireland and the Irish Diaspora series. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013. Pp. 244. $29.95 (paperback)." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2014): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.196.

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13

Croft, Pauline. "Fresh Light on Bate's Case." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 523–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020872.

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On the afternoon of 7 July 1610, two petitions of grievance, one temporal and one spiritual, were presented to James I. According to the French ambassador, he received them with ‘un assez mauvais visage’ and uncharacteristically few words, although later the king permitted himself the tart comment that the petition of temporal grievances was long enough to be his chamber tapestry. Although James exaggerated its size, politically it was a weighty document, for among its complaints it set out the Commons' view that the new impositions, already bringing in around £70,000 per annum, were illegal. ‘With all humility’, they presented ‘this most just and necessary petition unto your Majesty, that all impositions set without assent of parliament may be quite abolished and taken away.’ To answer the grievance, on 10 July James turned to his lord treasurer, Robert Cecil earl of Salisbury, for a full statement. The speech which he then gave formed the basis for all future defences of the royal power to impose on trade made by crown spokesmen up to 1640. Salisbury described how, early in 1607, his friend and predecessor, Lord Treasurer Dorset, had proposed new impositions to help fill the empty royal coffers. The privy council, after discussion, decided instead to raise money on loan; but in October 1607 renewed rebellion in Ireland rendered the situation more urgent, and by spring 1608 it was apparent that loans could not meet the king's necessities.
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14

Bottigheimer, Karl S. "The shadow of a year. The 1641 rebellion in Irish history and memory. By John Gibney. (History of Ireland and the Irish Diaspora.) Pp. xii+232 incl. 7 ills. Madison, Wi: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013. $29.95 (paper). 978 0 299 28954 6." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 65, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046913001929.

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15

Little, Patrick. "The Irish rebellion of 1641 and the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. By Eamon Darcy. Pp xiii, 212. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Royal Historical Society, Studies in History; published by the Boydell Press. 2013. £50. - Ireland and the war at sea, 1641–1653. By Elaine Murphy. Pp xiii, 253. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Royal Historical Society, Studies in History; published by the Boydell Press. 2012. £50." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 152 (November 2013): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400001978.

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16

Morrill, J. "England and the 1641 Irish Rebellion." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 517 (October 25, 2010): 1527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq356.

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McAreavey, Naomi. "Portadown, 1641: Memory and the 1641 Depositions." Irish University Review 47, no. 1 (May 2017): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2017.0254.

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The mass drowning of Protestants in Portadown is the defining cultural memory of the 1641 rebellion, yet it is a little known and highly contested incident. In this essay I return to the earliest recorded memories of the massacre found among the 1641 depositions to show how the Portadown drownings were represented by eyewitnesses as well as through rumour and hearsay; by survivors and by the bereaved; by refugees speaking within weeks and months of the event, to those recalling the event over a decade later. Identifying different ‘stories’ of the atrocity, and considering how they were shaped by time and circumstance, I discuss how a range of deponents diversely remembered the Portadown atrocity, and illuminate the tensions, inconsistencies and contradictions in their memories. By recovering part of the history of 1641 memories, I suggest that the 1641 depositions are a rich resource for memories of the rebellion but not its ‘facts’.
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Bottigheimer, Karl S., and M. Perceval-Maxwell. "The Outbreak of the Irish Rebellion of 1641." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168656.

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COPE, JOSEPH. "THE EXPERIENCE OF SURVIVAL DURING THE 1641 IRISH REBELLION." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0300308x.

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In recent scholarship, the problem of violence has dominated work on the 1641 Irish rebellion. Unfortunately, no scholarship has addressed the means by which victims of the war survived this conflict. This article uses microhistorical evidence from the 1641 depositions for county Cavan to reconstruct the range of possible survival strategies. Philip MacMulmore O'Reilly, a member of the Irish gentry and kinsman to the Cavan rebels, balanced support for the rebellion with attempts to assist endangered Anglo-Protestant settlers. Although deponents questioned O'Reilly's motives, they agreed that he was instrumental in protecting settlers. George Creichton, a Scottish minister and planter, provides a distinctly different example. Despite his religious views and politics, Creichton forged strong ties to neighbouring Irish before the rising. Although in danger, Creichton mobilized a network of friends, kin, and sympathetic neighbours to protect himself and to assist less fortunate Anglo-Protestant neighbours. These two examples reveal the wider existence of early seventeenth-century social relationships that crossed ethnic and religious lines. In the midst of the chaos of 1641, a significant number of settlers benefited from fragmentation in the rebel ranks and often built their survival strategies upon the social relationships that they had forged in more stable times.
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20

HOPPER, ANDREW. "England and the 1641 Irish Rebellion - By Joseph Cope." History 95, no. 318 (April 2010): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.00483_16.x.

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21

Robins, Wendy. "The 1641 Depositions and the Irish Rebellion." Irish Studies Review 22, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2014.897498.

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22

Redmond, Joan. "Religion, ethnicity and “conversion” in the 1641 Irish Rebellion." Seventeenth Century 35, no. 6 (September 6, 2019): 715–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2019.1658618.

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23

Pluymers, Keith. "Cow Trials, Climate Change, and the Causes of Violence." Environmental History 25, no. 2 (February 27, 2020): 287–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emz095.

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Abstract In 1641, according to the vicar Thomas Johnson, Irish rebels in Mayo, in “meere hatred and derision of the English,” tried a group of English cattle for unspecified charges. They were convicted and executed. Many historians have pointed to this striking event as an example of the deep hatred underlying popular violence in the rebellion. The trials, however, were merely the most spectacular iteration of long-standing conflicts over transformations in animal husbandry between the Munster Plantation in the 1580s and the rebellion of the 1640s. The new pastoralism that emerged during these decades threatened traditional practices and landscapes while creating new vulnerabilities to poor weather and economic downturns. The combination of economic crises and harsh weather associated with the Little Ice Age exposed these vulnerabilities. The cow trials show that environmental forces shaped the 1641 Rebellion but demonstrate that historians assessing the impacts of climate and weather must attend to the social and economic contexts that produce vulnerability.
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Robinson, Morgan T. P. "An act ‘soe fowle and grievous’:1 contextualizing rape in the 1641 rebellion2." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 156 (November 2015): 595–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2015.27.

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AbstractThis study aims to critically re-evaluate existing explanations for the scale and significance of rape during the 1641 Rebellion in Ireland, using a contextual analysis of the legal testimonies of English Protestant settlers, known collectively as the ‘1641 Depositions’, analysing as far as possible the veracity of reports of rape, the circumstances in which rape occurred, and the identities of - and relationships between - victims and perpetrators. This study considers how women reported rape, comparing the Depositions to similar processes of legal testimony in early modern England. Rape perpetrated by combatants in contemporaneous conflicts is also considered, and the existence of - and adherence to - ad hoc codes of military conduct in Irish rebel ranks is investigated. Most reports of rape during the Rebellion appear highly credible, and almost all perpetrators were known to their victims as members of the same communities. There is a multiplicity of possible motivations for these crimes, with no clear pattern other than opportunism within situations where standards of ethical and military conduct were collectively ignored by rebel soldiers.
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Russell, Conrad. "The British Background to the Irish Rebellion of 1641." Historical Research 61, no. 145 (June 1, 1988): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1988.tb01058.x.

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Cunningham, John. "Anatomising Irish rebellion: the Cromwellian delinquency commissions, the books of discrimination and the 1641 depositions." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.3.

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AbstractThe recent digitisation of the 1641 depositions has opened up that large and controversial collection of manuscripts to renewed study. The significance of a substantial section of that archive generated in 1653–4 by the work of the Cromwellian delinquency commissions has hitherto been poorly understood. This article sheds new light on the workings of the commissions and on the ways in which the ‘delinquency depositions’ that they collected helped to shape the implementation of the Cromwellian and Restoration land settlements in Ireland. It also compares the Irish delinquency proceedings to the approach adopted by the Long Parliament in its dealings with royalists in England in the 1640s. In analysing the actual content of the depositions, the article focuses particular attention on County Wexford. The surviving delinquency depositions enable in-depth exploration of many facets of the 1641 rebellion and its aftermath in that region.
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Knox, Andrea. "Political Ideology in Ireland, 1541–1641 Hiram Morgan." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 2000): 1297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.464.1297.

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Knox, A. "Political Ideology in Ireland, 1541-1641 Hiram Morgan." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 1, 2000): 1297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.464.1297.

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Byrne, Fiachra, P. J. Duffy, Christine Casey, Rolf Loeber, James Kelly, Barry Sheppard, Dorice Williams Elliott, et al. "Reviews: The Cruelty Man: Child Welfare, the NSPCC and the State in Ireland, 1889–1956, Cavan History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County, Aspects of Irish Aristocratic Life: Essays on the FitzGeralds and Carton House, Irish Demesne Landscapes, 1660–1740, The Protestant Community in Ulster, 1825–45: A Society in Transition, A Formative Decade: Ireland in the 1920s, Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century Ireland, The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory, Death and Dying in Ireland, Britain and Europe: Historical Perspectives, Irish Women in Medicine, c.1880s–1920s: Origins, Education and Careers, Ireland, the United Nations and the Congo, Ireland, Africa and the End of Empire, The Last Cavalier: Richard Talbot (1631–91), Children, Childhood and Irish Society 1500 to the Present, Clerical and Learned Lineages of Medieval Co. Clare: A Survey of the Fifteenth-Century Papal Registers, Nathaniel Clements, 1705–77: Politics, Fashion and Architecture in Mid-Eighteenth-Century Ireland, Reforming Food in Post-Famine Ireland: Medicine, Science and Improvement, 1845–1922, Mayo History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County, The Welsh and the Shaping of Early Modern Ireland, Irish Agriculture Nationalised: The Dairy Disposal Company and the Making of the Modern Irish Dairy Industry, Revisionist Scholarship and Modern Irish Politics, The Life and Times of Sir Frederick Hamilton, 1590–1647." Irish Economic and Social History 42, no. 1 (December 2015): 150–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/iesh.42.1.8.

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Garnham, Neal. "Book Review: The Kingdom of Ireland, 1641-1760." European History Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 2006): 600–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691406068150.

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Whelan, Kevin. ":Improving Ireland? Projectors, Prophets and Profiteers, 1641–1786." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.482.

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Hannracháin, Tadhg Ó. "Review: Ireland from Independence to Occupation, 1641–1660." Irish Economic and Social History 23, no. 1 (September 1996): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939602300116.

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Linehan, Pádraig. "Review: Ireland from Independence to Occupation 1641–1660." Irish Economic and Social History 30, no. 1 (June 2003): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930303000116.

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o'Hara, David A. "English Newsbooks And The Outbreak Of The Irish Rebellion of 1641 [1]." Media History 9, no. 3 (December 2003): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1368880032000145524.

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Jordan, Donald, and Robert James Scally. "The End of Hidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine and Emigration." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 2 (1996): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205181.

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McElligott, Jason. "English Newsbooks and Irish Rebellion, 1641-1649, by David A. O’HaraEnglish Newsbooks and Irish Rebellion, 1641-1649, by David A. O’Hara. Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2006. 240 pp. €55/$80.00 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 43, no. 1 (April 2008): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.43.1.140.

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Power, Thomas P., and Robert James Scally. "The End of Hidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine, and Emigration." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 897. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650629.

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38

Shagan, Ethan Howard. "Constructing Discord: Ideology, Propaganda, and English Responses to the Irish Rebellion of 1641." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 1 (January 1997): 4–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386126.

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Historians such as Conrad Russell and Kevin Sharpe have recently stressed the “British” nature of the crisis which toppled Charles I's regime in the 1640s. England, these historians remind us, was not the first of Charles's three kingdoms to rebel but the last; the Scots rose in 1639–40, the Irish rose in the fall of 1641, but the English only belatedly followed suit in August 1642. They have thus suggested that the origins of the English Civil War cannot be explained within a purely English context but must be understood within the larger vortex of multinational British politics.This injection of the “British problem” into the historiographical debate may seem like a neutral intervention, but in practice it has been closely associated with the revisionist interpretation of the seventeenth century. Since the 1970s, revisionist historians have contended that early Stuart England was an ideologically stable society which collapsed only after a series of sudden, contingent events disrupted the existing consensus. They have thus been at pains to find short-term, nonideological explanations for the Civil War's outbreak or else face embarrassing charges that they have proven why there was no civil war in seventeenth-century England. The “British problem” has come into the debate as just such an explanation, as an answer to thorny questions about how such a violent storm as the English Civil War could have arisen out of clear skies. After all, if radicalized Scotsmen spread the language of confessional conflict and resistance theory across the border, as Sharpe has argued, then no internal explanation for the English Civil War is required.
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39

Ó hAnnracháin, Tadhg. "Religious Refugees or Confessional Migrants? Perspectives from Early Modern Ireland." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 6, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2005.

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Abstract Early Modern Ireland was a society deeply influenced by contrasting currents of mobility. Indeed, together with the Netherlands, it can be suggested that Ireland was the Western European society most shaped by confessional migration. Uniquely in Europe, the kingdom witnessed the effective replacement of its existing elites by immigrants whose religious affiliation marked them out as distinct from the mass of the inhabitants. As migrants into Ireland, Protestants derived substantial advantages from their religious identity. Ironically, however, it was the moment of their forced flight in 1641–42 which became a touchstone of historical memory and identity for this community, commemorated by an annual church service on 23 October, the date of the outbreak of the original rebellion. Similarly, for the Irish military, merchants and clerics who constituted the backbone of a very significant Irish Catholic diaspora during the Early Modern period, an inheritance of religious persecution became a vital and cherished aspect of identity and a critical aspect of the perception of them by their host societies, thus blurring the lines between the categories of religious refugees and confessional migrants.
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40

MAGINN, CHRISTOPHER. "THE BALTINGLASS REBELLION, 1580: ENGLISH DISSENT OR A GAELIC UPRISING?" Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (May 24, 2004): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003681.

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When news arrived in summer 1580 that James Eustace, third viscount Baltinglass, had entered into rebellion with Gaelic elements in Leinster, Tudor officials in Ireland could barely contain their mystification. How, they wondered, had this important Tudor noble, whose family had for centuries served as a bulwark against the menace of marauding Gaelic clans, become ‘so forgetful of himself’? In seeking to explain the rebellion historians too have sought to understand Eustace's motivation, and in so doing have come to emphasize his integral position in conceiving and leading the revolt. Yet this approach has obscured the rebellion's Gaelic dimension. The rebellion would not have been possible without the support of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles who sought to uproot the English county administration then being erected in place of their quasi-independent lordships. Fiach MacHugh O'Byrne emerged from this interest to become the rebellion's true strength and in August 1580 dealt a shattering defeat to the English army in Ireland.
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41

Mcnally, P. "Improving Ireland? Projectors, Prophets and Profiteers, 1641-1786, by Toby Barnard." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 521 (July 25, 2011): 948–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer160.

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42

Bottigheimer, Karl S., and Michael Maccarthy-Morogh. "The Munster Plantation: English Migration to Southern Ireland, 1583-1641." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869962.

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43

Hart, Peter. "Rebellion and Remembrance in Modern Ireland (review)." Victorian Studies 45, no. 4 (2003): 753–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2004.0020.

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44

McKay, Joanne. "Review: The Kingdom of Ireland, 1641–1760, British History in Perspective." Irish Economic and Social History 33, no. 1 (September 2006): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930603300114.

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45

John Gibney. "“Facts newly stated”: John Curry, the 1641 Rebellion, and Catholic Revisionism in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 1747–80." Éire-Ireland 44, no. 3-4 (2010): 248–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.0.0051.

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46

Ford, Alan. "John Gibney. The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.611.

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47

Connolly, S. J. "William Smith O'Brien and the Young Ireland Rebellion of 1848, Robert Sloan." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 2001): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.466.500.

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48

Connolly, S. J. "William Smith O'Brien and the Young Ireland Rebellion of 1848, Robert Sloan." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 1, 2001): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.466.500.

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49

Johnson, David. "Review: The End of Hidden Ireland: Rebellion, Famine and Emigration." Irish Economic and Social History 23, no. 1 (September 1996): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939602300120.

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50

McGuire, J. I. "The Church of Ireland: a critical bibliography, 1536–1992 Part III: 1641–90." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 112 (November 1993): 358–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011305.

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The history of the Church of Ireland between 1641 and 1690 has not excited much interest among historians over the past thirty years. It was not always so, and earlier generations of writers found more to describe or investigate in a period which saw effective disestablishment in the 1650s, restoration in the 1660s, and crisis in the later 1680s. Phillips devoted almost one hundred pages to these years: the 1640s and 1650s in the authoritative hands of St John D. Seymour, and the 1660s to 1680s (and beyond) covered by R. H. Murray. Mant’s History, published almost a century before Phillips, still provides a useful narrative and valuable quotations from primary sources. The much shorter treatment of J. T. Ball, first published in 1886, gave only 33 pages out of 305 to the period, but contained some perceptive comments. In other histories of the Church of Ireland the period receives more cursory treatment.
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