Relevant bibliographies by topics / Irish Foreign public opinion

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Irish Foreign public opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

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Fontijn, David, and David Van Reybrouck. "The luxury of abundance." Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 1 (July 1999): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001380.

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AbstractThe last decade has witnessed a significant increase in the number of comprehensive syntheses on Irish prehistory, both in terms of academic textbooks and popular accounts. The present review essay finds that these syntheses are highly convergent in terms of theme, scope, and theoretical underpinnings. Although large-scale migrations are rejected as explanations for culture change, Ireland is still perceived as the receptacle for foreign ideas and overseas inventions, whereby imports are not just introduced but also perfected in Ireland. We argue that a similar attitude can be noted in the perception of the history of Irish prehistory. This convergence and absence of overt polemics are explained by referring to the small size of the Irish archaeological community. The increase in syntheses is accounted for by a number of empirical preconditions, the theoretical climate of opinion, the institutional expansion of the discipline, the public impact of a rapidly changing natural and political landscape and the notion of an Irish identity.
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O'LEARY, BRENDAN. "PUBLIC OPINION AND NORTHERN IRISH FUTURES." Political Quarterly 63, no. 2 (April 1992): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1992.tb00891.x.

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Kennedy, Fiachra, and Richard Sinnott. "Irish Public Opinion toward European Integration." Irish Political Studies 22, no. 1 (March 2007): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180601157364.

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Cox, W. Harvey. "Public Opinion and the Anglo-Irish Agreement." Government and Opposition 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1987): 336–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x00700091.

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This article brings together a number of opinion surveys conducted in Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland in the aftermath of the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement at Hillsborough on 15 November 1985. In addition the fifteen by-elections of 23 January 1986 in Northern Ireland are treated as the referendum they were claimed to be by Unionists, and a brief assessment is given of the role played by the Agreement in the Irish Republic's general election of February 1987.
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Cox, W. Harvey. "Public Opinion and the Anglo-Irish Agreement." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1987): 336–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00059.x.

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O’Brien, Jennifer. "Irish public opinion and the Risorgimento, 1859–60." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 135 (May 2005): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000448x.

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In 1859–60 the Risorgimento culminated in the unification of Italy under King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont-Sardinia. Irish public opinion watched the process of unification with intense interest, largely because of the papacy’s involvement. The movement for unification directly threatened Pope Pius IX’s hold over the Papal States, and by 1860 he had lost all his dominions but Rome. As a result, Irish public opinion on the Risorgimento divided along the religious fault-line. Protestant identification with the struggle for unification was mirrored by passionate Catholic support for Pius IX, and Ireland’s longstanding religious animosities were projected onto the struggle between the pope and the Piedmontese. Perugia became Scullabogue, Spoleto Limerick. This sense of identification explains why events in Italy resonated so powerfully in Ireland. For religious ultras on both sides, the Risorgimento was essentially a religious struggle, a strategically important battle in the ongoing war between true religion and the powers of darkness.
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Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy." India Review 8, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.

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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

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Akor, Ambrose. "The media, public opinion and British foreign policy." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.

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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
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Gillen, Ultán. "Monarchy, republic and empire : Irish public opinion and France, c.1787-1804." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432121.

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Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.

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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.
Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
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Yarnell, Caroline Janet. "Is the Australian public ‘rational’ on foreign policy issues?" Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14427.

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The purpose of this thesis is to test the ‘rational public’ theory first espoused by Page and Shapiro (1988) for the Australian case. I aim to ascertain whether the Australian public, at the aggregate level, has the capacity to form ‘rational’ opinions on foreign policy issues. I do this by testing three major hypotheses using collective opinion data from the Australian Election Study (AES) 1987 – 2010: 1) opinion will be durable, or stable over time, 2) opinion will be coherent, and 3) opinion will respond reasonably, as predicted, to such triggers as changing international situations, elite cues, and particular events or trends. I found considerable support for all three hypotheses. Aggregate Australian opinion was as stable as US, Canadian, German, French, Italian, and Dutch opinion when using comparable measures, and more stable when using methods specific to the AES dataset. Opinion was also coherent, and, in most cases, responded to available directly and indirectly experienced triggers, as posited. I also performed a sub-set of tests for all three of these major hypotheses on the group of respondents who professed to have ‘no interest’ in politics, often referred to as the inattentive public, and found they held slightly less stable and coherent opinions overall, but were more responsive: results which lend further weight to the overall ‘rational public’ hypothesis. These results for the Australian case enable cross-national comparison to determine whether the ‘rational public’ thesis is generalisable, or whether it is dependent on such factors as a state’s position in the international system, its political institutions, or its political culture. I also envisage this thesis as providing a basis for further research into the functioning of Australian democracy as regards the public opinion, media, and policy-making nexus, incorporating further cross-national comparison. PAGE, B. I. & SHAPIRO, R. Y. 1988. Foreign policy and the rational public. Journal of conflict resolution, 32, 211-247.
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Yehia, Hanan. "I don't want to pay for that! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic: public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 /." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.

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Saksena, Mita. "Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.

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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames. The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion. Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.
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Casey, Ciarán Michael. "The failure of dissent : public opposition to Irish economic policy, 2000-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1c69c29-cc6a-4550-941d-465a4ee1d2b3.

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The Irish crash that began in 2008 has been described as one of the most dramatic economic reversals ever experienced by an industrialised country. There is a strong consensus about the economic roots of the crisis: the country experienced a classic asset bubble. Much more difficult to explain however, is how a mature democracy sleep-walked into a crisis that had so much precedent and in retrospect seems to have been so apparent. The policy decisions made in the boom period must shoulder much of the blame, but they were not created in a vacuum. This thesis systematically examines the discourse on the Irish economy from a broad range of commentators in the years prior to the crash, including international and domestic organisations, academics, the newspapers, and politicians. It demonstrates that key mainstream analysts anticipated how the property boom would end on the basis of estimated fundamental house prices and demand levels. This implicitly assumed that these fundamentals would remain strong as the boom abated, and ignored the potential for a market panic. By contrast, the most prescient analysts relied heavily on international precedent, and recognised that property price falls would be closely correlated with the increase observed during the boom. A key dimension of the discourse was therefore how the lessons of financial history were applied or disregarded. The Irish crash that began in 2008 has been described as one of the most dramatic economic reversals ever experienced by an industrialised country. There is a strong consensus about the economic roots of the crisis: the country experienced a classic asset bubble. Much more difficult to explain however, is how a mature democracy sleep-walked into a crisis that had so much precedent and in retrospect seems to have been so apparent. The policy decisions made in the boom period must shoulder much of the blame, but they were not created in a vacuum. This thesis systematically examines the discourse on the Irish economy from a broad range of commentators in the years prior to the crash, including international and domestic organisations, academics, the newspapers, and politicians. It demonstrates that key mainstream analysts anticipated how the property boom would end on the basis of estimated fundamental house prices and demand levels. This implicitly assumed that these fundamentals would remain strong as the boom abated, and ignored the potential for a market panic. By contrast, the most prescient analysts relied heavily on international precedent, and recognised that property price falls would be closely correlated with the increase observed during the boom. A key dimension of the discourse was therefore how the lessons of financial history were applied or disregarded.
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Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Books on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

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O'Regan, Veronica. Ireland and the Irish in Germany: Reception and perception. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2014.

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Affairs, Institute of European, ed. Knowledge of the European Union in Irish public opinion: Sources and implications. Dublin: Institute of European Affairs, 1995.

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Bogdan, Wagner, ed. Polska w oczach Irlandczykow: Poland through Irish eyes / collected and translated by Bogdan Wagner. Luyblin: Clio, 2001.

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McCracken, Donal P. The Irish pro-Boers, 1877-1902. Johannesburg: Perskor, 1989.

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McCracken, Donal. The Irish pro-Boers, 1877-1902. Johannesburg, South Africa: Perskor, 1989.

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Howe, Stephen. Ireland and empire: Colonial legacies in Irish history and culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

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Wilson, Andrew J. Irish-America and the Ulster Conflict, 1968-1995. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, 1995.

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Wilson, Andrew J. Irish-America and the Ulster Conflict, 1968-1995. Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1995.

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McCracken, Donal P. Forgotten protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation, 2003.

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McCracken, Donal P. Forgotten protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

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Casey, Steven. "Public Opinion." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 79–89. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-8.

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Kleinberg, Katja B. "Public Opinion Surveys." In Routledge Handbook of Foreign Policy Analysis Methods, 370–84. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003139850-28.

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Lantis, Jeffrey S., and Patrick Homan. "Public Opinion and the Media." In US Foreign Policy in Action, 258–80. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-11.

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Clements, Ben. "Religion and Foreign Policy." In Religion and Public Opinion in Britain, 197–232. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137313591_7.

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "Defence, Foreign Affairs and Public Opinion." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 1–15. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_1.

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Lantis, Jeffrey S., and Patrick Homan. "Public Opinion and the Media in Action." In US Foreign Policy in Action, 281–98. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109570-12.

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "Confidence in Defence and Foreign Policy." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 17–41. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_2.

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Holsti, Ole R. "American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy after September 11: The Iraq War." In Public Participation in Foreign Policy, 41–78. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367180_3.

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Callister, Graeme. "Introduction: Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, 1785–1815." In War, Public Opinion and Policy in Britain, France and the Netherlands, 1785-1815, 1–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49589-7_1.

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "The Alliance with the United States." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 43–76. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

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Li, Chunfang, Mengqi Liu, and Ke Li. "The Public Opinion Analysis of Chinese and Foreign Remake Movies." In 2019 IEEE/ACIS 18th International Conference on Computer and Information Science (ICIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icis46139.2019.8940344.

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Salsabila, Sandrina, and Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.

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Ramadhony, Farid. "The Jakarta Bandung High-Speed Rail Project 2008-2015, China Investment, Public Opinion and Foreign Policy-Making Process." In Proceedings of the 1st Pedagogika International Conference on Educational Innovation, PICEI 2022, 15 September 2022, Gorontalo, Indonesia. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2022.2335940.

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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Iza Gigauri, and Valentina Vasile. "Foreign Direct Investment and Competitiveness. Evidences from Romanian Economy." In 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/04.

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The activity of companies with foreign capital is more often in the center of attention of the public opinion, researchers and public authorities considering the positive effects but also the negative externalities that it generates on the economies of the host countries. With the liberalization of capital movements, FDI was consider the panacea that could solve all economic, environmental and social problems in the host less developed countries, but the reality is much more complex. In order to test if foreign direct investment (FDI) is caused by competitiveness in case of Romania, we considered FDI inflows externalities for national economy, net inflows (% of GDP) and Competitiveness index for the time period 2007-2018. The econometric methodology used to model FDI and Competitiveness Index is Granger Causality. The results of the study suggest that there is a unidirectional causality, flowing from Competitiveness Index to foreign direct investment. Thus, in case of Romania, foreign direct investment represents the result of competitiveness, FDI does not influence Competitiveness index.
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LIU, WENQING. "STUDY ON CROSS-CULTURAL COMMUNICATION FUNCTION OF NORTH-CHINA HERALD IN THE 1860S." In 2023 9TH INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON SOCIAL SCIENCE. Destech Publications, Inc., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12783/dtssehs/isss2023/36072.

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North China Herald is the first commercial English newspaper founded by British businessmen in Shanghai. Its editorial group is closely related to the British business community. Based on the historical materials of North China Herald's newspapers and magazines, this study discusses the role of public opinion in modern British trade with China and analyzes the basic views of foreign businessmen on China. Focusing on the interpretation of the historical materials of the North China Herald, this paper collates the public opinion of the North China Herald towards China after the Second Opium War, studies the changes in the attitude and position of foreign businessmen towards China at that time, and judges the function realization of North China Herald in cross-cultural communication.
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Fitzpatrick, N. "33 A qualitative analysis of cardiology practitioner opinion regarding the benefits, adverse effects and challenges associated with the potential introduction of public reporting of physician events and results (PROPER) to ireland." In Irish Cardiac Society Annual Scientific Meeting & AGM (Virtual), October 1st – 3rd 2020. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and British Cardiovascular Society, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/heartjnl-2020-ics.33.

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Ionita, Mirela, and Veronica Pastae. "OBSOLESCENCE AND THE E-LEARNING ELEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF TEACHING AND ACQUIRING FOREIGN LANGUAGES." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-081.

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The “lifespan” of a textbooks is dependent on a wide range of factors-of linguistic, social, psychological, technological and even political nature. These factors have implications in the selling process, in the socio-cultural impact, as well as in the erosion of a textbook. The e-learning element is the latest feature added to the process of teaching and acquiring foreign languages. However, it seems to be the subject of high-speed changes and reshaping. These complex phenomena are in connection with the rapid technological progress and evolution of the society itself. Hence some challenging questions arise: how should traditional way of learning blend with these new trends and how could the obsolescence factor affecting both textbooks and e-learning be best estimated and dealt with? 1.1. The lifespan of any textbook is limited to some extent. Both contents and graphics are perishable. Designed for teaching and learning purposes, any textbook is bound to become obsolete in the end. The viability of a textbook is in close connection with its usage - after this it becomes outdated. Quality is a dynamic feature constantly affected by the passage of time. 1.2. Language textbooks tailored for teaching and learning purposes are, in our opinion, a special kind of educational outcome. The market provides at least two types of products: school textbooks and independent methods, which are not restricted in any way by official curricula. Despite the fact that both these products are vulnerable and subject to change, school textbooks are the ones primarily altered by educational policies. 1.2.1. We will focus solely on those textbooks addressed to a public that is willing (not forced) to learn foreign languages. Regardless of the age group it targets (for instance, children, teenagers, adults) or their degree of proficiency (beginner, intermediate, advanced), such a textbook has to be accepted; it cannot be imposed. Consequently, its potential beneficiary can be extrapolated beyond borders, but not beyond time.
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Bularca, Maria Cristina, Claudiu Coman, Luiza Mesesan Schmitz, Doina Draguinea, and Radu Tudorica. "THE ROLE OF ONLINE MEDIA CHANNELS IN PORTRAYING THE EFFECTS OF THE COVID-19 VACCINE." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s10.100.

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During the COVID -19 pandemic, among other institutions, mass media has played an essential role in disseminating information about the evolution of the pandemic, but also in shaping peoples� opinion about the COVID - 19 vaccine. The purpose of our paper was to identify the way online media channels portrayed the positive and negative effects of the COVID � 19 vaccines in order to raise awareness regarding the importance of analyzing the subject from several perspectives. We considered such an analysis to be both necessary and relevant, because often, exposure to mass � media can determine people to develop certain beliefs and to act in specific ways. We were interested in identifying which types of vaccines were presented in a more positive manner, and in identifying similarities and differences between the approaches of Romanian and foreign online media channels. Content analysis was used as a method, while having as a research instrument a content analysis grid. The sample of the research includes 5 official websites of Romanian media channels and 5 official websites of foreign media channels. The analysis period was: August 2020 - October 2020. The results of our research revealed that online media presented the COVID -19 vaccines both from a positive and negative perspective, the vaccines discussed most being the Russian vaccines, AstraZeneca and the Chinese vaccines. The context in which the vaccines was described most were represented by: effectiveness of vaccines and side effects. Considering the theoretical and practical implications, from a theoretical point of view, the paper contributes to the literature on the effects and influence of mass � media. From a practical point of view, the paper can be used as a frame of reference for further studying the influence of the messages sent through online media about the COVID � 19 vaccines on the public.
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Zhang, Zhenhua, and Li Zhu. "Research on Improving the Science Popularization System of Nuclear-Related Projects in China." In 2022 29th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone29-90546.

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Abstract Nuclear power itself has the characteristics of safety, cleanliness and high efficiency, but due to the professional particularity of nuclear energy and the people’s lack of knowledge about nuclear energy, it leads to the “social amplification of risks” in nuclear-related projects. Some basic data in the discipline of nuclear safety and radiation protection are analyzed, and the effects of the nuclear power chain on health, environment and climate were compared with those of the coal power chain and then the advantages of the nuclear energy industry are given. The article also compares and analyzes the nuclear energy risks and other risks, and analyzes the reasons for the public misunderstanding and fear of nuclear and radiation accidents (events). Now there are many problems existing in the nuclear science popularization work, such as the trend that the risk of nuclear-related projects is easy to be amplified by the society hinders the process of the nuclear energy industry to some extent. Also there are many deficiencies of support and popularization, and many problems in the development of high-quality popular science teaching materials and models and the cultivation and sharing of high-quality resources. Based on the above analysis, it is proposed that nuclear power science popularization should make precise efforts, distinguish groups, take measures according to people, classified implementation and precise communication. Specific suggestions and measures have the following aspects: Multilevel nuclear science education should be carried out and it includes nuclear science for nuclear experts and non-nuclear experts (including educators), nuclear science for government staff and public opinion media, and nuclear science for the public; At the same time, it is necessary to improve the form of nuclear science education, and we will actively and extensively carry out popular science activities that are practical, close to the people, distinctive and effective and establish a long-term nuclear science education mechanism; Drawing on foreign experience to accelerate the formulation of China’s atomic energy law, and clarify the status of public participation in the law. So as to improve the legal and regulatory system, improve the public participation system, and strengthen the capacity building of the information disclosure platform.
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Reports on the topic "Irish Foreign public opinion"

1

Bourbeau, Elizabeth A. Public Opinion: The Neglected Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394013.

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2

Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
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Brown-Grossman, Flor, and Lilia Domínguez-Villalobos. Can Mexico Set Up in the Aerospace and the Software and IT Global Value Chains as a High-Value-Added Player? Inter-American Development Bank, November 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011457.

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This study is an effort to identify the process by which firms venture into GVCs and the obstacles faced by firms once they have been immersed in it. We have focused on two particular GVCs: the aerospace GVC and the software and IT services GVC. Through the case studies, we analyzed the nature of inter-firm linkages and how they affected the potential of scaling up by local suppliers in the value-added chain, the particular role of firms in the value chain in Mexico and the achievements and limitations of governmental policies as tools to facilitate the entrance of MNCs' subsidiaries and to create the conditions for the entrance and scaling up of local firms in the value chain. We found that geopolitical factors were important, in particular NAFTA, but these advantages are only part of explanation for the insertion of Mexican industry in both GVCs. In our opinion, this could not have happened without an effort of public policy at different levels to attain this goal on the part of the Mexican government. Nevertheless, there is a notorious unbalance between efforts to secure investment from foreign firms and certification and long-term financing initiatives. In our view, the latter has not been properly addressed and it is a major problem for the scaling up of local firms in the value chain.
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