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1
Fanning, David F. "Irish Republican literature 1968-1998 "Standing on the Threshold of Another Trembling World" /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1068495916.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 251 p. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor:, Dept. of. Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-245).
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Fanning, David Francis. "Irish Republican Literature 1968-1998: “Standing on the Threshold of Another Trembling World”." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1068495916.
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Barboza, Avery R. "The Irish Republican Army: An Examination of Imperialism, Terror, and Just War Theory." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2157.
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Analysis of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and their actions in the 1970s and 1980s offer insight into their use of just war theory in their conflict with the British government and ultra-loyalist Protestant forces in Northern Ireland. The historiography of Irish history is defined by its phases of nationalism, revisionism, and anti-revisionism that cloud the historical narrative of imperialism and insurgency in the North. Applying just war theory to this history offers a more nuanced understanding of the conflict of the Troubles and the I.R.A.’s usage of this framework in their ideology that guided their terrorism in the latter half of the twentieth century. The murders of influential members of British society and the I.R.A.’s statements on these events further posit just war theory as a guiding force of this group. In 1980-1981 the I.R.A. staged hunger strikes in the H Block of Long Kesh Prison and the writings of their leader Bobby Sands continued their use of just war theory in their efforts to be granted Special Category Status. This work concludes that the I.R.A. utilized just war theory throughout this period and that it was a guiding force of their ideology. It contributes a more nuanced analysis of just war theory and its applications to the I.R.A.’s struggles against the British. Ultimately, it demonstrates how this theory was used by this insurgent movement to claim legitimacy, defend their actions, and frame their anti-imperialist movement as a necessary means to combatting British forces.
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Oppenheimer, Rachel Alayna. "Of Prisons and Polities: The Black Panther Party, Irish Republican Army and Radical Socio-Political organization, 1966-1983." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2017. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/979.
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This dissertation uses the idea of a moral polity as an organizing concept to help understand how the Irish Republican Army and Black Panther Party understood their own actions and the imprisonment of large numbers of their members. In referring to the “moral polity” this study describes socio-political structures and relations created by people who are animated by a series of collectively held ideas about how authorities and populations should interact. The collectively held ideas that provide the foundation for a moral polity emphasize reciprocities between authorities and a population living under those authorities, fairness and justice between these two parties, and trust between the authorities and that population. Moral Polities promote human dignity and the welfare of the community, and the beliefs that undergird them are formed in opposition to established socio-political structures. The first chapters reveal the moral polities created by the BPP and IRA, looking first at precursors of these moral polities and then focusing on the opposition their creators faced from the governments and security forces of the United States, Northern Ireland, and Britain. As the Panthers and IRA espoused a radical reordering of society based on their collectively held beliefs, they threatened power structures who resorted to counterintelligence and internment without trial in their attempts to quell the threats they saw coming from the BPP an IRA, which in turn resulted in in large numbers of prisoners. The last chapters examine the decline of the Black Panther Party and the rise of the Irish republican prisoner. The BPP was unable to overcome the divisions within their party which the FBI exploited in the years before 1973. This left them unable to uphold the moral polity they had created around chapters across the nation. Although some members of the Party struggled to keep the Party and its envisioned society afloat, the BPP did not last beyond 1982. Conversely, when British authorities revoked special category status in Northern Irish prisons, and therefore, destroyed the IRA’s reordering of prison society, the IRA embarked on five years of sustained protest which resulted in a recreation of their moral polity.
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Finnegan, Patrick. "Developing cohesion in non-state militaries : a case study of the Provisional IRA." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32785.
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This work is based on the belief that the Provisional IRA developed its combat effectiveness through enhancing its small-unit effectiveness. Although PIRA ultimately failed in its objective to reunify Ireland, it successfully waged a thirty-year long campaign against the British military. The current state of terrorism studies does not explain how this was possible. It can explain the development of PIRA’s strategy, membership type and weapons used but it lacks sufficient explanation of small-unit dynamics. By drawing on the ideas of Huntington and King, among others, this work argues that PIRA successfully professionalised its small-unit tactics and this was the source of its increased effectiveness. By examining changes in structure, training, specialisation, motivation and identity it will be possible to demonstrate whether professionalism did have an effect. Ultimately, the findings of this research will provide an example for others to follow in their efforts to understand past and present terror threats.
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London, William H. "Politics and Paint: Murals, Memory, and Archives in Northern Ireland, 1968-1998." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1469988055.
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Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.
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Scott, Shannon. "The once and future Bobby Sands : a critique of the material rhetorical appeal of the 1981 hunger strike in Long Kesh Prison /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6159.
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Page, Michael von Tangen. "The IRA, Sinn Fein and the hunger strike of 1981." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14348.
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This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.
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Arakon, Maya. "Les mouvements indépendantistes armés et la sécurité de l'Union européenne, spécialement l'IRA, l'ETA et le FLNC." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007STR30012.
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La question du terrorisme est celle qui préoccupe l'Europe surtout après les évènements du 11 septembre 2001. Au terrorisme international s'ajoute le terrorisme séparatiste qui est un débat au coeur de l'Union européenne depuis de longues années. La problématique de cette thèse est de comprendre comment les trois groupes indépendantistes, à savoir l'IRA, l'ETA et le FLNC, ont pu mener un combat armé depuis des décennies en une Europe fortifiée par des mesures spécifiques antiterroristes et des droits spécialement élaborés pour une coopération étroite entre les états membres de l'Union européenne en matière de sécurité. La thèse essaie en même temps d'analyser, d'une méthode comparative, le fait ethnique dans les trois grands pays de l'Union : la France, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Espagne, et la dérive de cette particularité ethnique vers une violence parfois aveugleThe question of terrorism is the one which concerns Europe especially after the events of September 11, 2001. Within the European Union, beside the question of the international terrorism, there is another one. The terrorism independentist, which is a debate withon the European Union for decades. The point of these thesis is to understand how are the three groups independentist, such as the IRA, the ETA and the FLNC, could lead an armed struggle for years in Europe fortified by special measures antiterrorist and law specially elaborated for a better and closer cooperation between the member states of the European union on European security. The thesis tries in the same time to analyse, in a comparative way, the ethnic issue in three great powers of Europe : France, the Great Britain and Spain, and the drift of this ethnical particularity towards a violence sometimes blind
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Mahoney, Justin R. Spinello Michael J. "Population-centric intelligence, repression, and the cycles of contention." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FMahoneyR.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Lee, Doowan. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-133). Also available in print.
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Lynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.
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The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "Expériences de guerre et retours à la vie civile des combattants irlandais, 1914-1928." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040200.
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Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattanteThis research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience
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Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
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L’Irish Republican Army (IRA), le principal groupe paramilitaire républicain, fut fondé en 1969. Dès lors, il lutta contre la présence britannique en Irlande du Nord et pour la réunification de l’île d’Irlande. Le désarmement de l’IRA, considéré comme irréalisable jusqu’en 2001, s’accomplit pourtant bel et bien entre 2001 et 2005 dans le cadre du processus de paix. Le 26 septembre 2005, l’IRA avait officiellement déposé les armes. Quels mécanismes avaient alors permis, au sein du processus de paix nord-irlandais, d’aboutir à la "mise hors d’état de nuire" de l’arsenal de l’IRA qui déclarait pourtant encore en 1998 qu’il n’accepterait pas de rendre les armes ? Comme l’annonce le titre de cette thèse, trois questions sous-tendent notre analyse : quels étaient les enjeux de l’abandon de la violence et du désarmement pour l’IRA et le Sinn Féin durant tout le processus de paix ? Quelle était la portée symbolique du désarmement pour le groupe armé clandestin et pour le mouvement républicain dans son ensemble ? Enfin, quels mécanismes, tant diplomatiques que psychologiques, avaient pu convaincre l’IRA d’abandonner la violence puis de désarmer ? À la demande du groupe clandestin, la nature du dispositif de désarmement et le nombre d’armes détruites demeurent confidentiels. Cette étude ne prétend donc pas révéler des secrets d’État, mais bien de mettre en évidence la dynamique du processus qui a mené l’IRA de la violence armée à l’abandon des armesThe Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "Expériences de guerre et retours à la vie civile des combattants irlandais, 1914-1928." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040200.
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Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattanteThis research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience
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Arènes, Claire. "Le programme PREVENT et les musulmans en Grande-Bretagne, enjeux et contradictions de la "prévention du terrorisme"." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030119.
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Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005, commis par quatre musulmans britanniques, placent la « radicalisation endogène », processus menant des Britanniques à apporter leur soutien au terrorisme, au centre des préoccupations du gouvernement. Cette recherche s’intéresse au paradoxe que constitue le programme de prévention de l’extrémisme violent (Prevent) formulé après ces attentats : supposé remédier au « manque d’intégration » des communautés musulmanes britanniques dans l’ethos national, il encourage de fait le financement d’initiatives portées par ou pour les musulmans. D’autre part, il prétend œuvrer à la construction de relations de confiance entre musulmans et institutions britanniques, mais place ces relations sous le prisme du contre-terrorisme. Le programme Prevent se place donc sous le signe d’une double ambivalence : renforcement d’une identité exclusive musulmane au lieu de faire primer une identité civique britannique, et « sécuritarisation » des rapports entre musulmans et institutions plutôt que construction d’une relation de confiance. Ce travail postule que ce décalage s’explique par la résurgence d’un cadre différentialiste propre à la Grande-Bretagne, où la société est vue comme composée de groupes ethno-culturels distincts. Ce cadre de pensée, qui a constitué la base des politiques de gestion de la diversité, a été réinvesti par les politiques de contre-terrorisme après 2005 pour « gagner les cœurs et les esprits » des populations dont se réclament les terroristes, et remobilisé par les acteurs de la mise en œuvre de Prevent à l’échelon local. Ce sont les apories de Prevent que sonde ce travail de thèse, en inscrivant cette stratégie dans la filiation des politiques de sécurité et de gestion de la diversité britanniques, et en la confrontant à sa mise en œuvre sur le terrainIn the wake of the July 7, 2005 London bombings, perpetrated by four British Muslims, the British government devised a policy, Prevent, aimed at preventing “home-grown radicalisation”, that is to say the process by which young Britons come to support and possibly engage in acts of terrorism. This work focusses on two contradictions embedded in Prevent. First, this policy is meant to facilitate the cultural integration of Muslims into the national community, but works in practice as a new mono-ethnic funding stream for which only associations headed by or working with Muslims can apply. Second, it aims at enhancing institutional engagement with Muslims but narrows down such engagement to counter-terrorism purposes. Therefore, Prevent reinforces exclusive forms of identification to a Muslim communal identity instead of favouring inclusion in a wider civic community, and it securitises institutional relations with Muslims rather than fostering trust. It is argued here that such contradictions arise from the legacy of previous approaches of ethnic diversity management in Britain, which are based on the assumption that society is made of distinct groups (communities) defined by their ethnicity. This culturalist pattern, which has been key in the building of anti-discrimination legislation and measures to support cultural diversity, has been reinvested lately by counter-terrorism policies aimed at “winning the hearts and minds” of the populations whose support is sought by the terrorists. It has then been reinforced by the practice of fieldworkers involved in the implementation of Prevent at the local level. This work discusses the implications of the paradoxical nature of the Prevent strategy, tracing it back to the legacy of previous policies and contrasting it with its implementation on the ground
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Poggioli, Pierre. "IRA (Irlande) ETA ( Pays Basque) FLNC (Corse) : analyse comparative." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32024.
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Irlande (IRA) Pays basque (ETA) Corse (FLNC) : Analyse comparativeTrois luttes de libération au cœur de l’Europe contemporaineEn ce début de XXIème siècle, trois Etats membres de la CEE, la Grande-Bretagne, l’Espagne et la France, sont confrontés depuis des décennies à une forte contestation de leurs prérogatives de souveraineté, en Irlande du Nord, au Pays basque et en Corse. Cette contestation, se situant dans une perspective de libération nationale, s’exprime par une action politique publique, mais aussi par une action armée dans le cadre d’une lutte clandestine. Nous nous proposons de procéder à l’histoire comparée des trois organisations utilisant la violence armée comme moyen d’expression et d’action politique : l’IRA, l’ETA et le FLNC. Pour comprendre leurs similitudes et leurs différences, nous contextualiserons chacune d’elles au sein de l’ensemble de la lutte contestataire nationaliste menée en Irlande du Nord, au pays basque et en Corse, nées toutes trois d’une histoire au profil très dissemblable. Parallèlement à l’évolution du discours et de l’action de ces mouvements armés, nous analyserons les répercussions sur la situation politique dans les trois territoires concernés, entre répression menée par les Etats-nations et recherche d’une « solution négociée » pour régler ces conflits. Dans une 1ère partie, nous présenterons brièvement la genèse de ces « trois nations sans Etat », l’Irlande du Nord, le Pays basque et la Corse, et leur histoire respective conduisant à la création de ces mouvements armés au profil politique très différent, comme sont également très différents les modèles étatiques britannique, espagnol et français. Dans un 2ème temps, nous tâcherons de mettre en exergue, la place particulière de ces organisations armées au sein de chacune des trois contestations nationalistes ancrées dans ces territoires. Enfin, nous soulignerons leur rôle central dans les évolutions politiques de ces territoires et les conséquences induites par les solutions envisagées ou mises en œuvre, pour ces mouvements même, mais aussi pour les Etats-nations concernés qu’ils remettent en causeIreland (IRA) Basque country (ETA) Corsica (FLNC): Comparative analysisThree liberation struggles in today’s heart of Europe.In this early 21st century, three member states of the European community:Great Britain, Spain and France have been facing for decades a strong protest against their sovereignty’s prerogatives, in Northern Ireland, Basque Country and Corsica. These protests aiming towards a national liberation perspective, express themselves through public political action but also through undercover military action. We will compare the history of these three undercover organisations, using military actions as a mean of expression and political action: IRA/ETA / FLNC. To understand their likenesses and their differencies, we will contextualise each of them within the dissent nationalist struggle as a whole in Northern Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, all three of them issued from a very different History. Concurrently to the speech evolution and armed actions of these movements, we will analyse the consequences on the political situation in the three concerned territories, between state repression and search of a negociated solution to settle these conflicts. In the first part we shall briefly present the genesis of these three “nations without State”, Ireland, Basque country and Corsica, and their respective history leading to the birth of these armed movments very different in their profiles, like very different are the political state systems in Great Britain Spain and France. In the second part we shall try to highlight the specific position of these military organisations within the three nationalist dissents established in these territories. At last we shall underlign their essential role in the political evolution of these territories and the consequences induced by the proposed or acted solutions for these but also for the states they are fighting against
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Bazin, Cécile. "Images du conflit politique nord-irlandais dans le cinéma." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030098.
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Cette étude porte sur les films qui traitent du conflit politique nord-irlandais de 1968 à 1998 et elle entend mettre en lumière les relations entre le cinéma et l’évolution de ce conflit. Le cinéma, dans sa construction discursive, à sa travers sa voix indépendante et sa portée populaire, offre un véhicule unique pour l’exploration des Troubles et du processus de paix. Les films sur les Troubles, réalisés pendant cette période, abordent principalement l’IRA dans ses rapports avec l’Angleterre, tandis que les films sortis pendant le processus de paix reflètent la remise en question identitaire, avec entre autres, des membres de l’IRA qui, dans leur quête d’identité, se détournent de la violence politique. Les comédies qui datent du processus de paix dénoncent, de manière ironique, la violence politique des Troubles et illustrent l’espoir que génère ce processus en libérant progressivement l’Irlande du Nord de la violence. Ces films, réalisés pour la plupart pendant le processus de paix - qui repense les rapports anglo-irlandais et les relations entre les deux communautés en Irlande du Nord - se focalisent sur l’un des acteurs du conflit : la communauté catholique (les nationalistes et les républicains) et ses liens avec les Britanniques. Les rapports intercommunautaires sont peu abordés et la communauté protestante, relativement absente de l’image, n’est évoquée qu’à travers les loyalistes. Si ces films explorent principalement la perspective catholique, certains d’entre eux se concentrent sur les victimes catholiques d’événements particuliers des Troubles et ces films proposent une version alternative à l’histoire officielle, conférant au cinéma la fonction de source historique mais aussi de lieu de mémoire des victimes. Ainsi, le cinéma ne retranscrit pas seulement l’histoire de façon figée mais s’intègre dans l’évolution de la situation en Irlande du NordThis study centres on films dealing with the political conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1998 and attempts to trace the relationship between cinema and this ongoing conflict. Through its discursive construction, its independent voice and its popular reach, cinema provides a unique vehicle for the exploration of the Troubles and the peace process. The films about the Troubles, shot during this period, look mainly at the IRA and its relationship with England. The films made during the peace process reflect the question of identity - a central facet of the peace process - by representing, for example, some members of the IRA engaged in the search for their identity turning away from political violence. The comedies - also made during the peace process - use irony to denounce the political violence of the Troubles and depict the hope that the peace process generates. These films, mostly shot during the peace process which reconsiders t! he East-West relations and the internal relations in Northern Ireland between the two communities, focus primarily on the catholic community [nationalists and republicans] in its relationship with the British. Intercommunal relations appear rarely in films and the protestant community, relatively absent from the screen, is represented almost exclusively by loyalist paramilitaries. Therefore these films display a certain interest for the catholic point of view and some of them concentrate on catholic victims of specific events of the Troubles and offer an alternative to the official version of history endowing cinema with a role as historical source and also as a space for the memory of the victims. Thus, cinema does not only retranscribe history in a static way but takes part in the changes going on in Northern Ireland
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McPherson, Jared L. "Indefinite Detention as a Democratic Counterterrorism Policy." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416091531.
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Schuetz, Laurence N. "Arms transfers to the Irish Republican Army." Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/22202.
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This thesis describes the arms transfer relationships of a non-governmental organization, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Open source information is used to develop models of munitions, financial and training relationships. These models are then explained in terms of (1) systemic influences, (2) supplier rationales, objectives and interests, and (3) recipient demand factors. Finally, the implications of these relationships are briefly addressed in the summary and conclusions. The closing section also includes suggestions for future research, based upon an assessment of (1) possible sources of detailed arms transfer data, and (2) methodological challenges. (Author)
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SEDLÁČKOVÁ, Pavla. "The One Island, One Republic Policy of the Irish Republican Army/Jeden ostrov, jedna republika: Vývoj politiky Irské republikánské armády." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-47853.
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Duncan, James Carl. "The Irish Republican Army and the extradition of its members by the United States." Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/5028.
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Wright, Joanne. "Terrorist propaganda : the Red Army Faction and the Provisional IRA, 1968-1986." Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129371.
Full textAbstract:
In Western Europe, the late 1960's saw the emergence of many non-state terrorist
groups. Twenty years later several of these groups are still in existence, and still
perpetrating terrorist acts. This thesis explores some of the factors facilitating this
survival. It concentrates on relating the ideologies and propaganda of two terrorist
groups, the Red Army Faction and the Provisional IRA, to their wider operating
environment. It concludes that there have been limited instances where the relationship
between the two has been close, and terrorists have enjoyed success.
The first part of this thesis addresses the question of why the terrorists are
rejecting the society in which they live, and what alternative they are proposing? It
focuses on ideology and ideological sources. The second part of the thesis asks to whom
and what are the terrorists trying to communicate? It analyses the propaganda of both
groups within a framework of target audiences; the uncommitted, the sympathetic and the
active. The third part of this thesis evaluates the success of both groups' propaganda. It
assesses to what degree the terrorists' messages penetrated the target audiences, and to
what extent they were accepted. The thesis concludes that in the case of the Red Army Faction, although
propaganda is consistent with ideological objectives, ideological objectives are not
widely accepted, and even in those areas where the Red Army Faction did achieve
success, the linkage with ideological objectives is weak.. The Provisional IRA's
ideological objectives are also consistent with its propaganda, but are much more widely
accepted than the RAF's. This explains why the Provisional IRA has been comparatively
more successful.
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Lafond, Marie-Hélène. "Le désarmement de l'Irish Republican Army : de la lutte paramilitaire à la lutte politique." Mémoire, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4174/1/M12186.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Peu d'études se penchent sur la démilitarisation de l'Irish Republican Army et la poursuite de sa lutte dans l'arène politique. Deux raisons m'ont poussée à étudier le conflit nord-irlandais. D'abord, il est intéressant d'étudier une organisation paramilitaire qui possède un lien symbiotique, une attache historique à un parti politique, le Sinn Fein, dont certains membres ont combattu dans ses rangs, sont présents à l'Assemblée nationale nord-irlandaise et agissent à titre de politiciens reconnus en Irlande du Nord. De plus, les relations internationales du 21e siècle créent d'importantes réflexions sur le phénomène de groupes paramilitaires politisés et le cas de l'Irish Republican Army est souvent repris par professeurs et journalistes comme exemple d'une victoire face à un groupe paramilitaire extrémiste. On insiste toutefois sur le fait qu'inclure la branche armée nord-irlandaise dans les négociations de paix relève d'une exception plutôt qu'une règle dans la lutte contre ces groupes. Pour bien des experts et des politiciens, il s'agit autant d'un modèle à suivre qu'à bannir dans cette lutte où la nostalgie du temps de la bonne vieille IRA semble incomparable aux demandes inaccessibles et à la terreur irréelle qu'engendre certains groupes paramilitaires d'aujourd'hui. Ainsi, dans ce travail, nous nous intéressons à la relation qu'entretient l'IRA auprès de sa branche politique, le Sinn Fein comme facteur principal contribuant à la démilitarisation du groupe paramilitaire. On se rend compte qu'une série de dynamiques sont à réunir afin d'encourager, voire de forcer, le dépôt des armes de l'IRA. Comme première dynamique, il est alors essentiel que la branche politique domine la branche paramilitaire. Pour ce faire, d'importants bouleversements internes bousculent la structure du mouvement afin que la branche politique contrôle la branche paramilitaire. De plus, la deuxième dynamique entraîne la branche politique à bénéficier d'une place au sein même des négociations de paix. Finalement, comme troisième dynamique, le soutien, voire la reconnaissance, de la communauté internationale, à la branche politique permet d'affirmer que la branche politique, le Sinn Fein, a subordonné la lutte armée de l'IRA.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Irish Republican Army, Sinn Fein, Accord de Belfast, démilitarisation.
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"Terrorist waves and corresponding terrorist groups: a comparative analysis of the IRA, FARC and AL QAEDA." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/1371.
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M.A.For the past 135 years, four waves of terrorism have arisen. Sparked by various circumstances, the Anarchist, Anti-Colonial, New Left and Religious Waves have plagued the international system. Emerging from these waves are five types of terrorist groups, namely national-separatists, social revolutionaries, religious fundamentalists, religious extremists and right wing groups. Terrorism is therefore not a new phenomenon, but the events of recent years have reflected a dramatic change in its scale and destruction. The 11 September 2001 attacks have precipitated a swell in terrorist literature, especially in the field of counter-terrorism strategy. However, sufficient in-depth analysis of individual terrorist groups remains lacking. In an effort to better understand the workings of terrorism, this study presents a comparative analysis of three terrorist groups originating in three consecutive and overlapping waves of terror. The groups are the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and Al Qaeda. This study investigates the similarities and differences between the groups and addresses specific aspects of terrorist group analysis, which are important tools of clarification. The “why” of the group is reflected in its historical and socio-political context. The “what” and “how” are explained through the group’s organisation, characteristics and operational methods. Terrorists cannot operate in a vacuum and consequently the actors affecting the groups are also explored. Finally, international responses to the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda are examined in an effort to determine whether these reactions have any impact on the workings of the groups. A main finding of the study is that despite overt differences there are many underlying similarities between the IRA, FARC and Al Qaeda and although terrorism is dynamic, common indicators do exist that may aid efforts to counter it. If the international community or indeed individual states are to combat terrorist activity, their principal objective should be to understand the terrorist’s background, ambitions and means. The present inquiry is designed with these aspects in mind and is intended to contribute to the field.
Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys